¹ Eclogue viii, just because as a work of poetry it is of very modest value, is highly suitable for the purpose of showing that Virgil, even at that early stage, set great store by the perfect balance between the two main parts of his poem and made the fullest possible use of the effects of symmetry accentuated by either parallelism or contrast. To the reader who remembers the Φαρμαкεύτριαι, the manner in which Virgil spoils his model by twisting it into a happy end is almost revolting; but it is obvious that the Latin poet is anxious at all costs to provide a contrast to the sad finale of Damon's song. In detail, there are striking correspondences between Part I and Part II, e.g. the ‘coniugis’in 18 is responsible for the (of course un-Theocritean) ‘coniugis’ in 66; to the eulogy of Maenalus in 22–24 the eulogy of the ‘carmina’ in 69–71 is exactly parallel, and it is for the sake of parallelism that the latter piece has been interpolated into the context of the Φαρμαкεύτριαι (whereby Virgil took advantage of 1. 15 of the Theocritean poem). Moreover, the wish to produce exact pendants (and probably also a concern for the uniformity of his book) induced Virgil to turn the Φαρμαкεύτριαι a town μῖμος, into a bucolic piece, the action of which takes place in the countryside. This he achieved by introducing the names Daphnis, Amaryllis and Moeris, and by altering the refrain to ‘ducite ab urbe domum’. In order to enhance the element of symmetry, Virgil furnished Part I, the song of Damon, with a refrain of indifferent content.

² Hofman Peerlkamp thought that Book vii ought to begin with the invocation (37) ‘nunc age, qui reges, Erato…’ Neither general considerations nor the noble and characteristically Virgilian feeling expressed in 1. 4 nor the fact that ‘te quoque’ at the opening of the second half of the poem reminds us of the ‘te quoque’ with which the second half of the Georgics begins deterred that fearless critic from drawing the inevitable consequence of his rearrangement and condemning ll. 1–4 as spurious. The solution which Peerlkamp suggested cannot be taken seriously, but it is to his credit that here, as quite often in his notorious edition of Horace's Odes and Epodes, he has laid his finger on a real difficulty.

³ In Purg. 2, 100 ff., the mouth of the Tiber (‘la marina … dove l'acqua di Tevero s'insala’) is represented as the place where the souls destined for Purgatory collect.

⁴ On the ‘quite unhomeric’ first person in B 493 ἀρχοὺς αὖ νηῶν ἐρέω νῆάς τε προπάσας see F. Jacoby, Sitzgsb. Berl. Akad., Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1932, 576; cf. Leaf on M 175 ff.

⁵ Cf. Pohlenz, M., ‘Causae civilium armorum,’ ΕΠΙΤΥΜΒΙΟΝ Heinrich Swoboda dargebracht (Reichenberg, 1927), 201 ff.Google Scholar In this connexion notice also 7, 553, ‘stant belli causae’.

⁶ Cf., e.g., the excerpt from Polybius's description of the Roman State at its height, which begins (6, 11, 2) διὸ καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς συστάσεως αὐτοῦ λόγον ἀποδεδωκότες πειρασόμεθα νῦν ἤδη διασαφεῖν ὁποῖόν τι κατ᾿ ἐκείνους ὑπῆρχε τοὺς καιρούς κτλ., and Tac. Hist. i, 4Google Scholar: ‘ceterum antequam destinata componam, repetendum videtur qualis status urbis … fuerit.’

⁷ At 335 f. Juno says ‘tu potes unanimos armare in proelia fratres’ etc. It is only proper that a goddess, when addressing another deity and asking him or her to do something, should use the same kind of ceremonious language which is used by mortals in their invocations. For δύνασαι, ‘tu potes,’ etc., as a formula of prayers see e.g. E. Norden, Agnostos Theos 154. In the first book of the Aeneid Juno begins her prayer-like speech (64 ‘supplex his vocibus usaest’) to Aeolus with these words : ‘Aeole, namquetibi divom pater atque hominum rex … dedit …’ Here the manner in which the vocative is immediately followed by the explanatory nam-clause reproduces a well-known type of prayers; cf., e.g., Pindar, , Ol. 4, 1 fGoogle Scholar. Ἐλατὴρ ὑπέρτατε βροντᾶς … Ζεῦ τεαὶ γὰρ ‘Ѡραι…μ’ ἔπεμψαν κτλ.; Aristophanes, Eccl. 1 ff.

⁸ Cf. 1, 294 ff.: ‘claudentur Belli portae, Furor impius intus … fremet horridus ore cruento.’

⁹ The last words recall, and mark an advance beyond, the conclusion of Juno's command (339 f.) ‘disice compositam pacem, sere crimina belli : arma velit poscatque simul rapiatque iuventus.’ Allecto obeys this injunction not only in general but fulfills to the letter its last clause ‘arma velit poscatque … iuventus’. This is shown by the whole of scenes ii and iii and finds a concentrated expression in Turnus' reaction to the Fury's final assault (460) : ‘arma amens fremit, arma toro tectisque requirit.’ Here, as in 11, 453, ‘arma manu trepidi poscunt, fremit arma iuventus,’ in Aeschylus fr. 140 N.² ὅπλων ὅπλων δεῖ, in Horace, , Odes, 1, 35Google Scholar, 15, ‘neu populus frequens ad arma cessantis ad arma concitet,’ and in Ovid, Met. 12, 241, ‘certatimque omnes uno ore “arma arma” loquuntur,’ the duplication of the cry ‘arma’ mirrors a very ancient custom. On this and especially the old German clamor armisonus : ‘wâfenâ wâfen’ see Wilhelm Schulze, Sitzgsb. Berl. Akad., 1918, 484 = Kleine Schriften, 163 f.

