^{page 126 note 1} Perhaps near Nazzano where an early milestone was found, C.I.L. xi, 2, 6616 ( = i, 633) which Bormann ascribes to the Via Tiberina. Strabo (v, p. 225) puts Feronia ὑπὸ τῷ Σωρακτῷ ὄρει. For the ‘Lucus Feroniae,’ see Miss Taylor, L. R. in J.R.S. vol. x, 29seqGoogle Scholar. (with map).

^{page 126 note 2} Plut. Marcellus, 4; Zonar. viii, 20; cf. Liv. xxi, 63.

^{page 127 note 1} Cf. T. Frank, Roman Imperialism, pp. 62–3. Flaminius was a political successor of Appius Claudius, the pioneer of Roman road-building.

^{page 127 note 2} πεδίαδα καὶ πυρόΦορον οῦσαν (App. B. C. i, 89, 6); cf. Colum iii, 3, 2, on its fertility.

^{page 127 note 3} Ariminum in these wars: Polyb. ii, 21, 5; 23, 5.

^{page 127 note 4} On this see detached note at end.

^{page 127 note 5} Liv. Epit. xx: Strabo (v. 217) seems to be mistaken in ascribing the Via Flaminia to C. Flaminius the younger who made the Bononia-Arretium road in 187 (Liv. xxxix, 2).

^{page 127 note 6} Liv. xli, 27, 5, records special activity of the censors of 174 B.C. in building bridges and renewing the surface and substruction of roads. Cf. Plut. C. Gracch. 7, on the work of C. Gracchus in this 89, respect.

^{page 127 note 7} Mon. Ancyr. iv, 19 ‘refeci.. consul septimum [27 B.C.] uiam Flaminiam a(b urbe) Ari(minum et pontes in ea)omnes praeter Muluium et Minucium’; Suet. Aug. 30; Cass. Dio, liii. 22, τῆς δὲ Φλαμινίας αὐτὸς ἐπειδήπερ ἐκστρατεῦσειν δι 'αῦτῆς ἔμελλεν ἐπεμελήθη. Coins referring to this in Cohen, , Monnaies de l'Empire-Romain, i, pp. 94–5Google Scholar (nos. 229–235) and 142–3 (nos. 541–4).

^{page 128 note 1} Dio l. c.διὰ τοῦτο καὶ εἰκόνες αὐτψ ἐΦ' ἁψίδων ἔν τϵ τῇ τοῦ Τιβέριδος γϵφύρᾳ καὶ ὲν Ἀριμίνῳ ὲποιήθησαν.

^{page 128 note 2} Dio, liv, 8, 4; Suet. Aug. 37, 1.

^{page 128 note 3} C.I.L. xi, 1, 571 (under Nero): cf. Sen. Apocol. I ‘Appiae uiae curator est’; perhaps Claudius as censor appointed curatores of particular roads. Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, , R.-E. iv, pp. 1781–3Google Scholar.

^{page 128 note 4} Tac. Hist, ii, 64Google Scholar, ‘uitata uiae Flaminiae celebritate.’

^{page 128 note 5} Perhaps to be identified with ‘Aquae Apollinares,’ Nissen, , It. Land, ii, p. 353Google Scholar. The cups were found in 1852: the itineraries are given in C.I.L. xi, 3281–3284, and only vary slightly in spelling and numerals. Cf. Garrucci, , Dissertazioni Archeologiche (Rome 1866), i, pp. 160 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 128 note 6} I give the substance of Furneaux's note on Tac. Ann. i, 16Google Scholar, 1.

^{page 129 note 1} Hist. Aug. Maximinus, 25, 2.

^{page 129 note 2} Cf. P.B.S.R. iii, pl. XXIV, iv; E. Strong, Roman Sculpture, p. 393, and plate xc, 4.

^{page 129 note 3} Caes. B. C. i, 12.

^{page 129 note 4} Tac. Hist. i, 86Google Scholar, ‘id ipsum quod paranti expeditionem Othoni campus Martius et uia Flaminia iter belli esset obstructum … in prodigium et omen imminentium cladium uertebatur.’

^{page 129 note 5} Tac. Hist. iii, 41–2Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 6} Tac. Hist. iii, 55–6Google Scholar.

^{page 130 note 1} Ibid. 58–63.

^{page 130 note 2} On these campaigns see Hodgkin, , Italy and Her Invaders, vol. iv, chs. x and xxivGoogle Scholar.

^{page 130 note 3} However, at some time during the early Middle Ages the most important approach to Rome from the north came to be the ‘Via Francesca,’ which crossed the Apennines above Luni and led through Lucca, Siena and Acquapendente to Bolsena, there joining the Via Cassia. Cf. P.B.S.R. viii, 109.

^{page 130 note 4} ‘praefectura Fulginatium,’ Cic. pro V areno, fr. 4.

^{page 131 note 1} Cic. pro Balbo, 20, 47.

^{page 131 note 2} Sisenna, Book iv (containing events of 89 B.C.); frag. 119 in Peter, Hist. Rom. Reliquiae.

^{page 131 note 3} Possibly nearer Rome still, at Ocriculum, which belonged to the tribus Arnensis, one of the eight tribes referred to above.

^{page 131 note 4} As it is made to do in Beloch's map of the Ager Romanus (It. Bund, end); which yet shows the Via Flaminia passing through allied territory at Interamna, in contradiction of Beloch's own argument.

^{page 134 note 1} So Hülsen (Rhein. Mus. 1894, 411). See Morpurgo in Bull. Com. (1906), 209, sqq. who follows Hülsen in rejecting the usual identification with the Porta Ratumena, but proposes to place the Porta Fontinalis at the foot of the Caelian hill.

^{page 134 note 2} C.I.L. vi, 1319. Cf. Hülsen, , Topographie, i, 3, 471Google Scholar.

^{page 134 note 3} Statius, , Silvae, ii, 1, 76Google Scholar (Milvius agger; cf. Martial, vi, 28, 29). The tomb of Paris, the famous pantomimus, was also on the Via Flaminia (Martial xi, 13).

^{page 134 note 4} i, 170, experiar quid concedatur in illos quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina. Cf. Hülsen, op. cit. 464, 491.

^{page 134 note 5} Hülsen, op. cit. 462, sqq. Recent discoveries have, as he notes, disposed of Nibby's theory that the ancient road ran some way to the right of the modern (Analisi, iii, 581).

^{page 134 note 6} Carta d'Italia (Istituto Geografico Militare) f. 150, iv, N.O. (Castel Giubileo 1: 25,000).

^{page 134 note 7} The theory that the Via Clodia began as the original road to Veii (Anziani, in Mélanges, xxxii (1913, 206Google Scholar) has a good deal to recommend it. That the Via Triumphalis was the earlier of the two is most unlikely. See Anziani, op. cit. 240, who comes to the conclusion that the Via clodia dates from the end of the fourth century, that the Cassia belongs to the last half of the third, and the Aurelia to the first quarter of the second.

^{page 136 note 1} Hülsen, op. cit. 463; Tomassetti, , Campagna Romana, iii (1913), 201Google Scholarsqq. and reff.

^{page 136 note 2} Gatti in Bull. Com. 1911, 187; Mancini in Not. Scavi, 1911, 95.

^{page 136 note 3} Not. Scavi, 1908, 351. Bull. Com. 1908, 283.

^{page 136 note 4} Lanciani, Runis and Excavations, 15.

^{page 136 note 5} op. cit. infra. There is no ground for connecting the inscriptions C.I.L. vi, 20831, 27845, with these tombs. The last of them (no. 5), a square concrete foundation, still exists close to the bridge.

^{page 136 note 6} Not. Scavi, 1892, 50, 412.

^{page 136 note 7} In Catil. iii, 2.

^{page 136 note 8} Not. Scavi, 1893, 196.

^{page 136 note 9} Tac. Ann. xiii, 47Google Scholar. Pons Muluius eo tempore erat nocturnis celebris illecebris. The imperfect may indicate that it had gone out of fashion in Tacitus' own day.

^{page 136 note 10} P.B.S.R. iii, 9 seq.

^{page 137 note 1} Piranesi, Campo Marzio (1762), p. 29, note c of the Italian text, and tav. i, ii, iii, xl. The last (plate IX) gives a view of the remains of this supposed earlier bridge. The site of it is close to the mediaeval tower (the Torretta), described by Tomassetti (pp. 238–9 and fig. 44), which Piranesi believes (wrongly) to have been erected to guard the bridge. Below it, on the river bank, he shows a columbarium. The pavement which he shows in tav. xxxviii is that of the Salaria Vetus.

Inasmuch as the Torretta comes at the point where the road begins to run NNE., he naturally believes that the line over the flat ground is the older one (supra, p. 134). See Pianta di Roma e del Campo Marzio (1778), nos. 683–4 of his works (the plates of which are preserved at the Regia Calcografia, Rome); no. 600 in Focillon, Cat. Raisonné. For an ancient branch road to the right to the Acqua Acetosa running below Villa Glori, see Bull. Com. xxii (1894), 373Google Scholar. It was destroyed in 1894, when the cliffs known as the Sassi di S. Giuliano (from a small church) were quarried away.

