¹ See de Sanctis, G., Storia dei Romani iv, 2, 1 (1953), 367Google Scholar; Latte, K., Römische Religionsgeschichte (1960), 265 ff.Google Scholar The Epicureans, Athenaeus xii, 547a.

² ILLRP 121 records the restoration of an altar, we do not know to what god; no. 281 is an altar to Verminus, but not stated to be a restoration. Both are set up by A. Postumius, probably the consul of 151 and the historian (but, before leaping to conclusions about his antiquarian interests, let us recall that his history was in Greek and pragmatic—Polybius xxxix, 12, 4). See de Sanctis, G. in Riv. fil N.S. xiii (1935), 126Google Scholar and Storia dei Romani iv, 2, 1 (1953), 305, n. 816—in the latter opposing Münzer, , who in Bull. Comm. lxvii (1939), 27Google Scholar and P-W xxii, 1 connected the dedication to Verminus and thus the other activity of the IIviri with the cattle plague of 175–4, and identified the A. Postumius with the consul of 180; the stone, according to De Sanctis, is unlikely to be so early.

In ILLRP 126, a pious lady restores an altar of Heracles, but perhaps not so early as the second century; cf. also no. 279, from Syracuse.

³ Polybius vi, 56, 6.

⁴ Walbank, F. W., Historical Commentary on Polybius i (1957), 741.Google Scholar

⁵ Taylor, L. R., ‘Forerunners of the Gracchi’, JRS lii (1962), 19Google Scholar; n.b. 25: ‘the purpose [of Crassus'bill] was I believe to secure a membership in the augurate which would interpret obnuntiationes in favour of the people.’ Sumner, G. V., ‘Lex Aelia, Lex Fufia’, AJP lxxxiv (1963) 337Google Scholar, dates these to 132, as answers to Ti. Gracchus, and ascribes the Lex Aelia to Q. Aelius Tubero, Scipio's nephew: which would be interesting for our picture of Scipio and his friends, but cannot be regarded as proved.

⁶ Strasburger, H., ‘Der Scipionenkreis’, Hermes xciv (1966), 60Google Scholar; A. E. Astin, Scipio Aemilianus (1967), Appendix VI. Cf. Zetzel, J. E. G., ‘Cicero and the Scipionic Circle’, HSCP 76 (1972), 173.Google Scholar

⁷ Frag. 4 Funaioli. Cicero, ad Att. ii, 19, 5 implies the friendship of Laelius and Furius. Apuleius, Apol. 20 compares all three for their property—Furius was the poorest—plus Crassus Dives who was however, as we know, not a friend.

⁸ Panaetius may have distinguished the ‘three theologies’, philosophic, poetic and civic, as Scaevola Pontifex was soon under Stoic influence to do; he wrote but doubted divination and denied astrology (Cic, de Div. ii, 88; Acad. ii, 107). But while Polybius was attached to Scipio from the latter's youth, Panaetius only came to Rome about 146, and cannot have influenced his formative years. (I do not see why Walbank, F. W., ‘Political Morality and the Friends of Scipio’, JRS lv (1965), 1Google Scholar thinks that de fin. ii, 23–4 shows that Laelius was a student of Panaetius in Athens; it clearly implies that he heard him after the philosophic embassy and doubtless, like that, in Rome.)

⁹ Cic., de Rep i, 17 might suggest that Furius in particular was interested in astronomy.

¹⁰ Astin, op. cit. 17, n. 2.

¹¹ Malcovati, ORF frag. 13. Cf. Plutarch, Sayings of Romans 1 (he undertook no building, left little silver and gold), 7 (forbade staff to plunder) and 10 (objected to luxurious living in camp). But, alas, Pliny, , NH vii, 211Google Scholar says he introduced the custom of being shaved daily!

¹² Lucilius l235 (Marx).

¹³ Plutarch, , Cato Min. 7, 3.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cicero, , de Rep. i, 18Google Scholar; Astin, op. cit. 24, n. 5.

¹⁵ Brutus 83.

