¹ I have discussed the Acts of St. George, and their Judaeo-mazdean sources, in the Revue de l'histoire des religions, cxiv, 1936, 5–41Google Scholar.

² Bartholomaei, J., Lettres numismatiques et archéologiques relatives à la Transcaucasie (St. Petersburg, 1859), 72Google Scholar: ‘Vous connaissez sans doute la légende de l'apparition annuelle, de nos jours encore, au couvent d'Ilori du boeuf miraculeux qui arrive toujours à point nommé pour la fête de St. Georges pour se faire sacrifier à ce saint.’ The occurrence is also mentioned in the Description de la Géorgie par le Tsarevitch Wakhoucht, published by Brosset (St. Petersburg, 1842), on p. 400Google Scholar: ‘Sur le rivage à l'ouest de l'Egris est l'eglise de St. Georges d'llori. Le 10 Novembre de chaque année, il y vient un boeuf que l'on tue et que le roi partage avec ses grands. Cette église, qui opérait plus de miracles qu'on ne peut le croire, fut brulée en 1733.’ Brosset in Voyage archéologique dans la Géorgie et dans l'Armenie, VIII^e Rapport (St. Petersburg, 1849), 98, describes a large icon, preserved at Ilori, showing various scenes from the legend of St. George, and this icon was reproduced by the Countess Ouvaroff [Ouvarova] in Matériaux relatifs a l'archéologie du Caucase, iii (Moscow, 1893),Google Scholar pl. x. But in these two works there is no mention of the custom still to be observed in Bartholomaei's time.

³ Voyage de monsieur le Chevalier Chardin en Perse et autres lieux de l'Orient (Amsterdam, 1711),. vol. i, ch. xxii, p. 78 fGoogle Scholar.

⁴ On the matal in the Armenian church, cf. Conybeare, , Rituale Armenorum (Oxford, 1905), 65 ffGoogle Scholar. According to information which Père Peeters has been kind enough to send me, this institution, perhaps of Aramaean origin, is found also in Georgia, where it bears the Greek name ‘agape.’ Chardin (op. cit. ch. xxi, p. 73; cf. p. 76) describes in detail the rites employed in Mingrelia at these animal-sacrifices and at the offerings which were made on tombs.

⁵ Bouché-Leclercq, , Histoire de la divination, i, 149 ff.Google Scholar; iii, 100. Cf. Strabo xi, 4, 7, 503 (on the human sacrifices of the Albanians of Caucasus): πεσόντος δὲ (τοῦ ἱεροδούλου) σημειοῦνται μαντεῖά τινα ἐκ τοῦ πτώματος καὶ εἰς τὸ κοινὸυ ἀποϕαίνουσι.

⁶ For pleces of the victim kept as talismans cf. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites ³, 381 ff.

⁷ For Greece, cf. Saglio-Pottier, Dict. ant. s.v. ‘Sacrificium,’ p. 964, n. p. 36, 966, n. 10; Stengel, Kultusaltertumer ³, 63. For Rome, cf. Marquardt, Staatsverw. iii², 180; Wissowa, Relig. der Römer ², 416, n. 6. Macrobius (iii, 5, 8) is very explicit: ‘observatum est a sacrificantibus ut, si hostia, quae ad aras duceretur, fuisset vehementius reluctata, ostendissetque se invitam altaribus admoveri, amoveretur, quia invito deo offeri earn putabant. quae autem stetisset oblata, hanc volenti numini dari existimabant.’

⁸ For instance, at the temple of Aphrodite on Mount Eryx: Aelian, de nat. anim. i, 50Google Scholar. Other examples have been collected by Weinreich, , Studien zu Martial, 1928, 134, 137 ff.Google Scholar, 172, and by Robertson Smith, op. cit., 309, n. 1 (cf. S. A. Cook's note on p. 602).

⁹ Pseudo-Aristotle De mir. ausc. 137 [149]. Another form of the story occurs in Apollonius Paradoxographus, c. 13 (Nilsson, Griech. Feste, 1906, 16; cf. 58, 437).

¹⁰ This tale was often repeated: Plut. Lucull. 10; Applan, Mithr. 75; Porphyry, De abstinentia, i, 25Google Scholar; Obsequens, Prodig. 121.