^{page 137 note 2} The map of the course of the Tiber made by Chiesa and Gambarini (1744) and appended to their work, Delle cagioni e de' rimedi delle inondazioni del Tevere (Rome, 1746), shows no signs of it, though they took a section of the river at S. Giuliano. The plates of the map are still preserved at the Regia Calcografia (no. 1521).

^{page 137 note 3} xxvii, 51, ad Muluium usque pontem continens agmen pervenit. Delbrück in his otherwise excellent account of the bridge (Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, i, 3 sqq.) attributes the passage to one of the lost books of Livy (li) which he has been the only person fortunate enough to discover.

^{page 137 note 4} ii, 70, where the date is wrongly given as 110.

^{page 137 note 5} Cf. also Tomassetti, op. cit. 232 sqq. for the mediaeval history of the bridge.

^{page 137 note 6} Cohen, Méd. impér. I: Augustus, 229, 231–235.

^{page 137 note 7} infra, p. 149.

^{page 138 note 1} C.I.L. vi, 31540 a—c, and reff. Nibby, , Schede, ii, 57Google Scholar, gives a sketch. The cippus was left in situ but has disappeared.

^{page 138 note 2} Holste, ad. Cluv. 527, 49; Tomassetti, 238. I know of no basis for Miller's assertion (Itineraria Romana, 303) that the road originally ran over the hill, as the winding modern highroad does. If it did, it must have gone straighter.

^{page 138 note 3} Nibby, , Analisi, ii, 588Google Scholar; Tomassetti, 239, who attributes to this part of the road the inscription, bearing date A.D. 155, of Arrius Alphius, freedman of Arria Fadilla, the mother of Antoninus Pius, who mentions that he had bought the site for a tomb Via Flaminia inter miliaria ii et iii euntibus ab urbe parte laeva (C.I.L. vi, 2120=32398 a) But the mileage was reckoned from the gate of the Servian wall, so that the third milestone comes just before the bridge. That this must be an oversight is clear from his mentioning immediately below that the local name Tor di Quinto, which belongs to a mediaeval tower on an isolated rock on the left of the road, built on the concrete core of an ancient tomb, comes from its being at the fifth mile from this gate.

^{page 138 note 4} Discoveries of remains of tombs in front of the electric power-station here are recorded in Not. Scavi, 1907, 86, and Bull. Com. 1907, 226. On the hill above the electric power-station is the modern Villa Mazzanti (formerly Villa Catel) in the grounds of which are the remains of a reservoir, at the point marked 55 on the staff map. There are seven pillars in brick, 1·19 by 0·90 metre and 2·37 metres apart, which are wrongly described by Gatti (Not. Scavi, 1906, 249) as the remains of an aqueduct, whereas they are really the pillars dividing the two chambers of a reservoir, the rest of which has disappeared. Close by are remains of a supply-channel and of other reservoirs in opus reticulatum.

There was very likely a villa on the height to the N. which commands a splendid view of the Tiber: certainly a drain is to be seen running E. in the quarry below.

^{page 138 note 5} The exact site of the discovery of a relief of Apollo and Marsyas found beyond ponte Molle, and seen by Ghezzi in the Albani collection in 1724, is not known (mem. 68 apud Schreiber Sächs. Berichte, 1892, 139). Three late burials under tiles were found in 1921 in making the Florence line with the viterbo line (Not. Scavi, 1921, 52).

^{page 138 note 6} Not. Scavi, 1876, 12, 26, 44: a fragment of the inscription with the letter N was found and lost again; a headless female statue and a fragmentary inscription (C.I.L. vi, 36267), which has nothing to do with the tomb, were also found. Cf. Boni, in Arch. Storico dell' Arte, ser. II, vol. iii (1897), 54Google Scholar.

^{page 138 note 7} Cf. also Armellini Chiese (ed. 2), 849. The brick-stamp C.I.L. xv, 1121, a 2 (first century) is recorded as having been found near here.

^{page 139 note 1} La Campagna di Roma al tempo di Paolo iii: mappa … del 1547 di Eufrosino della Volpaia, Rome, 1914, p. 73Google Scholar.

^{page 139 note 2} Between the two bridges a modern track diverges to the left—perhaps originally a diverticulum to the Via Cassia (Nibby, , Schede, ii, 105Google Scholar).

^{page 139 note 3} Tomassetti, p. 250, fig. 49, gives an almost identical view. His contention that the poststation of Ad rubras was situated here will not square with the distances. For an unimportant sepulchral inscription from this neighbourhood, see Not. Scavi, 1897, 388.

^{page 139 note 4} Cf. Brandenburg, Italische Untersuchungen, from Revue des Études ethnographiques et sociologiques, Nov.-Déc. 1909, p. 2, fig. 1 (near Tor di Quinto).

^{page 139 note 5} Bellori, Pitture antiche del Sepolcro dei Nasonii, gave the first account of it, with illustrations after Pietro Sante Bartoli. See Michaelis, in Jahrb. d. Inst. xxv (1910) 101Google Scholar, sqq: Rodenwaldt, in Röm. Mitt. xxxii (1917) 1Google Scholarsqq, who gives a full bibliography (to which, however, Canina, Veio, pl. 44, may be added). His statement that ‘the tomb is spoken of as destroyed in archaeological literature’ would demonstrate great ignorance on the part of archaeologists: but it is an exaggeration.

Nibby, , Schede, iii, 38Google Scholar, who visited the tomb in May, 1825, notes that the paintings representing hunting scenes, the judgment of Paris, the rape of Persephone, Pegasus drinking, and the rape of Europa were all visible in his time. Only the rape of Persephone is among the paintings removed to England and now in the British Museum, but it is interesting to know that the removal occurred between 1825 and 1866. The judgment of Paris and the rape of Europa can still be recognized in the tomb itself: but the Pegasus (Bartoli Tav. 20) is partly destroyed.

Besides the description given by Gatti (Not. Scavi, 1890, 189) it is mentioned by Tomassetti, , Campagna Romana, i (1885) 431Google Scholar, and with a reproduction of Bellori Tav. i in the subsequent work La Campagna Romana antica mediaevale e moderna, iii, (1913) 242Google Scholar. I had pointed out before Rodenwaldt that Michaelis had forgotten that some of the paintings still exist in the British Museum (P.B.S.R. vii, (1914) 3Google Scholar). I do not know whether the statement (Eschinardi-Venuti, Agro Romano (1750), 199) that the paintings once preserved in the Villa Altieri really came from another tomb at Grotta Rossa is correct or not. The fact that this tomb is not mentioned in the first edition (1696) cannot be an indication of its discovery between these two dates, as Bellori expressly says that three of the paintings (the subjects of which he names) went to the Villa Altieri (ed. 1680, p. 15; pl. xix, xxviii, xxxv): so there is probably a confusion in Eschinardi.

^{page 140 note 1} C.I.L. vi, 22882.

^{page 140 note 2} Taking Bellori's plates, and beginning on the left of the entrance, we may describe the state of the paintings as follows:—

(a) Left (south wall). First arcosolium (pl. ix). Two figures recognizable. Nothing preserved above—here was pl. xv (second scene on left in top row).

Second arcosolium (pl. x)—faint traces of two large figures. Above is the scene shown in pl. xvi, (recognizable), followed by that in pl. xvii (the left part is gone).

Third arcosolium (pl. xi)—unrecognizable. Above is the scene shown in pl. xviii (entirely gone).

Pl. iv, which shows this wall (half pl. x and pl. xi below, and pl. xvi–xviii above) is reversed.

(b) Back wall (pl. iii).—Pl. v shows the scene in the arcosolium (recognizable): above on the left is pl. xx (Pegasus is recognizable), while on the right was pl. xix (Altieri).

(c) Right wall.—First arcosolium (from entrance (pl. vi) unrecognizable. Above is pl. xiii and beyond (partly gone) is pl. xiv (recognizable).

Second arcosolium (pl. vii)—a few figures may be recognized.

The scene above it (pl. xii) is in London.

Third arcosolium (pl. viii) unrecognizable.

The other two Altieri fragments (pls. xxviii, xxxv) (Michaelis p. 102, thinks they are pls. xiv, xv, but wrongly) and the rest of those in London (pls. xxxii, xxxiii) and some smaller pieces all come from the ceiling (shown as a whole in pl. xx, details in pls. xxii–xxv).

^{page 140 note 3} Both these tombs are described by Pococke (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 22981, 16): in the second, in 1894, a limekiln was found, full of fragments of marble statues, including eleven fine heads: a coin of Pius II shows that it probably dates from the jubilee of 1475 or 1500, when the remains of the tombs were devastated to provide material for the repair of the roads (Lanciani, , Storia degli Scavi, i, 28Google Scholar).