¹⁶ de Nat. Deor. iii, 5 and 43.

¹⁷ de Amic. 96.

¹⁸ Pace Cicero's pro Murena 75, which has a philosophic axe to grind, the simplicity of the lectisternium arranged by Scipio's nephew Tubero in 129 (‘stravit pelliculis haedinis lectulos Poenicanos et exposuit vasa Samia’) could be as much influenced by Laelius' views on religion as by Greek philosophy (but also relevant are his family's tradition of poverty and simplicity—see Plut., Aem. Paullus 28).

¹⁹ Peter, HRR (Piso, frag. 8).

²⁰ id. ib. Hemina, frags. 12 and 13.

²¹ Lucilius 484 (Marx).

²² Lucilius' burlesque treatment of the gods and kings of Rome in his Satires does not of course tell us much about his considered views on religion (note the passage behind Arnob., adv. Gentes v, 18 on the miraculous birth of Servius Tullius; but there is perhaps something serious behind the description of the Council of the Gods, who seem to be discussing luxury and the decline of Rome).

²³ P-W, Laelius no. 8. Macrobius, Sat. i, 6, 13.Google Scholar

²⁴ cf. Livy xxii, 1, 18 and xxvii, 37; also Fraenkel, E., Horace (1957) 380 n. 3.Google Scholar

²⁵ Phil. ii, 83.

²⁶ T. R. S. Broughton, MRR i, 479.

²⁷ Brutus 101; de Amic. 7–8; perhaps, suggests Broughton, Fannius succeeded Ti, Gracchus.

²⁸ Brutus 117.

²⁹ Latte, RRG 276, n. 2; the flamen Dialis in particular was frequently a Cornelius.

³⁰ L. Furius pontifex maximus in 449; M. Furius Fusus pontifex or augur in 390; L. Furius Bibaculus a Salius before 219—see MRR under these years.

³¹ Various rivals of Scipio also held places in the colleges however—Ap. Claudius, Metellus Macedonicus, Ti. Gracchus, Brutus Callaicus and Q. Scaevola.

³² Astin, op. cit. 315; Münzer, P-W vi, 2, Ser. Fabius Pictor no. 128, accepts, like others, the suggestion that the work on pontifical law ascribed to (a) Fabius Pictor may be really that of Servilianus. The fragments are unenlightening.

³³ op. cit., Appendix x. One of the very few scholars to consider the religious outlook of the ‘Scipionic Circle’ briefly is Boissier, G. in La Religion Romaine (1906), 49Google Scholar; he thinks them privately sceptics like their Greek friends.

³⁴ Fort. Rom. 5, calling Scipio Numantinus, which strictly implies a later date.

³⁵ Hisp. 85.

³⁶ Polybius xxxi, 26.

³⁷ Plut., Praec. Reip. Ger. 20. Cf. Astin, op. cit. 121.

³⁸ Cicero, , Tusc, ii, 62Google Scholar ‘semper in manibus habebat’ (and his favourite passage was that on honour making the general's labour lighter than the soldier's); ad Q. fr. i, 1, 23 ‘de manibus ponere non solebat’.

³⁹ Münscher, K., ‘Xenophon in der griechischrömischen Literatur’, Philologus Suppl.-Band xiii, 2 (1920)Google Scholar, chap. III. Note especially ad Q. fr. i, 1, 23—useful for those with imperium; cf. i, 2, 7; Brutus 112—read by all, but not so suited to Roman circumstances as Scaurus' memoirs; ad fam. ix, 25, 1 quam contriveram legendo, totam in hoc imperio' (i.e. in Cilicia) explicavi'—a joke, to be sure, but resting like the other passages on the work's accepted position. We also know it to have been read by Caesar (Suet., DJ 87) and its account of Persian education is mentioned by Varro in his logistoricus Catus de liberis educandis.