¹¹ Plut. Lucull. 24, p. 507e: καὶ γίνεται σημεῖον αὐτῷ χρηστὸν ἅμα τῇ διαβάσει· βόες ἱεραὶ νέμονται Περαίς Ἀρτέμιδος, ἣν μάλιστα θεῶν οἱ πέραν Εὐϕράτου βάρβαροι τιμῶσι· χρῶνται δὲ ταῖς βουσὶ πρὸς θυσίαν μόνον, ἄλλως δὲ πλάζονται κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἄϕετοι, χαράγματα ϕέρουσαι τῆς θεοῦ λάμπαδα, καὶ λαβεῖν ἐξ αὐτῶν, ὅταν δεηθῶσιν, οὐ πάνυ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν οὐδὲ μικρᾶς πραγματείας. τούτων μία, τοῦ στρατοῦ διαβάντος τὸν Εὐϕράτην, ἐλθοῦσα πρός τινα πέτραν ἱερὰν τῆς θεοῦ νομιζομένην ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς ἔστη καὶ καταβαλοῦσα τὴν κεϕαλήν, ὤσπερ αἱ δεσμῷ κατατεινόμεναι, θῦσαι τῷ Λενκόλλῳ παρέσχεν αὑτήν.

¹² ’L'archevêche de Pédachtoé et le sacrifice du faon’ in Byzantion, vi, 1931, 522 ffGoogle Scholar. Pére Peeters has called my attention to the fact that St. Athenogenes is mentioned, as well as in the hagiographical literature, by Agathangelus, who relates that, when St. Gregory the Illuminator was returning from Caesarea in Armenia after his ordination, he brought with him the relics of St. John the Baptist and of St. Athenogenes (cf. Langlois, Hist. Arm. i, 174, 178Google Scholar, etc.; Markwart, Südarmenien und die Tigrisquellen, 289). Cf. Delehaye and Quentin, Comm. du martyrologe biéronymien, 24 July (AASS November xi, p. 394).

¹³ The tradition that at a certain festival, generally that of the prophet Elijah, a stag came to be sacrificed and was then divided among the faithful is found in many parts of Greece. Cf. Kyriakidès, , ΛαογραФіα. Δέλτιον τῆς Εληνικῆς λаογρаФικῆς ὲταιρείας vi, 1917, 189–215Google Scholar: M. Kazarow has also noticed it in several Thracian churches (P-W s.v. ‘Thrake,’ col. 488 ff.) and rightly compares the legend with the words used about Rhesos, the mounted hunter of Rhodope, by Philostratus (Heroic. 3, 16Google Scholar): σημεῖον δὲ εἶναι τοῦ θηρᾶν τὸν ἥρω τὸ τοὺς σῦς τοὺς ἀγρίους καὶ τὰς δορκάδας καὶ ὁπόσα ἐν τῷ ὄρει θήρια ϕοιτᾶν πρὸς τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ Ῥήσου κατὰ δύο ἢ τρία, θύεσθαι δἐ οὐδενὶ δεσμῷ συνεχόμενα καὶ παρέχειν τῃ μαχαίρᾳ ἑαυτά. Cf. Seure, Revue de philol., liv, 1928, p. 118Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Strabo xi, p. 532 C; Agathangelus, in Langlois, , Hist. Arm. i, 126 ff.Google Scholar, 167 ff.

¹⁵ Porphyry, De antro nymph. 18: καὶ ψυχαὶ δἐ εἰς γένεσιν ἰοῦσαι βουγενεῖς, καὶ βουκλόπος θεὸς ὁ τὴν γένεσιν λεληθότως ἀκούων.

¹⁶ Firmicus Maternus, De errore prof, relig. c. 4: ‘Virum vero abactorem bovum colentes sacra eius ad ignis transferunt potestatem, sicut propheta eius nobis tradidit dicens: Μύστα κ.τ.λ.’ On the proper interpretation of this line see Comptes rendus Acad. Inscr., 1934, 107.

¹⁷ Instruct, i, 13.

¹⁸ On the legend of Mithra and the Bull, and its representations, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, i, 170. I am dealing with the subject again in connection with the Mithraeum of Doura-Europos, on which Yale University is to publish a special monograph.

¹⁹ Bréal, , Hercule et Cacus, étude de mythologie comparée, Paris, 1863Google Scholar; cf. Roscher, Lexicon, s.v. ‘Hercules,’ col. 2279, where this interpretation is still accepted.

²⁰ Cf. my Religions orientales,⁴ 63 f. in connection with the taurobolium. There is no doubt that in the myth of Mithra and the Bull, as it occurred in the mysteries, the god had to overcome the animal, which tried to escape (Mon. myst. Mithra, i, 170). A reminiscence of the capture of wild bulls in Colchis may conceivably be preserved by the legend of the Argonauts, where the first test imposed on Jason is to tame and yoke some firebreathing bulls with feet of bronze (P-W ii, col. 766, 32). The same origin may perhaps be ascribed to a peculiar rite observed at Kynaitha in Arcadia according to Pausanias (viii, 19, 1): Διονύσου ἐστὶν ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν καὶ ἑορτὴν ἄγουσιν ὥρᾳ χειμὼνος ἐν ᾖ λίπα ἀληλιμμὲνοι ἄνδρες ἐξ ἀγέλης βοῶν ταῦρον, ὃν ἃν σϕίσιν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ νοῦν ὁ θεὸς ποιήσῃ, ἀράμενοι κομίζουσι πρὸς τὸ ἱερόν. θυσία τοιαύτη σϕίσι καθέστηκε. Nilsson (Griech. Feste, 299) compares the sacrifice in Atlantis (Plato, Kritias, 119c), where the bull was to be hunted ἄνευ σιδήρου ξύλοις καὶ βρόχοις.