^{page 141 note 1} Bartoli records the discovery at Grottarossa in the time of Urban VIII of a recumbent statue of a river god in black stone, which in his day was in the Papal Villa at Castelgandolfo (Mem. 149, ap. Fea, Misc. i, 269Google Scholar).

^{page 141 note 2} This cistern is referred to by Eschinardi (1696, 295) as an ancient prison ! The brick-stamp C.I.L. xv, 1369.8 (A.D. 164) which was noted by Fabretti as having been found in the building above it, must have belonged to a later restoration—if indeed I have identified the site correctly (Fabretti gives it as the fifth mile, by which he perhaps refers to the Villa at point 57 above the Osteria di Grottarossa where there are some drainage channels to be seen). In the recent quarrying operations C.I.L. xv, 211, was found (probably Faustina minor).

^{page 141 note 3} Cf. Not. Scavi, 1906, 96, 250, 402: 1907, 5, 86, 115, 205; Bull. Com. 1907, 348. Some late burials under tiles were also found, with letters (supposed to refer to them) cut in the rock above them. A later report states that in the excavation of a quarry (no doubt the same one) at Due Case a well was found, at the bottom of which were various fragments of sculptures in marble, including a statuette of Bacchus and fragments of a marble basin with the figure of a satyr in relief. A brick bearing the stamp C.I.L. xv, 8, was also found, and an unimportant sepulchral inscription. Tomassetti thinks that it was here that the lead-pipe bearing the inscription C.I.L. xv, 7699 (Avidienius), was found in 1878: but Lanciani says that the site was the hill which forms an angle between the left bank of the Cremera and the road: so that the reference should be to the ruins at point 41, which show obvious traces of having been excavated not so very long ago (Not. Scavi, 1910, 164, 245; 1911, 256).

^{page 141 note 4} It is indeed here that the Fabii may have fortified themselves (Tomassetti, 251).

^{page 141 note 5} I saw a late burial here in 1899, under tiles, one of which bore the stamp C.I.L. xv, 1268 (first century A.D.).

^{page 142 note 1} Tomassetti, p. 252, fig. 51.

^{page 142 note 2} Not. Scavi, 1907, 115, 651.

^{page 142 note 3} Under a cement pavement five tombs (a cassa) were found with a fragment of the brick-stamp C.I.L. xv, 381. Fourteen m. from it a rock-cut tomb 13·27 by 3·55 metres was found, and close to it a small tomb also cut in the rock (1·00 by 0·42 by 0·50 m.) closed by tiles. Close by was found a fragment of a cornice and a fragmentary inscription (ibid. 206, 284).

^{page 143 note 1} Tomassetti, x, 253: he corrects in a footnote his identification of it with the Trullo dei Boccamazzi.

^{page 143 note 2} Borsari in Not. Scavi, 1893, 517.

^{page 143 note 3} Borsari in Not. Scavi, 1895, 106: ib. 321 refers to three late burials.

^{page 143 note 4} Drei Schlachten in Sächsische Abhandlungen (Leipzig, 1921) xxxiv, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 144 note 1} Carta d'Italia f. 144, iii, s.o. (Casale Marcigliana; 1: 25,000).

^{page 145 note 1} Lanciani in Not. Scavi, 1879, 16, and Bull. Com. viii (1880), 49Google Scholar. C.I.L. xi, 3856.

^{page 145 note 2} Frothingham, (A.J.A. xix (1915), 158Google Scholar) considers the Prima Porta arch to have marked a ten-mile territorial limit from the miliarium aureum, noting that Dio mentions it as the line beyond which Augustus ordered in A.D. 6 that all gladiators and slaves that were for sale should be expelled. It is at least as late as the Malborghetto arch, and has the same ribs of tiles in the intrados. The width of the pier is 2·50 metres. Nibby, , in fact (Analisi, iii, 38Google Scholar), connects it with the visit of Honorius to Rome in 406 (Claudian, De Sexto Consulatu Honorii, 506), but without sufficient grounds. In his time a portion of the right-hand pier was visible. He says wrongly that in Nardini's time it was complete, and that Nardini calls it the arch of Augustus (Dissertazione sulle vie degli Antichi, in Nardini, Roma Antica, ed. Nibby, iv (1820), 64Google Scholar). As a fact the passage in Nardini (lib. i, cap. 8: i, 55, in the edition of 1820) gives no ground for supposing that it was any better preserved then than now. The holy-water basin of the little church is a sepulchral urn of travertine, bearing the inscription C.I.L. xi, 3850 (Tomassetti, p. 259, fig. 53).

^{page 145 note 3} Cf. Studniczka, in Röm. Mitt. xxv (1910), 27Google Scholarsqq. It was intended to decorate a portico or terrace in front of the main façade, overlooking the Tiber.

^{page 145 note 4} praetorium in the sense of an imperial (and later a non-imperial) country seat is first found in the time of Claudius (C.I.L. v, 5050) who published his edict on the citizenship of the Anauni Baiis in praetorio (Vaglieri, in Bull. Com. 1910, 141Google Scholar, who gives an excellent commentary on the whole inscription, which is inscribed on a bronze tablet of the time of Trajan once affixed to a boat or a carriage, to prove its immunity, as imperial property, from any taxation.

^{page 145 note 5} p.B.S.R. iii, 17.

^{page 145 note 6} Plin. N.H. xv, 137Google Scholar. Villa Caesarum fluvio Tiberi imposita iuxta nonum lapidem Flaminia via, quae ob id (the famous prodigy of the white hens) vocatur ad Gallinas.

^{page 145 note 7} Suet. Galba, i.

^{page 146 note 1} I shall not further attempt to anticipate the full description of the villa, which may be given on another occasion.

^{page 146 note 2} op. cit. 273.

^{page 146 note 3} For the quarries, which are mentioned by Vitruvius (ii, 7) (Sunt aliae molles lapidicinae uti … Rubrae, Pallenses, Fidenates, etc.) cf. Frank, Tenney in A.J.A. xxii (1918), 181Google Scholar. Those of Grotta Oscura will be dealt with under the Via Tiberina.

^{page 147 note 1} An Etruscan tomb was found and destroyed in making the wall of the cemetery: it contained vases with geometric designs.

^{page 147 note 2} Schede, iii, 39. It may be of interest to give Nibby's exact words: ‘From this point (between the eighth and ninth modern milestones) the ancient pavement began to be visible: it continued as far as Rignano. At the present time the only portion which is well preserved is that in the woods of Riano: the rest from the cross-road to Riano onwards has disappeared (this is an exaggeration) after the Vandalic destruction of 1832 and 1833, which is witnessed by the broken stones on the right and left. At first the pavement consisted of old stones relaid: but afterwards it was the actual ancient pavement, and the crepidines were often preserved as well.’ An interesting light on this is thrown by certain documents in Atti del Camerlengato, Tit. iv, fasc. 456. On June 16th, 1842, the President of the Comarca asked that, in order to save expense in diverting it, the modern road might be allowed to run for 320 metres over the ancient pavement, which was to be covered with earth for a depth of one metre. This was somewhere in the second ‘tronco’ (the place is not exactly specified): and on Dec. 31st, 1846, a similar request was made for a part of the first ‘tronco,’ near the Macchia delle Quartarelle, before the Osteria di Rignano. The Archaeological Commission recommended, on May 14th, 1847, that four well-preserved stretches of the length of 92, 100, 76, and 70 metres respectively, should be left uncovered: and this was done (p. 151) although the erection of a column at each, stating that this was the ancient Via Flaminia, was, though requested by the Cardinal Chamberlain, not carried out. The last document is an appeal from various landowners and ‘negozianti di Campagna’ to the ‘cittadino Ministro,’ dated 22nd March, 1849, that the ancient paving-stones might be removed and broken up as the road was so bad; they were, however, referred to the Presidenza della Comarca.

^{page 148 note 1} The cubes are small (0·07 m. square on an average) and the joints fine (0·008 to 0·015).

^{page 148 note 2} Nibby, , Analisi, i, 299Google Scholar. Tomassetti, iii, 49, 260.

^{page 148 note 3} The plan (fig. 9) was drawn for me by Mr. S. R. Pierce, Rome Scholar in Architecture at the British School at Rome.

^{page 148 note 4} A plan is given by Pirro Ligorio (Neap. lib. 49).

^{page 148 note 5} Nibby (Sch. cit. ad fin) calls it a tomb.

^{page 148 note 6} Nibby, , Analisi, i, 298Google Scholar; ii, 561. Tomassetti, 260.

^{page 148 note 7} I read ‘COCTMAL’ in letters about 12 cm. high.

^{page 148 note 8} Nibby, (Schede, iii, 40Google Scholar) notes two grottos (shrines he calls them) below the hill opposite to the one on which the tower stands.

^{page 149 note 1} Der Bogen von Malborghetto (2 Abhandlung der Heidelberger Akad. d. Wissenschaften, 1915) (cf. my review in J.R.S. x, 201).