Grimal, P., Le Siècle des Scipions (1953), 182Google Scholar, n. 4 thinks Scipio's taste for hunting in youth came from Xenophon; the youths in Persia do hunt (Cyrop. i, 9 ff.) but Polybius xxxi, 29, 3 states that Scipio developed the taste when the Macedonian royal parks were at his disposal in 167.

⁴⁰ Diodorus Siculus xxxi, 27, 2.

⁴¹ Plutarch, , Aemilius Paullus 2, 3Google Scholar; Polybius xxxi, 23, 11.

⁴² Plutarch, ibid. 27, 36; Polybius xxxviii, 21.

⁴³ Livy xlv, 33, 1; Appian, lib. 133. See Astin, op. cit. note G, p. 341.

⁴⁴ Livy, Ep. 51.

⁴⁵ It is also symptomatic of Paullus' influence that his son quoted him to the effect that one should give battle only in great need or in great opportunity (HRR Asellio, frag. 5).

⁴⁶ Liegle, J., ‘L. Aemilius Paullus als augur maximus im Jahre 160 und das Augurium des Heils’, Hermes lxxvii (1942), 249Google Scholar does not convince, through lack of evidence.

⁴⁷ Plutarch, , Aemilus Paullus 3, 6Google Scholar, 17, 24, 27, 39.

⁴⁸ We should also recall however that as a friend of Sulpicius Galus he understood about eclipses—but none the less sacrificed at the one before Pydnato pacify his troops; Polybius xxix, 16, Plutarch, ibid. 17.

⁴⁹ CIL i², 10, the epitaph of the P. Cornelius P.f. Scipio, who was flamen Dialis but held no political office, dates from the earlier second century and has sometimes been thought to refer to the son of the elder Africanus, whose weak health is known to have kept him in private life. It is unlikely however that this priesthood could be combined with the augurate, for which see Livy xl, 42, 13. Some might think it possible to disbelieve Livy. (See MRR i, 407, n. 6.) Coarelli, F., ‘Il sepolcro degli Scipioni’, Dialoghi di Archeologia vi (1972), 1Google Scholar, 36 suggests that the reference to the flaminate, clearly an addition to the inscription, was inserted on his adoptive father's sarcophagus by Aemilianus; this would fit the idea that he was deeply imbued with the importance of the traditional religion.

⁵⁰ op. cit. 21. N.b. the elder Africanus was a Salius, taking it very seriously even when away from Rome: Polybius xxi, 10, 10.

⁵¹ de Off. 1, 32, 116.

⁵² F. Coarelli, op. cit.; cf. V. Saladino, Der Sarkophag des Lucius Cornelius Scipio Barbatus (1970), who also argues, not convincingly, that that is an archaizing work of the mid-second century.

^52a Walbank, F. W., ‘The Scipionic Legend’, PCPS cxciii (1967), 54Google Scholar, who believes Africanus did, as Polybius says, appeal to a dream of Neptune before the capture of New Carthage (Polybius x, 11; Ennius ap. Lactantius, , Div. Inst, i, 18, 10Google Scholar).

⁵³ Appian, , Pun. 104, 109.Google Scholar (Note perhaps also Porcius Licinus' sarcastic reference to Africani vocem divinum; he is referring to the younger Africanus.)

M. H. Crawford suggests, on the basis of their coins, that the gens Cornelia as a whole worshipped Jupiter: Roman Republican Coinage (1973), no. 296. This is uncertain, but perhaps more likely than Ribbeck's view that the gens Aemilia made much of descent from Jupiter. This is based on Festus' statement (22 L) that they traced their line back to Ascanius, and on a line in Pacuvius' Paullus: Pater supreme, nostrae progenies patris >progenitor< But surely this must be spoken, or narrated as spoken, by Perseus. Walbank, F. W., Philip V (1967), 258Google Scholar, n. 3; 267, n. 6, shows that the Antigonids claimed descent from the Argeads, and thus Heracles and Zeus. The Aemilii more usually asserted descent from Pythagoras (Plutarch, op. cit. 1; Festus, loc. cit.) and this is more likely to involve association with Apollo (to whom Aemilius was perhaps devoted, witness his sacrifices at Delphi en route for Macedon, ‘Plutarch, op. cit. 36, as well as his sacrifices, and the statues and monument that he put up there, after Pydna). See for Ribbeck's theory his Römische Tragödie (1875), 229.