²¹ Cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, i, 171, n. 7.

²² Brosset, , Historiens Arméniens, St. Petersburg, 1874, i, 21Google Scholar (Ardzroûni, i, ch. 3).

²³ Mon. myst. Mithra, i, 187 ff.

²⁴ Arrian, Peripl. P. Eux. 10; cf. P-W s. v. ‘Dioskurias,’ col. 1124.

²⁵ I shall be dealing with this point in connection with the Mithraeum of Doura-Europos; see p. 67, n. 18.

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ The earliest evidence appears to be that of the Miracle of Theopistos, which was set down in Cappadocia [ cf. infra, p. 70 f.], Aufhauser, , Miracula S. Georgii (Leipzig, 1913), 53Google Scholar, 8; 57, 2: ἐϕ᾿ ἵππου λευκοῦ καθεζόμενος. Cf. Mirac. de mansionario, ibid., p. 159, 11: ‘candidum praeceplt conscendere equum.’ For the period of the Crusades cf. AASS, April iii, p. 153 ff.; Budge, , George of Lydda, London, 1930, p. 38Google Scholar.

²⁸ As far as Ethiopla; cf. Budge, op. cit., pl. i, miniature of MS. B. Mus. Orient 715, f. 2b.

²⁹ de Jerphanion, G.Les églises rupestres de Cappadoce, i, 608Google Scholar, notes on pp. 482, 495; cf. pl. 135, I; 187, 2. At vol. ii, p. 323 he adduces (after Myslivec, Byzantinoslavica v, 1933–4, 373 f.) a relief, dated to A.D. 916, from Ashtumar on Lake Van, which already shows the fight with the dragon.

³⁰ A large number of examples taken from miniatures, frescoes and pictures may be found in Roosval, Johnny, Nya Sankt Göraus Studier, Stockholm, 1924Google Scholar [in Swedish, with an English summary], pl. 2 ff. In addition may be mentioned a window in the Cathedral of Chartres (thirteenth century) published by Y. Delaporte and E. Ouvré, Les vitraux de la cath. de Ch., 1926, 511, and pl. 269. [I owe this note to the Marquise de Maillé.]

³¹ In Italy almost at the same time Carpaccio broke with the age-old tradition by giving St. Giorgio dei Genovesi (Genoa, 1914), 96; Roosval, degli Schiavoni at Venice (1502–1507): cf. Ruskin, l.c. in the next note; Orlando Grosso, Il San Giorgio dei Genovesi (Genoa, 1914) 96; Roosval, op. cit., pl. 24. In Germany this black horse appeared about 1480 in a plcture by Friedrich Herlin (Nödlingen Städtisches Museum): cf. Roosval, pl. 13.

³² J. Ruskin, St. Mark's Rest, 233 (= Works, ed. by Cook and Wedderburn, xxiv, 383).

³³ In the Avesta the chariot of Mithra is drawn by four white horses with trapplngs of gold and silver (Mihir yasht xxxi, 125; vol. ii, 175, Darmesteter). He dotus vi, 40: ἅρμα Διὸς [ = Ahura-Mazda] ἵπποι εἴλκον λευκοὶ ὀκτώ. Q. Curtius iii, 3, 11: ‘currum Iovi sacratum albentes vehebant equi.’ Xen. Cyr. viii, 3, 12: ἂρμα λευκὸν Διὸς іερόν … 'Ηλίου ἄρμα λευκόν. The magi sacrifice white horses to the Strymon (Herodotus vii, 113), and Mithridates in Pontus makes an offering to Poseidon λευκῶν ἵππων ἅρμα καθεὶς ἐς τὸ πέλαγος (Appian, Mithr. 70). So too in the Syriac Alexander-Romance (iii, 18, p. 234, Budge), having reached the shore of the Indian Ocean the king ‘sacrificed a large number of white horses to Poseidon.’ In Heliodorus x, 6, on the orders of the King Hydaspes the priests Ηλίῳ τέθριπον λευκὸν ὲπῆγον. The Treasure-Cave, a Syriac apocryphon or the sixth century, relates that King Sïsan caused a white horse to be carved and set it by a spring in Adharbaijān so that the bathers prayed to it, from which it would appear that the Persians had a cult of this horse (C. Bezold, Die Schatzhöhle, 136–translation on p. 33). –So too according to Persian beliefs other miraculous animals (rams, bulls) which appeared on fixed days and from which the future was foretold were white (Albiruni, , Chronology of Nations, trans. Sachau, , London, 1879, 211, 213Google Scholar)–The Greeks too talk of white horses ridden by certain gods or harnessed to their chariots (Bochart, , Hierozicon, ed. Rosenmüller, , 1793, i, 44Google Scholar); and though they rarely sacrificed horses, when they did so, it had always to be a white horse (Stengel, Opferbraüche der Griechen, 157, 161, and Kultusaltertümer,³ 1920, 152). The triumphators at Rome entered the city in a chariot drawn by white horses, in imitation of the chariot of Juplter or of the Sun (Livy, v, 23, 5; Plut. Camillus 7: cf. Bochart, loc. cit.; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii,² 586); and even among the Germans the horses used for divination were white (Tac. Germ. 10). It is probable that at least in some cases there is Eastern, and more particularly Persian, influence (Stengel, Kultusalt.³ 136, n. 7), but the question needs closer examination: it has little importance for our present subject. Pére de Jerphanion reminds me of Revelation xix, 11 ff., where the king of kings–that is, the triumphant Messiah–and his heavenly host are mounted on white horses, as also is the first of the four horsemen–the conqueror– in vi, 2. Should we suppose that from these passages the spotless coat of St. George's steed is derived? More probably both the author of the Apocalypse and the hagiographers chose this colour because it was traditional for the horses of the ‘Invincible’ god and of successful warriors.