^{page 149 note 2} Frothingham, in A.J.A. xix (1915), 158Google Scholar, states that he himself extracted from it a fragmentary brick-stamp of the time of Diocletian (?) with DDNN upon it (it sounds like C.I.L. xv, 1617). He considers it to mark a territorial boundary. Cf. also Tomassetti, 263 sqq. and fig. 54.

^{page 150 note 1} Two miles N. of Malborghetto, at the fourteenth mile, he notes a deverticulum to the right (Schede, iii, 41). The Osteria di Riano is 15¾ miles from Rome, so it would be about halfway to that point.

^{page 150 note 2} Carta d'Italia f. 144, iii, N.o. (Castelnuovo di Porto; 1: 25,000).

^{page 151 note 1} Schede. iii, 41.

^{page 151 note 2} The monastery of the Cappuccini, on the N. of this road, probably occupies an ancient site.

^{page 151 note 3} Bull. Crist. 1876, 27 sqq. tav. iv–v.

^{page 151 note 4} op. cit. 289, 295. To me they seem to have been so modified that it is impossible to say for certain.

^{page 152 note 1} This is marked by the word DI in the map. I was told it was called Monte Funicolo.

^{page 152 note 2} The pavement of the ancient road came to light at Castelnuovo tram station in 1923, on the north edge of the modern.

^{page 152 note 3} I suppose these are alluded to by Tomassetti, 289, as remains of Roman ‘vaulted constructions almost entirely buried.’ He also mentions the ‘columbaria.’

^{page 152 note 4} Dennis, , Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, i, 484Google Scholar.

^{page 152 note 5} Campagna Romana (1886), i, 483Google Scholarseq.

^{page 152 note 6} C.I.L. xi, 3992.

^{page 152 note 7} It is, of course, an error (p. 295) when he calls the Vigna Fivoli two kilometres beyond S. Sebastiano; it is really about half a kilometre.

^{page 152 note 8} Near a ruin called Bamboccio, two miles from Castelnuovo, and thirteen from Rome, a small catacomb was excavated by Cardinal Flavio Chigi in the seventeenth century (Boldetti, Cimiteri, 577). Some unimportant excavations made in 1830 by Vescovali are mentioned in Bull. Inst. 1830, 247; 1832, 4.

^{page 152 note 9} Mem. 151 in Fea, Misc. i, 259Google Scholar; Roma Antica (1741), 355.

^{page 153 note 1} Nuova Descrizione (1882), App. p. xx. B.S.R. Catalogue, Giardino 42a.

^{page 153 note 2} R. Museo Borbonico, vol. ix, tav. xxv; Bernoulli, , Röm. Ikon, ii, 1, 149Google Scholar, no. 22; Guida Illustrata, 1015. The conjecture will not, however, hold, as the statue was already known in the sixteenth century, and illustrated by Cavalieri, (P.B.S.R. ix, p. 145Google Scholar, no. 27).

^{page 153 note 3} Mon. Ant. Ined. 1785, 17.

^{page 153 note 4} See Treves, The Country of the Ring and the Book, 45, 218.

^{page 153 note 5} Tomassetti, 293; cf. 200, 201 for further interesting remarks as to the history of the road.

^{page 153 note 6} The chapel of that name is a modern ruin, and so is the Casalaccio at point 267, over a mile N. of it.

^{page 153 note 7} Tomassetti, 296.

^{page 153 note 8} Lanciani in Not. Scavi, 1878, 260, who notes that the road was known to eighteenth-century authors (Volpi, Vetus Latium, and Galletti, Capena), and believes that it left the Flaminia at the Romitello (but this would have given it an extra valley to cross). The pavement was actually found at the highest point of the hills between Morlupo and Leprignano, on the so-called Monte Candeletto, on the line of the modern road.

^{page 153 note 9} See my article in Encycl. Brit. s.v. Capena. I shall deal with this district more fully in discussing. the Via Tiberina.

^{page 154 note 1} At the divergence is the tram-station of Magliano.

^{page 154 note 2} Paribeni in Not. Scavi, 1913, 382; De Rossi in Bull. Crist. 1883, 119; An. Inst. 1883, 253.

^{page 154 note 3} C.I.L. xi, 3934; Not. Scavi, 1918, 127.

^{page 154 note 4} Carta d'Italia f. 144, iv (1: 50,000).

^{page 154 note 5} In the voluminous text attached to the Carta Archeologica dell' Etruria, for which he and Cozza made preliminary journeys in the early 'eighties. The map has unluckily never been completed nor published. I was allowed to consult it in 1918 by the late Prof. Angelo Colini, but only concerned myself with remains of the Roman period, for which it contains very valuable material. A portion of the first section of the Carta Archeologica d'Italia, dealing with the neighbourhood of Terracina and Monte Circeo, has just appeared, with accompanying text and illustrations by Sigg. Lugli and Gismondi: and if the work can be continued and completed in the same manner, it will form a worthy record of the ancient monuments of Italy.

^{page 155 note 1} Hence, Pasqui says, came the columns and sarcophagus now at the fountain of Rignano (Tomassetti, ii, 344, says the columns came from S. Abbondio), and many inscriptions. He notes a tomb opposite to it.

^{page 155 note 2} Pasqui notes some ‘sepolcri a cassa’ in the cutting.

^{page 155 note 3} Not. Scavi, 1912, 75; 1914, 265. The latter, however, seems to hedge in footnote 2 to p. 265, where, after having affirmed the identity in the text, the writer says ‘from the inscriptions and marbles found there, the ancient centre seems to have been to the E. of the modern village, where the church of S. Abbondio now stands.’ Cf Taylor, in J.R.S. x, 34Google Scholar, who enumerates the various inscriptions found in and near Rignano, and conjectures that it may occupy the site of Fescennium.

^{pahe 155 note 4} Tomassetti, 343 sqq.. Dennis, i, 133 (who argues that it occupies a Roman site from the Roman fragments which are to be seen in the village).

^{page 155 note 5} Gori, Ann. Inst. 1864, 117.

^{page 155 note 6} op. cit. 344.

^{page 156 note 1} Bull. Inst. 1864, 143; Nissen ii, 369, who wrongly takes the ancient road as far as Soracte.

^{page 156 note 2} C.I.L. xi, 3931. Bull. Inst. 1883, 282. The inscription was, however, found at the catacombs (see note 6).

^{page 156 note 3} Tumiati in L'Arte, 1898, 13.

^{page 156 note 4} The catacombs of SS. Abbundius and Abbundantius in the praedium Theodorae are half a mile N. of the town, close to the modern cemetery (Bull. Crist. 1865, 24; 1881, 120; 1898, 43).

^{page 156 note 5} The course of the Via Flaminia on the map in J.R.S. cit. is copied from Kiepert, but does not even mark the direct line.

^{page 156 note 6} Pasqui says, however, that this lane (over Monte Acciano to Faleria) represents an ancient road.

^{page 156 note 7} S. of point 254 I saw bricks loose belonging to some small building.

^{page 157 note 1} Pasqui believes this to represent in part an alternative road from Rignano.

^{page 157 note 2} Holste (ad Cluver, 528, 43) has, as so often, already seen the truth. He places the divergence from the modern road a mile (really two) beyond the Osteria di Stabia, and notes ‘large ruins of ancient buildings to the left of the junction and of the modern road, and a plentiful spring and a church called the Madonna d' Acquaviva.’ A bishop of Aquaviva [this ?] appeared at the Council of Rome in A.D. 487. Nibby, (Delle Vie degli Antichi in Nardini, , iv, 72Google Scholar) noted that the spring came out of an ancient wall, and that there were other ruins there. Cf. also Nissen ii, 367. Pasqui, too, had seen or heard of ruins there.

^{page 157 note 3} We were told that some burials were found under the new chapel, and some inscriptions (but not apparently those now preserved at the house).

^{page 159 note 1} The site of the 34th milestone falls just S. of the river, which is fordable here in dry weather.

^{page 159 note 2} This he regards as a sign of later date; but he holds the same opinion (wrongly, I think) in regard to the Voltarella.

^{page 160 note 1} Op. cit. p. 21. The change in the course of the road which the collapse of the bridge necessitated is attributed by Holste (supra p. 157, n. 2) to Sixtus V and Clement VIII. This inference is no doubt drawn from the inscriptions on the Ponte Felice, which attribute its commencement to the former in 1589, and its completion to the latter in 1603. But the former expressly states that the bridge was built ‘ut commeantes tracedonis molestia et vectigali sublevaret’—in order to relieve travellers of the nuisance and expense of the ferry—and I should be most disinclined to believe that the Muro del Peccato was still standing at so comparatively recent a period. But see Holste's note quoted in the postcript on p. 190 infra.

^{page 160 note 2} Carta d'Italia, f. 137, ii (Orte; 1: 50,000).

^{page 160 note 3} This is less clear than in Pasqui's day; but a trench which I saw in June 1922 brought the actual Pavement to light on the slope above the railway.

^{page 160 note 4} Cities and Cemeteries, i, 122.

^{page 161 note 1} Rel. 10.