⁵⁴ Lucilius 394 (Marx).

⁵⁵ op. cit. 181–2.

⁵⁶ Val. Max. vi, 6, 5, etc.; vi, 3, 3, etc.; Livy xxxviii, 42, 7 (giving the fetials a part in the event, which may be dubious).

⁵⁷ Ogilvie, R. M., Commentary on Livy 1–5 (1965), 128.Google Scholar It is agreed that Livy's fetial formulae are late reconstructions.

⁵⁸ McDonald, A. H. and Walbank, F. W., ‘The Origins of the Second Macedonian War’, JRS xxvii (1937), 192Google Scholar; Walbank, F. W., ‘A Note on the Embassy of Q. Marcius Philippus, 172 B.C.’, JRS xxxi (1941), 82.Google ScholarOost, S. I., ‘The Fetial Law and the Outbreak of the Jugurthine War’, AJP lxxv (1954), 147Google Scholar, argues that this same procedure was in use in the Jugurthine war, well after Mancinus.

⁵⁹ Servius, Aen. ix, 52; Ovid, , Fasti vi, 205 ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ De L.L. v, 86.

⁶¹ D.H. iv, 58, 4, cf. Festus 48 L; n.b. it was in the temple of Semo Sancus.

⁶² Wissowa, G., Religion und Kultus der Römer (1912), 552Google Scholar, n. 5. It could be suggested that the coin depicts a very early treaty, before the time of Numa or Tullus whom the annalists supposed to have introduced fetial law; but that is ascribing a remarkably careful historical sense to the moneyers—and one coin is as early as the late third century. (Alföldi, A., ‘Hasta—summa imperii’, AJA lxiii (1959)Google Scholar, I thinks the old man with spear and sword is King Latinus and the other fully armed warrior Aeneas.)

⁶³ Varro may have had little old evidence for fetials: this is suggested by his attempt (de vita p.R., ft. 75) to equate oratores and legati as used by early sources with fetials. But orator simply means ambassador and a priest would not be described as legatus. It is possible, but far from certain, however, that Cato mentioned fetials in his account of Tullus' war with Alba (HRR, frag. 22) as Livy and other later writers did. The first historian known to have mentioned fetials is Cn. Gellius (HRR fr. 16), probably near the end of the second century.

⁶⁴ D.H. ii, 72, 1.

⁶⁵ Polybius xiii, 3, 7 has a curt remark to the effect that the Romans do declare war formally. It is clear from the very general context that Walbank in his commentary ad. loc. is right (as against Ogilvie, op. cit. 128) in saying that Polybius is not referring to the ius fetiale.

⁶⁶ CIL x, 797.

⁶⁷ D.H. ii, 72—Ardea or Aequicoli.

⁶⁸ When the Spaniards refused to accept Mancinus, a further religious problem was posed, and solved with solemnity; he was augurio receptus in castra, though a difficulty subsisted as regards postliminium, the full recovery of the rights of citizenship. The interest generated by the case was clearly immense, and the effect it had on accounts of earlier events, and especially on annalistic versions of the Caudine Forks, is recognized, though the details are disputed. Mancinus set up a statue of himself as dressed, or rather undressed, for the occasion: Pliny, , NH xxxiv, 18.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ de Legibus ii, 21.

⁷⁰ Res Gestae 7; the little known writer Annius Fetialis may however have been a fetial and of the republican period. The two men who swear to a treaty with Cnidus, probably in the twenties, may be fetials, though there is no space in the inscription for their title. War had been declared by the fetials before Actium, so Augustus (or rather Octavian's) interest in the institution was early. If the Hermunduli in Cincius' fetial formula (ap. Aulus Gellius xvi, 4) are the German Hermunduri, Augustus perhaps also used the ius fetiale in the German wars.