¹⁰ In 59 B.C. Caesar ‘Bibulum (his colleague in the consulate) … in earn coegit desperationem ut, quoad potestate abiret, domo abditus nihil aliud quam per edicta obnuntiaret’ (Suetonius, , Div. Iul. 20, 1Google Scholar; cf. Cassius Dio 38, 6, 5). There is perhaps in Virgil an intentional reminiscence, cf. above (p. 4) on ‘gener atque socer’.

¹¹ The very fine description of the ritual (607–615) makes it particularly clear that the city of Latinus is to be considered the πρωτότυπον of Rome. This accounts for the expression ‘immensam … per urbem’in 377.

¹² See the Appendix (below, p. 12 ff.).

¹³ See Schwegler, , Röm. Geschichte i, 482Google Scholar, and W. F. Otto in P-W, Suppl. iii, 1180.

¹⁴ It is convenient to use this term although it might be more accurate to speak of the two Catalogues (see F. Jacoby, Sitzgsb. Berl. Akad., 1932, 572). Virgil draws not only on the κατάλοϒος νεῶν (in the introduction, 7,641 ff., and, e.g., 649 ff., an adaptation of B 671 ff.) but also on the Τρωικὸς διάκοσμος (so 715 the expression ‘qui Tiberim Fabarimque bibunt’ comes from B 825 πίνοντες ὕδωρ μέλαν Αἰσήποιο, and 753–758 is inspired by B 858 ff.).

¹⁵ It seems doubtful whether Virgil wanted his readers to visualize in the form of a distinct picture the act of ‘Helicona pandere’. Virgil may possibly have grafted the name of ‘Helicon’ on simpler images in passages of earlier poets such as those quoted by the commentators, Pindar, , Ol. 6, 27Google Scholar, χρὴ τοίνυν πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν and Bacchyl. fr. 5 (Snell), ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας. On the vagueness with which the Latin poets speak of Helicon see Wilamowitz, Reden und Vortädge i⁴, 105 f.

^15a Cf. especially 8, 349 f.: ‘iam turn religio pavidos terrebat agrestis dira loci, iam turn silvam saxumque timebant.’

¹⁶ See, e.g., Henry, J., Aeneidea iii, 594Google Scholar; R. Heinze, Virgils epische Technik,³ 366, n. 2, and 403; L. Bozzi, Ideali e correnti letterarie nell' Eneide (1936), 153.

¹⁷ It is from the introduction (see F. Jacoby, Sitzgsb. Berl. Akad., 1932, 580 ff.) to the Catalogu of the Ships (B 459 ff.) that Virgil borrowed the swansimile which he placed inside his Catalogue (699 ff.).

¹⁸ Its source can be reconstructed with the help of Columella (Varro is quite different).

¹⁹ Henry, J., Aeneidea iii, 361Google Scholar (who is followed by W. Warde Fowler, Virgil's ‘Gathering of the Clans,’ 43) justly says that ‘contemptor divom’ denotes in the main the ‘violator of the divine laws’. He is of course right, too, when he states that the phrase does not mean ‘infidel’; for this word has no place in the vocabulary of Greek and Roman religion. But how can Henry deny that ‘blasphemer’ is implied ? If Mezentius's boast in 10, 773 f. ‘dextra mihi deus et telum, quod missile libro, nunc adsint’ is not blasphemy, one would like to know what is. Servius correctly explains ‘ut non alium sibi putet deum esse sacrilegus quam dextram et fortitudinem’. Nettleship ad loc. compares the similar arrogance of Parthenopaeus in Aeschylus, Seven against Thebes 529 f. (on this and kindred instances cf. Wilamowitz, Aischylos—Interpretationen, 99, n. 2).

²⁰ See my article ‘Vergil und die Aithiopis’, Philologus 87, 1932, 242 ff.

²¹ Here Norden had a forerunner in Scaliger, see L. Valmaggi, Q. Ennio, I frammenti degli Annali (1900), 141, and Norden, 20 f.

²² See Münzer in P-W xiv, 1207 f.

²³ The MSS. have δαυνίαν (cf. the preceding paragraphs), but Seeck's emendation Ναρνίαν has been rightly adopted by, e.g., Büttner-Wobst and Sanctis, De, Storia dei Romani iii, 2, 47Google Scholar, n. 73.

²⁴ I do not propose to discuss what town, if any, corresponded in reality to Virgil's city of King Latinus, which certainly neither the poet and his contemporaries nor earlier writers ever called ‘Laurentum’. In addition to the careful examination of the evidence by Wissowa, , Hermes 50, 1915, 23 ff.Google Scholar, and J. Carcopino, Virgile et les origines d'Ostie (1919), 171–387,, see, e.g., T. Ashby, The Roman Campagna in Classical Times (1927), 209 f., Last, H., CAH vii, 488Google Scholar, Catharine Saunders, Vergil's Primitive Italy (1930), 53 ff., and especially Rehm, B., Das geographische Bild des alten Italien in Vergils Aeneis, Philologus, Suppl. xxiv, Heft ii (1932), 50 ffGoogle Scholar.