^{page 161 note 2} I think this must be the piece of walling drawn by Vespignani, (op. cit. infra, civ, 3)Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 3} There is an offset of 0·60 m. each side inside the arch with grooves for sluices (?), 0·49 m. apart, 0·10 m. wide, and 0·08 m. deep. There are 39 arch stones in all, each 0·45 m. by 0·45 m. wide: the stretchers run to 1·77 m. long, the headers 0·55 to 0·63 m. : there is considerable bossing. There is another offset below on the S. and both the offsets carry round the W. side of the bridgehead. The bridge is slightly on the skew.

^{page 162 note 1} He mentions some loose paving-stones and a concrete drain a little above the divergence of the road to the Gallese ferry, some concrete on the Fosso Radigare near the railway, and some tiles and travertine sarcophagi near the Porto di S. Vito.

^{page 162 note 2} Here would fall the site of the 40th milestone.

^{page 162 note 3} Stato del Ponte Felice (Rome, 1682), 4 sqq. 91 sqq. Cf. Ameti's map of the Patrimonio di S. Pietro (1693) and that of Gambarini and Chiesa (supra, p. 137 n. 2). Nissen, op. cit. ii, 408, conjectures that this was the Pons Minucius. Nibby, (Diss. sulle vie degli antichi in Nardini, , ed. Nibby, iv (1820), 64Google Scholar) speaks of the remains as still extant, and known as the Pile d'Augusto.

^{page 162 note 4} The ruins marked in the map a little less than a kilometre to the E. of the ferry are those of a modern house. Gambarini and Chiesa mark a tower near the left bank of the river, and remains of the road some way further on in the flat ground.

^{page 162 note 5} Carta d'Italia, f. 138, i (Magliano Sabino; 1: 50,000).

^{page 162 note 6} Just before reaching this, on the N. side of the track which follows the ancient road, I saw, in June 1922, some blocks of tufa from a tomb or tombs recently excavated.

^{page 163 note 1} The position of these tombs in regard to the amphitheatre is quite wrongly indicated by Guattani (see below): and indeed his map leaves a good deal to be desired.

^{page 163 note 2} Mon. Ant. Ined. 1784, passim; 1785, 95 sqq. A MS. copy of his various articles by Alexandro Faraglia is preserved at the municipality of Otricoli.

^{page 163 note 3} The sculptures found comprise the following: (a) Vatican, Belvedere 95 (female statue : Moscioni phot. 20208); Animali 157 (relief with a countryman and a cow, resting at a wayside shrine); Galleria delle Statue, 268 (ideal female statue, from the thermae); Busti 291 (Septimius Severus) 301 (Julia Mamaea: Bernoulli, No. 4—probably the bust of Plautilla restored by Lisandroni, which is mentioned in a document of 1783, published in Bull. Com. xxvi (1898), 37), 352Google Scholar (statue of a woman praying, wrongly called Livia, from the Basilica) 361 (Alexander Severus ?); Maschere 429 (torso of Aphrodite: the head is pronounced to be modern by Amelung, (Sculpt, d. Vat. Museums, ii, 686)Google Scholar, while Bernoulli (ii, 2, 128 : Sabina, 3) accepts it hesitatingly as ancient); Chiaramonti 241(goddess soothing a child); Croce Greca 565, 597 (two statues of Augustus from the Basilica: the first is that formerly supposed to represent Caligula (Bernoulli ii, 1, 29, No. 13, cf. 305, No. 3) which once stood in the Galleria della Statue as No. 262); 569 (Clio), 587 (Euterpe) both from the theatre; Sala Rotonda 539 (the famous Zeus, restored by Pierantoni), 551 (head of Claudius); Candelabri 31, 35 (two candelabra), 208 (a boy of the Julian gens, called Marcellus,from the apse of the Basilica).

(b) Louvre 1126 (Youthful Commodus from the Campana collection; Bernoulli 3).

(c) Museo Torlonia 533 (the numbering is that of the illustrated catalogue, Monumenti Torlonia; Galba, noted by Bernoulli (ii, 2, p. 4) as ‘probably modern’); 592 (Mamaea (?)—the so-called Otacilia: cf. Bernoulli ii, 3, p. 139, and Mamaea (?) No. 5).

None of these corresponds with the statue of Venus with the dove, which is said to have been found at Otricoli in or before 1783 (Bull. Com. cit.). There are no records of any later excavations on the site except for a request in 1828 from a certain Apollonio Paterni, who asked for and obtained leave to search for treasure on his property, which was called the Osteriola, and lay outside the gate of the modern village. Whether he ever found anything is not recorded (Atti del Camerlengato, Tit. iv, fasc. 749). I may add that excavations were made at Otricoli by the Bolognese painter, G. F. Grimaldi, in the time of Innocent X; some Corinthian columns were found, and in lifting an architrave on the edge of the river bank a number of gold and silver coins were found, most of which fell into the river and could not be recovered (Bartoli mem. 154 in Fea, Misc. i, 272).

^{page 163 note 4} Nogara, Mosaici dei Palazzi Pontificii, pl. xxxix–xlvii, p. 2, sqq. He publishes a short MS. note of Visconti's in regard to the pavement, but nothing more of the latter's papers appears to exist. As to the mosaics in black and white, which now form the external zone of the large mosaic (Nogara, op. cit. pl. xlviii–lii and p. 24) there is some conflict of evidence as to whether they were found at Otricoli or at Scrofano. Inasmuch as it is certain that one of them (Ulysses lashed to the mast) came from Otricoli, we may suppose, with Nogara, that fragments from both sites were mixed up together.

^{page 164 note 1} The bricks average 30 mm. and the mortar-courses 17 mm. in thickness, while the bricks, which are irregularly broken pieces, average 17 cm. in length. There is a bonding course at the impost of the dome. I should assign the work to the late second or early third century after Christ.

^{page 164 note 2} Called ‘a palace with a monumental façade’ in the Elenco degli Edifizi Monumentali della Provincia di Perugia, s.v. Otricoli.

^{page 164 note 3} The size of the cubes used in the opus reticulatum varies slightly in all these buildings—70 to 80 mm. in No. 3, 55 to 65 in No. 9, 60 to 65 in No. 10.

^{page 165 note 1}

The letters are 9 cm. high as far as preserved. The block is 18 cm. thick. There is also a small marble trough built into the house with the date 1475 and the letters MO. H. S. Two other unimportant inscriptions (C.I.L. xi, 4099, 4119) have been seen at S. Vitore.

^{page 165 note 2} So also Stefani in Not. Scavi, 1909, 278: he noted traces of the city walls in opus quadratum. He also describes some tombs of the Umbrian period, and some Roman remains.

^{page 165 note 3} I noticed C.I.L. xi, 4082, 4110; the rest have no doubt been copied by the late Prof. Eugen Bormann for the supplement to C.I.L. xi, and I only copied the following inscription in full.

^{page 165 note 4} In the crypt of the Collegiate church are the bodies of S. Medicus and 57 other saints brought from S. Vittore in 1613 by order of Paul V. Here is a fragment of a marble frieze with palmettes and bucrania; and under the altar of the second chapel on the left is a sarcophagus with putti, garlands and masks. Built into the exterior of the church is a tine Medusa head in relief, surrounded by a garland: and close by are two altars in travertine, decorated with ox-heads and masks, from which hang garlands.

^{page 165 note 5} The whole of the left bank of the Nera, from Narni downwards, is rich in excellent mineral springs: and at Campo dell'Isola, about a kilometre upstream from the railway station of Nera Montoro, a small bathing tank of the second century A.D. was recently found (Giglioli in Not. Scavi, 1914, 219).

^{page 165 note 6} It was restored by Gregory XIII, as an inscription set up in 1577 at Narni shows (Ciacconius, , Historiae Pontificum et Cardinalium, iv, 21)Google Scholar.

^{page 166 note 1} Holste ad Cluv. 631, 53; Vespignani op. cit. infra, pl. CIV. 1. Elenco degli edifizi monumentali Provincia di Perugia, 70 (noted as in part Roman).

^{page 166 note 2} Eroli, Ponte Rotto di Augusto, 55, 59, strangely enough takes the Flaminia further to the W., near Gualdo and Taizzano and so to Il Testaccio (passing no doubt N. of Monte SS. Annunziata, to the E. of Taizzano) and attributes this bridge to the supposed Via Cassia (!)

^{page 166 note 3} Op. cit. infra, pl. civ, 2.

^{page 166 note 4} Carta d'Italia, f. 138, iv (Terni; 1: 50,000).

^{page 166 note 5} Livy, x, 9, 8: locus erat arduus atque in parte praeceps.. nec vi nec munimento capi poterat. Procop. B. G. i, 16, 17: πόλιν έχύραν μάλιστα … δυσπρόσοδόν τϵ κὰι ἂλλως ἂναντϵς χωρίον Martial, vii, 93, 2: ancipiti vix adeunda iugo.

^{page 166 note 6} Livy, xxvii, 43.