⁷¹ Macrobius, , Sat. iii, 9, 6.Google Scholar

⁷² Following Hertz, M., Fleckeisens Jahrb. lxxxv (1862), 54Google Scholar (Huschke, , Iurisprud. Anteiust. i, 15Google Scholar preferred A. Furius Antias, the epic poet of c. 100, but there is no evidence he wrote any prose). See recently A. H. MacDonald OCD ² under Philus' name; and Ogilvie, op. cit. 674, who attributes the revival primarily to the pontifices.

⁷³ Wissowa, G., RuK (1912), 374Google Scholar and P-W vi, 1, evocatio.

⁷⁴ Mundle, I., ‘Dea Caelestis in der Religionspolitik des Septimius Severus und der Julia Domna’, Historia x (1961), 228.Google Scholar Dio lxxx, 12; Herodian v, 6, 4 on the transfer of the statue, supposedly dating to Dido, by Elagabalus.

⁷⁵ Titius refers to the scandal of drunken iudices; Sammonicus has the closely related point of drunken men in the assembly.

⁷⁶ P-W 2, i, 2, 2129; cf. Wissowa, , Hermes xvi (1881), 503.Google Scholar However, if Sammonicus said that Titius was a vir aetatis Lucilianae he was confused—though it has been suggested that Titius could have spoken against the abrogation of the Lex Fannia some time after its passage.

⁷⁷ Rose, H. J., Plutarch's Roman Questions (1924), 196Google Scholar believes that Plutarch is almost certainly using Verrius; cf. pp. 37 and 42.

⁷⁸ Macrobius does not mention the evocatio of Minerva from Falerii, which Ovid, , Fasti iii, 843Google Scholar adduces as a possible explanation for the name Minerva Capta, claiming an ancient source: ‘littera prisca docet’. This could be a book, a document or an inscription (cf. Met. xi, 706). It is less certain that other cases were referred to in the Augustan period: Propertius iv, 2, 2–4 does not show that Vertumnus was evoked from Volsinii in the third century, as anyone who reads the poem carefully to the end, and learns that the god is supposed to have come to Rome with the Etruscan allies of Romulus, will see (so, rightly, Eisenhut in P-W 2, viii, 2, 1669). See also de Sanctis, op. cit. iv, 2, 1, 139, n. 49 on the possible transfer of Juno Curitis from Falerii—but he notes that there is some reason to think that the cult was older, and we must regard this as another very dubious case.

⁷⁹ Scipio, Livy v, 19, 1; Plut., Camillus 5, 1; Maluginensis, , Fasti Cap. MRR i, 88Google Scholar follows Hirschfeldt, O., Kl. Schr. (1913), 286Google Scholar, n. 3 in preferring the latter; but for the Scipiones as descendants of the Maluginenses see P-W Claudius, no. 348.

Is it worth observing that Aemilius Paullus sacrificed very persistently to Heracles before Pydna,—surely Perseus' god? So the idea of winning over the enemy's gods would be familiar to Scipio.

⁸⁰ Latte, K., Röm. Religionsgeschichte (1960), 125Google Scholar, n. 2; 346, n. 4. Dumézil, G., La Religion romaine archaique (1966), 454Google Scholar accepts the evocation of 146 hesitantly (and an exoratio at the end of the Second Punic War too, arguing that Juno was prominent in Roman rites during the war).

⁸¹ It is odd but probably not significant that a temple to Juno Regina was probably built and dedicated in or soon after 146—by Metellus Macedonicus (with one to Jupiter Stator; near the Circus Flaminius; possibly a restoration of the temple dedicated by M. Lepidus in 179). Metellus was later at least an obtrectator Scipionis and is unlikely to have housed spoils from Carthage; indeed we know about the cultstatues in his temples, which got mixed up: Gwyn Morgan, M., ‘The Portico of Marcellus, a Reconsideration’. Hermes ic (1971), 480.Google Scholar

⁸² V. Basanoff, author of the only special work on our subject, Evocatio (1947), accepts Macrobius (and much else) uncritically. van Doren, E., ‘Peregrina Sacra’, Historia iii (1954), 488Google Scholar argues that other evocatio cults became obscure and neglected in Rome; but this is not true of Juno Regina from Veii, and we have seen that there are no other certain instances. Paradoxically, the senate might in our case have found the deity acquired by such a traditional method dangerously exotic and so played that down?