³⁴ Alb. Dumont, Mélanges d'archeol. réunis par Homolle, 1892, 212, already noticed the fact and gave some examples (p. 328, nos. 22, 23): cf. Rostovtzeff, Storia economica dell' impero, 292. M. Kazarow has kindly sent me some interesting details about the cult of St. George and its connection with the Thracian hero. ‘Eine Kapelle des heiligen Georgs befindet sich östlich vom Dorfe Zabernovo (Bezirk Malko-Tirnovo in Süd-Bulgarien). In der berühmten Nische die als Altar dient, ist ein antikes Relief des thrakischen Heros aufgestellt, das als Ikone des heiligen Georgs verehrt wird, vor dem auch Kerzen angezündet werden (Škorpil, Beschreibung der Altertümer des Schwarzenmeergebietes, i, 79). Interessant sind auch die von mir angeführten Beisplele, Arch. Anzeiper. 1026, p. q: 1021, p. 331. ‘M. Kazarow then remarks Art it is very doubtful whether (as Durnont suggested) the artistic type of St. George killing the dragon can have been inspired by that of the ‘Thracian horseman’; for it was probably created in the East and the earliest examples of it in Bulgaria date from the twelfth century. He goes on–’ Ich möchte noch hinzufügen dass dieser Heilige be. uns sehr populär ist. Die Bauern verehren ihn besonders als Beschützer des Ackerbaues und der Viehzucht–auch Heros hatte diese Eigenschaften (Realenc. vi, 483); er gibt Regen und Fruchtbarkeit; viele Volksheie besingen ihn, insbesondere seinen Kampf mit den Drachen (Lamja), der in verschiedenen ananten erzämt wird. Im wirtschaltlichen Leben des Volkes sind viele Braüche mit der Feier des Heiligen verknüpft. In der Zeit vor diesem Tage (6 Mai) wird von den Bauern kein Lamm geschlachtet, erst am Tage des Heiligen wird ein Lamm als Opfer dargebracht, vom Priester geweiht und erst dann gegessen. Ueber die Beziehung des Heros mit dem heiligen Georg hat bei uns niemand geschrieben, so viel mir bekannt ist.’

³⁶ Cf. Revue de l'histoire des religions, cxiv, 1936, 25Google Scholar.

³⁶ Yasht, x, 22, 86 (vol. ii 465–Darmesteter): La vache emmenée captive l'invoque à son secours soupirant vers l'étable (ou le troupeau). Quand notre héros, maître des vastes campanes … nous fera-t-il atteindre l'étable? Poussée dans le repaire de la Druj, quand me fera-t-il retourner dans le droit chemin?’ Ibid. x, 9, 38 (p. 453); ‘Sinistres sont les demeures où sinistre est le chemin de captivité oú marche le boeuf qui pait dans les vallons des hommes Mithro-druj; traïné sur la route, il s'arrête laissant des larmes couler le long de ses joues.’

³⁷ As in Bulgaria: cf. supra, p. 69, note 34.

³⁸ Miracula s. Georgii, ed. Aufhauser, , leipzig, 1913, pp. 44–64Google Scholar.

³⁹ The story must have taken this form a little later than the reign of Theodosius I, A.D. 379–395, (cf. Aufhauser, , Das Drachenwunder des heiligen Georg (Munich), 1911, 28Google Scholar); that is to say, it goes back to the fifth centurv like the oldest of the Acta.

⁴⁰ I owe my hearty thanks to Mr. Hugh Last for his trouble in translating this article.