^{page 166 note 7} Livy, xxxii, 2. Plutarch, T. Flam. I, says that Flaminius acted as ἄρχων καὶ οἰκιστής on this occasion.

^{page 166 note 8} Tac. Hist. iii, 58, 63Google Scholar.

^{page 166 note 9} Procop. B.G. i, 16, 17Google Scholar; ii, 11; iv, 33.

^{page 167 note 1} The passage is noteworthy, for it states that Urban VIII desired to restore the old road, and sent architects and builders to study it, of whose measurements Holste made use—as also of an accurate map published by Frederico Cesi, duke of Acquasparta (founder of the Accademia dei Lincei). This is no doubt the map in Francesco Stelluti's Trattato del legno fossile minerale nuovamente scoperto (Rome 1637): cf. Almagià, L'‘Italia’ di G. A. Magini, 69. Holste (p. 99) also uses his authority to correct the false statements of Cluver (p. 639, 1.1) in regard to the village of Casigliano, west of Ponte Fonnaia, which the latter identified, quite wrongly with Carsulae.

^{page 167 note 2} In a Latin note (Variae observationes de antiquitate Romana) prefixed to the Indices Lectionum of Marburg, 1883.

^{page 167 note 3} Hist. ii, 64: Vitellius.. (Dolabellam) vitata viae Flaminiae celebritate devertere Interamnam atque ibi interfici iussit.

^{page 167 note 4} In the Tabula Narnia is shown, but without a name: and there is a confusion between the Tiber and Nar, so that this road is made to stop dead at Spoletium, and the whole road is on the west (right) bank of the river, and, worst of all, to the west, and not to the east, of the original line of the Flaminia.

^{page 168 note 1} In the Regione S. Carlo, about two miles from Terni there is a circular reservoir of Roman date on the left of the road; I noticed a travertine press-bed near it, and brick débris lay scattered about.

^{page 168 note 2} Carta d'Italia, f. 138, i (Ferentillo; 1: 50,000).

^{page 168 note 3} For a good photograph see Lanzi, Terni (Italia Artistica, no. 55), p. 97; in Not. Scavi, 1914, 66 sqq. the photograph is repeated, and the topography of the district discussed by the same writer, who notes cuttings on the path leading up to the bridge. Beyond the bridge, on the other hand, the path is modern. The bridge was also drawn by Vespignani (op. cit. pl. xcvi, 1).

^{page 168 note 4} A Roman tile and a vase were found 1·50 metres beneath it.

^{page 168 note 5} Carta d'Italia, f. 131, ii (Spoleto; 1: 50,000).

^{page 168 note 6} The existence of a branch road from Spoletium to Nursia (Norcia) is proved by Suet. Vesp. i, 3, ‘locus ad sextum miliarium a Nursia Spoletium euntibus in monte summo appellatur Vespasiae, ubi Vespasiorum complura monumenta extant’; on which Holste (p. 119) says ‘uocatur etiamnunc Monte Vespio locus in territorio oppidi Cassiae … in cuius summo uertice palatium fuisse existimant et uidentur ueteris uiae uestigia apparere, sed ego nullum aedificiorum uestigium istic agnoscere potui quamuis interuallum a Suetonio notatum exactissime huic loco quadret.’ Cf. C.I.L. ix, 4541: C. Pomponius C. f/L. Octavius Cn. f/q(uaestores) / d(e) s(enatus) s(ententia), found above a cutting of the old road at Triponzo, and Mommsen ad loc.

^{page 169 note 1} I shall not attempt here to deal with the remaining antiquities of the town.

^{page 169 note 2} Carta d'Italia, f. 131, i (Foligno; 1: 50,000).

^{page 169 note 3} No visible remains are now preserved. The place is mentioned in inscriptions and by geographers.

^{page 169 note 4} Sacconi, Relazione dell' Ufficio Regionale delle Marche e dell' Umbria (1903), p. 98.

^{page 169 note 5} Relazione cit. 106.

^{page 169 note 6} Scoto, Itinerarium Italiae (ed. 1610) ad init.

^{page 169 note 7} Carta d'Italia cited p. 166, n. 4.

^{page 169 note 8} Martial, vii, 93, 8; Procop, . B.G. i, 17Google Scholar, 11: ταύτην δὲ τὴν γέφυραν Καῖσαρ Αὔγουστος ὲν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις ὲδϵίματο, θέαμα λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον. τῶν γὰρ κυρτωμάτων πάντων ὑψηλότατον ὲστὶν ὧν ἡμϵῖς ἴσμϵν.

^{page 170 note 1} But Eroli (op. cit. pp. 34 et seq.) asserts, on the authority of an old manuscript, that the bridge collapsed about A.D. 800, was restored, and fell again in A.D. 1053; also that one of the piers is different from the others, and maintains that the original bridge had three arches, with spans of 19·65, 32·10 and 43·00 metres, and that this last was converted after 800 into two arches (17 and 18 metres span) with a 10 metre pier between them. The pier between the second and third (original) arches fell in 1885.

^{page 170 note 2} op. cit. infra. pl. xcviii. For recent repairs cf. Sacconi, Relazione dell' Ufficio regionale per le Marche e l' Umbria (1903), p. 143 (with a drawing and two photographs of interest). The aqueduct is noted in Elenco, cit. p. 68, as being of the late empire and 15 kilometres in length. Cf. also Guardabassi, op. cit. 132. I have not seen it.

^{page 171 note 1} Strabo, v, p. 227: πλωτὸς 'ὐο μϵγάλοις σκάφϵσι. Tac. Annals, iii, 9Google Scholar: (of Piso's clandestine return from Syria) ab Narnia.. Nare ac mox Tiberi deuectus.

^{page 171 note 2} Virg. Aen. vii, 517Google Scholar; Martial, vii, 93, 1.

^{page 171 note 3} Two elevations and two plans of it, and two elevations and a plan of the Ponte Cardaro were made by Vespignani in 1831 for Dodwell, and form pls. lxxx–lxxxii of the projected work on ancient architecture in Italy, the plates of which exist (only in MS.) in the Soane Museum. Eroli op. cit. 57.

^{page 172 note 1} The Ponte Cardaro is the subject of a picture by Richard Wilson formerly in the Orrock collection, and now in the Johnson collection at Washington (Beaumont Fletcher, Wilson in Makers of British Art Series, p. 168—Art and Archaeology, X (1920–1922), p. 102Google Scholar.

^{page 172 note 2} To the left, close to Ponte Cardaro, are traces of a tomb. Vespignani (op. cit.) gives a drawing of a low round tomb in opus quadratum ‘near Ponte Caldaro’ (Cardaro) on the string course of which is shown the inscription C.I.L. xi, 2, 4126—a sepulchral inscription in senarii ‘ita candidatus, quod petit, fiat tuus / et ita perenne, scriptor! opus hoc praeteri! / hoc si impetro a te, felix vivas! bene vale!’

^{page 172 note 3} There is said to be a Roman Temple on the summit (vespignani, op. cit. pl. xciii; Elenco degli Edifizi Monumentali della Provincia di Perugia, 42).

^{page 172 note 4} Pls. xciv, xcv of the completed work; sketches nos. 264, 296, 300, 314–6. Cf. Dodwell in Bull. Inst. 1831, 195; Mem. Inst. i (1832), 77Google Scholarsqq. Lanzi, Terni, PP. 131 sqq. 142.

^{page 172 note 5} Contelori, op. cit. 19, notes that a part of it fell in 1645.

^{page 173 note 1} Room of the Gardens of Maecenas, 23.

^{page 173 note 2} ‘Arcus Traiani imperatoris insignis structurae’ (Holste, ad Cluv, p. 629). For illustrations see Rossini, Archi Trionfali, tav. xv, xvi; Vespagnani, op. cit. pl. lxxxix. Its original size is not clear, for only the arch itself remains: the span is 3·60 metres. On each side a chase is cut for applied decorations, which have now disappeared. Excellent photographs of S. Damiano, the large reservoir near the amphitheatre and the arch will be found in Lanzi, op. cit. pp. 146, 147. Rossini (p. 3) says that the arch has bases for statues outside, and chases for bronze ornaments, and that it was ascribed to Trajan on the ground of an alleged find of coins of Trajan in the masonry; but he regards the arch as Augustan. Bartoli (loc. cit.) mentions that in his own time a terra-cotta chest was unearthed at Carsulae full of ancient medals, most of which were melted down by a local priest to make bells; a few were left behind and sold and some of these were of Trajan. He does not say that the coins were found in or under the arch.

^{page 174 note 1} C.I.L. xi, 2, 4582, records the repair of an aqueduct at Carsulae by a seuir augustalis in honour of the quattuorvirate of his son.

^{page 174 note 2} Some discoveries made about 700 metres to the south at the mediaeval church of S. Giorgio, which is in part made up of ancient materials, are recorded by Giglioli in Not. Scavi, 1913, 345 (remains of ancient building, a sarcophagus, etc.).

^{page 174 note 3} Carta d'Italia, f. 131, iii (Massu Martana; 1: 50,000).

^{page 174 note 4} It is described and a bad photograph of it is given (it 13, as a fact, much hidden by foliage) by Maturo, O. A., La Principessa Anna Corsini, etc. Perugia, 1912, p. 51Google Scholar. We did not see the letters C. F. which he noticed on some of the blocks, which he interprets C(aius) F(laminius)!

^{page 175 note 1} The cross-section of Ponte Romano runs NE, that of the culvert nearly due east.

^{page 175 note 2} Between Ponte Fonnaia and Villa S. Faustina at Le Grotte are some Christian catacombs, the importance of which is mainly topographical (Sordini, in Atti del II Congresso di Archeologia Cristiana (Rome, 1902), p. 109Google Scholar. He believes that there was a branch road to Spoleto from Martana or Acquasparta).

^{page 175 note 3} Maturo, op. cit. p. 53, n. 3, describes a culvert over a small stream (to which, I think, the photograph on p. 48 should probably be referred) which was destroyed when the railway was made.

^{page 175 note 4} Tab. Peut. iv and v.

^{page 175 note 5} Not. Scavi, 1913, pp. 161 ff.

^{page 176 note 1} An inscription of Hadrian (C.I.L. 6619) found at S. Giacomo near Massa records the restoration of the road with a new substruction in A.D. 124 (Not. Scavi, 1888, p. 681).

^{page 176 note 2} Carta d'Italia f. 131, iv (Bevagna; 1: 50,000).

^{page 176 note 3} Two ruins marked on the Staff Map along its course, the so-called Rottonaro a mile north of Massa Martana, and the ‘ruderi’ north of Ponte Ricurvo, are respectively mediaeval and modern.

^{page 176 note 4} Tauriferis ubi se Meuania campis / explicat Lucan i, 473; also Colum. iii, 8, Sil. vi, 647.

^{page 176 note 6} Prop, iv, 1, 123: see La Patria di Properzio nell' antica Mevania (F. Alberti). More probably his birthplace was Asisium, see Hülsen in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v., and Lachmann on Prop, iv, 1, 25.

^{page 176 note 6} Elenco, cit. p. 35.

^{page 176 note 7} Cf. C.I.L. 5265 (the famous inscription of Constantine from Spello): civitati … cui nunc Hispellum nomen est quamque Flaminiae uiae confinem adque continuam esse memoratis.

^{page 176 note 8} The Jerusalem Itinerary records the civitas Fulginis on the later Via Flaminia three miles before Forum Flaminii.

^{page 177 note 1} Carta d'Italia, cited p. 169, n. 2.

^{page 177 note 2} Bormann (C.I.L. p. 754–5) considers that Forum Flaminii and Fulginiae were originally separate communities—the former having its own aedile and patronus civitatis (C.I.L. 5217, 5215), but that later Forum Flaminii was absorbed in Fulginiae.

^{page 177 note 3} The distance is nearer seven miles.

^{page 177 note 4} Elenco, cit. p. 53.

^{page 177 note 5} Sacconi, Relazione, cit. 104. It was well restored in 1903.

^{page 177 note 6} The plan was drawn out from my measurements by Mr. F. O. Lawrence, Rome Scholar in Architecture of the British School at Rome (T.A.).

^{page 179 note 1} Carta d'Italia f. 123, ii (Nocera Umbra; 1: 50,000).

^{page 179 note 2} Cluver (631, 31) has the following: ‘vicus, qui a veteris operis ponte, qui nunc interruptus ibidem conspicitur, vulgo dicitur Ponte Centesimo.’ The name Ponte Centesimo is to be found in seventeenth century posting books (cf. p. 169 above), and may well have survived from Roman times, as Alberti Descrittione di tutta Italia (1568), p. 90, conjectures.

^{page 179 note 3} But near Bolsena (Volsinii) the Roman road of which the pavement is visible goes up a hill nearly as steep.

^{page 179 note 4} This gate is almost exactly nine miles from Ponte Centesimo; and by the Vicarello cups Nuceria is 19 m. from Mevania, i.e. 109 from Rome: the Antonine Itinerary gives 18 m. from Mevania to Nuceria.

^{page 180 note 1} Mommsen C.I.L. l.c.) reckons 145 miles from Rome to Septempeda by Spoletium; but the Antonine Itinerary quoted above gives the route from Rome to Ancona by Mevania.

^{page 180 note 2} Tac. Ann. iii, 9Google Scholar.

^{page 180 note 3} Antike Schlachtfelde, iii, p. 194 ff. On both these roads cf. Nissen, I.L. ii, p. 388Google Scholar.

^{page 180 note 4} A cemetery of foss-tombs (7 –6 c, B.C.; contents in the Museo delle Terme at Rome) has been found in the hills north-east of Gaifana (Stefani in Not. Scavi, 1918, pp. 103 ff.). Just before the divergence are two ancient culverts (ibid. 121). Cf. fig. 4, p. 107.

^{page 180 note 5} Carta d'Italia f. 123, i (Gualdo Tadino; 1: 50,000).

^{page 180 note 6} Tadinates occur in Pliny's list of Umbrian cemmunities (N.H. iii, 114), and ‘civitas Ptaniae’ eight miles from Nocera in Itin. Hieros, p. 614.

^{page 180 note 7} This stands on a hill whither the inhabitants of Tadinum migrated for safety on the fall of the empire or in the middle ages.

^{page 180 note 8} This agrees with the distance of fifteen miles from Nuceria to Helvillum given by the Itineraries.

^{page 181 note 1} The Vicarello cups and the Jerusalem Itinerary both make Cale fourteen miles from Aesis (Scheggia).

^{page 181 note 2} Tab. Peut. section iv.

^{page 181 note 3} For a Roman bridge near here see Elenco, cit. p. 55—no particulars are given.

^{page 181 note 4} Carta d'Italia f. 116, ii (Fabriano; 1: 50,000).

^{page 181 note 5} Perhaps to be identified with the Suillum of Pliny, N.H.. iii, 114. Elenco, cit. 104.

^{page 181 note 6} Elenco, cit. 49.

^{page 181 note 7} Carta d'Italia f. 116, iii (Gubbio; 1: 50,000).

^{page 181 note 8} The Vicarello cups and the Jerusalem Itinerary give the name ‘Haesis’ : Peutinger (with the wrong distance of seven miles to Cale) gives ‘ad Ensem,’ which Hodgkin adopts (Italy and her Invaders, iv, p. 260). For a probable branch road from Aesis to the coast through Sentinum see Bormann, in C.I.L. xi, 2, p. 999Google Scholar, and below, p. 184.

^{page 181 note 9} Itin. Anton. p. 316.

^{page 181 note 10} See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. ‘Appenninus’ 2. Another dedication to Jupiter Appenninus occurs in C.I.L. viii, 7961 (from Numidia), and references to the oracle in Hist. Aug. Claudius, 10, and Firmus, 3. On some remains probably of a road embankment near the supposed site of the temple, cf. Not. Scavi, 1877, p. 120–21.

^{page 182 note 1} Pliny (N.H. xxiii, 95)Google Scholar mentions a plant “quod Iguuini circa Flaminiam uiam uendunt.’

^{page 182 note 2} Kromayer, , Antike Schlachtfelde, vol. iii, p. 437Google Scholar n. gives its height as 581 metres (1,890 feet), nearly 500 feet lower than any other pass in the Appennines east of the meridian of Florence. The Via Valeria, for instance, crosses the chain between Carsoli and Tagliacozzo at a height of 3,800 feet.

^{page 182 note 3} Perhaps to be identified with the ‘Luceoli’ of Paulus Diaconus (Hist. Langohard, iv, 8), cf. Cluver, p. 618, 1. 16.

^{page 182 note 4} “La Strada Flaminia dall' Apennino all' Adriatico: memoria del Prof. Pierluigi Montecchini, Capo Ingegnere del Genio Civile’ (Pesaro 1879).

^{page 182 note 5} C.I.L. 5620: it really belongs to Hadrian.

^{page 183 note 1} Carta d'Italia f. 116, iv (Cagli; 1: 50,000).

^{page 183 note 2} According to Montecchini (p. 36) the arches are 7m. wide, and the central pier 5·60 m. wide on the up-stream side and 7·45m. on the other.

^{page 183 note 3} The road which skirts the base of the hill without entering the town is quite modern (Montecchini, p. 44).

^{page 183 note 4} Serv. ad Aen. vii, 728, ‘Cales civitas est Campaniae; nam in Flaminia quae est Cale dicitur.’

^{page 183 note 5} Not. Scavi, 1878, pp. 119. ff.; Mochi, Storta di Cagli (1878), pp. 41 ff. They have been recently published and fully discussed by Bendinelli, in Monumenti Antichi, xxvi (1920), pp. 221 ff.Google Scholar, whose account of them I follow here.

^{page 183 note 6} Cluver, Ital. Ant. p. 620: Montecchini, loc. cit.

^{page 184 note 1} C.I.L. xi, 2, p. 999.

^{page 184 note 2} So named from a fictitious inscription recording its restoration by M. Allius Tyrannus (C.I.L. xi, 753*). The arch is part of a circle which continues under the bed of the stream, according to Mochi (p. 49), who says this was proved by experiment. He unnecessarily regards the huge blocks used in the bridge as a sign of pre-Roman work.

^{page 184 note 3} Probably the Ponte della Peperia described by Montecchini (p. 51).

^{page 184 note 4} Mochi, Sopra gli avanzi dell' antica città nel territorio di Cagli e di Acqualagna. (Fossombrone, 1876) and Storia di Cagli, pp. 64 ff., who mentions bronzes and marbles found there and coins down to the time of Constantine.

^{page 184 note 5} So Bormann, in C.I.L. xi, 2, p. 876Google Scholar.

^{page 185 note 1} The seventeenth-century post-road went this way, cf. Scoto, Itinerarium Italiae (1610) init, who after Cantiano gives the following stations:— Equalenza borgo (i.e. Acqualagna), 8 m.; Urbino città, 8m.; Foglia hosteria, 8m.; Montefiore castello, 8m.; Rimini città, 10m. Scoto also (p. 246) mentions this road as a shorter way from Rimini to Rome than the Flaminia, and as joining the latter at Acqualagna.

^{page 185 note 2} Hodgkin (op. cit. iv, p. 282Google Scholar) admits the difficulties of the latter theory, which he yet adopts; his alternative, a detour by Arezzo, is impossible, as it would take many days.

^{page 185 note 3} Prof. Bury has assured me, on grounds of Procopian usage, that the words of Procopius (B.G. iv, 28 fin.) ὁδοῦ τῆς Φλαμινίας ἐνθένδϵ ἀφέμϵνος ἐν ἀριστϵρᾷ ἤϵι mean ‘he travelled thence (i.e. from Rimini, as the context shows) leaving the Flaminian Way on his left.’ They certainly do not suggest the view taken by Hodgkin, (Italy and her Invaders, vol. iv, p. 629)Google Scholar that Narses went along the coast past Fano and then turned up the Cesano valley to Cagli.

^{page 185 note 4} Carta d'Italia f. 116. i (Pergola; 1: 50,000).

^{page 185 note 5} The titles given—trib. pot. vii and cos. viii—are inconsistent, see Bormann, ad loc. The making of the tunnel is also recorded by Aur. Vict. Epit. de Caes. ix, 10Google Scholar.

^{page 186 note 1} C.I.L. 6107: Not. Scavi, 1886, pp. 225 ff. 411 ff. on this inscription and on a quantity of burnt corn and other provisions which were found under the road in the Furlo—perhaps destroyed when the Lombards burnt Petra Pertusa in 570 or 571. (Agnellus, Lib. Pontif. Eccl. Ravenn. 95.)

^{page 186 note 2} Procop. B.G. ii, 11Google Scholar.

^{page 186 note 3} id. iv, 28.

^{page 186 note 4} Carta d'Italia f. 109, ii (Fossombrone; 1: 50,000, and Cartoceto, 1: 25,000).

^{page 186 note 5} Illustrated in Vernarecci's Fossombrone, p. 71.

^{page 186 note 6} C.I.L. 6622: Imp. Caesar / diui Neruae f. / Nerua Traianus / optimus Aug. Ger. / Dacicus tribunic / potest. XIX. imp. XI / cos. VI. p. p. / faciundum / curauit. C.I.L. 6623: ‘Aeterni impera/tores Diocle/tianus et Maxi/mianus Augus/ti et perpetui / Caesares / Constantius / et Maximia/nus pontem / Metauro’ was found in a bridge over the Metaurus between Calirnzzo and Fossombrone (our pl. XVIII, no. 2, from Vernarecci, op. cit. p. 72) and cannot be ascribed with certainty to the Via Flaminia.

^{page 187 note 1} For its history see Vernarecci's Fossombrone.

^{page 187 note 2} Not. Scavi, 1879, p. 230; 1830, p. 23. Furietti, De Musivis, p. 60, tav. vi (Rome, 1752), shows a fine mosaic floor from Forum Sempronii.

^{page 187 note 3} Not. Scavi, 1903, p. 175.

^{page 187 note 4} op. cit. ii, p. 383. Montecchini (p. 94) suggests Sempronius Sophus, consul in 268 B.C., or Sempronius Tuditanus, consul in 240.

^{page 187 note 5} M. Terentius M. f. Varro Lucullus pro pr. terminos restituendos ex s.c. coerauit qua P. Licinius, Ap. Claudius C. Gracchus iii uir. a. d. a. i. statuerunt.

^{page 187 note 6} Cf. C.I.L. 6136, on the gr.nt of a burial ground to a collegium iumentariorum.

^{page 187 note 7} The disused bridge over the Barzotto just beyond Tavernelle (Montecchini, p. 100) does not appear to be Roman work.

^{page 187 note 8} Carta d'Italia f. 110, iii, N.O. (S. Costanzo 1: 25,000).

^{page 188 note 1} Ancient historians disagreed in their view of Hasdrubal's aim: cf. ἔγνω πρὸς Ταλάτας άναχωρῆσαι (Zonaras) and τῷ ἀδέλφῳ συνϵλθϵῖν ἐπϵιγόμϵνος (Appian). Neither Polybius nor Livy expresses any opinion on this point.

^{page 188 note 2} Polyb. xi, 1, 2: ποιήσας ἐν βραχϵῖ χωρίῳ τὴν ὅλην δύναμιν.

^{page 188 note 3} Polyb. xi, 1, 5 (Claudius): πϵρικϵρᾷν τοὺς ὑπϵναντίους οὐκ ἐδύνατο διὰ τὰς προκϵιμένας δυαχωρίας Liv. xxvii, 48: ‘dextra omnis acies [of the Romans] extra proelium eminens cessabat.’

^{page 188 note 4} Carta d'Italia f. 110, iv, s.o. (Fano; 1: 25.000).

^{page 188 note 5} Inscription formerly on the arch: C.I.L. 6218–9. Cf. too Rossini, Archi Trionfali tav. ix–xi, and Mancini, , L'Arco di Augusto in Fano (Pesaro, 1826)Google Scholar.

^{page 189 note 1} Aur. Vict. Epit, de Caes. 35, 2.

^{page 189 note 2} Procop. B.G. iii, 11, 32Google Scholar.

^{page 189 note 3} Not. Scavi, 1901, pp. 251 ff.

^{page 189 note 4} To a point on this tract, five miles from Fano, belongs the milestone C.I.L. 6632 (from the reign of Constantius) with the figure CLXXXVII.

^{page 189 note 5} Shortly beyond Pisaurum would belong the milestone (C.I.L. 6633, from Fano, now lost) with tie diitance ‘ab ur(be) Rom(a) CXCI.’

^{page 189 note 6} Rossini, op. cit. tav. xii–xiii. The arch bore medallions of Neptune and Mars on the south side, Jupiter and Venus on the north; and may be represented on a coin of 16–15 B.C. Cohen i, p. 143; Eckhel, , Doctr. Num. vi, p. 106Google Scholar.

^{page 189 note 7} Various restorations are given in C.I.L. loc. cit. Mommen (Res gestae divi Aug. iv, 9) reads, ‘u(ia Flamin)ia (et reliqueis) / celeberrimeis Italiae uiis consilio (eius populi) us(ibus redd)iteis.’

^{page 190 note 1} Strab. v, 226–7. βϵλτίων ἡ ἐπ' Ἀριμίνον (sc. ὁδός), ταπϵινοῦται γὰρ ἐνταῦθα ἱκανῶς τὰ ὄρη.

^{page 190 note 2} Cf. Procop. iv, 28, on the difficulties of Narses in crossing the river.

^{page 190 note 3} Its streets re-laid by C. Caesar in A.D. I (C.I.L. xi, 1, 356)Google Scholar: other public works by Domitian and M. Aurelius, ibid. 368, 371; dedications to Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus ibid. 369,372.

^{page 190 note 4} The inscription on the bridge (C.I.L. 367) records it as given by both emperors.

^{page 190 note 5} Cassius Dio xli, 4. and the spurious inscription (C.I.L. xi, 1,* 34), still standing in Piazza Giulio Cesare, the old Forum.

^{page 190 note 6} Neither the 178th nor the 211th milestone the Via Flaminia was found in situ: but it seems uncertain whether we can suppose that each of them has been transported since ancient times from one side to the other of Fano and Rimini respectively. On the other hand, the differences between the distances given by the Vicarello cups and the itineraries and those obtained by our measurements cannot be due, it would seem, to slight errors throughout the latter, for they can be narrowed down to particular stretches of road. Of the 5 miles excess according to the Vicarello cups, 1 mile occurs between ad xx (or mor exactly Aquaviva) and Otricoli, 2 between Otricoli and Narni, and 2 between Cagli and Fossombrone, For similar difficulties in regard to the Via Traiana see P.B.S.R. viii, 147–8.