⁸³ Fraenkel, E., Horace (1957), 237.Google Scholar F. Cumont, P-W iii, s.v. Caelestis, thinks she was actually sent home by Gracchus.

⁸⁴ Fasti vi, 45; cf. Vergil, , Aeneid i, 16Google Scholar: ‘hic illius arma, hic currus fuit’. Bömer, F., Die Fasten ii, 341Google Scholar is thus clearly wrong in thinking the currus simply a Homeric commonplace.

⁸⁵ Tertullian, De Pallio 2. Groag, P-W 2, i, 2, Sentius no. 9, would put his proconsulate between his consulate in 19 B.C. and 9 B.C. (denying he was legatus Augusti in 29). The Fasti were left unfinished at Ovid's exile; the dates then could harmonize. Unless the statue and other objects were completely new works in the imperial period (and we recall that the third century A.D. believed that the statue of Juno or Dea Caelestis dated from Dido), they must have been kept somewhere outside Carthage; its deletion was thorough. The skins, possibly of chimpanzees, dedicated by Hanno the voyager in the Temple of Juno appear certainly to have been lost or destroyed when Carthage fell (Pliny, , NH vi, 200Google Scholar), but more sacred objects need not have shared this fate. Of the booty, libraries were presented to African courts and works of art distributed around Sicily and Italy.

⁸⁶ Though Vergil makes more of Juno's Argive links than her Carthaginian ones.

⁸⁷ Macrobius iii, 9; Servius, , Aen ii, 351.Google Scholar Compare Aeschylus, Septem 203 ff.; Euripides, Troad. 25; Schol. Aesch., Septem 291, referring to a lost play of Sophocles; and Tacitus, , Hist, v, 13Google Scholar—the fall of Jerusalem, of all places!

⁸⁸ Odes ii, 1, 25 ff.

⁸⁹ See esp. City of God i, 4–6, discussing the profanation of the asylum of Juno in the Sack of Troy, as recounted by Vergil; i, 6, Fabius at Tarentum saying ‘relinquamus Tarentinis deos iratos’ iii, 12 and 21, which actually deal with the Third Punic War: thereafter Rome's gods did not help her.

⁹⁰ One could possibly compare the way in which the Africans rejected Vergil's version of the Dido story and asserted her chastity; but here the polemic is often explicit. See Pease, A. S., ed., Aeneid iv (1935), 65.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See, on the limitations of Cicero's knowledge compared with Varro's, my ‘Cicero the Historian and Cicero the Antiquarian’, JRS lxii (1972), 33.

⁹² Thulin, C., Italische sacrale Poesie und Prosa (1906), 59.Google Scholar Fraenkel, who should know, also appears perfectly happy with the formula.

⁹³ P-W iv, s.v. consecratio.

⁹⁴ Ferron, J. and Saumagne, Ch., ‘Une inscription commémorative de la consecratio de Carthage: Adon-Baal’, CRAI (1966), 61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eid., ‘Adon-Baal, Esculape, Cybèle à Carthage’, Africa ii (1968), 75. Cf. AE (1967). 180.

⁹⁵ Asserted especially by L. Robert in the discussion reported in CRAI (1966).

⁹⁶ ILLRP 326 (a Hadrianic restoration) at least omits the praenomen and speaks of Cornelius Scipio.

⁹⁷ e.g. atsolare, a word found, as the editors observe, twice in Tertullian (Apol. xv, 6 and ad nat. i, 10) and nowhere else

⁹⁸ A good Gallic name? See Aiföldy, G., ‘Notes sur la relation entre le droit de cité et la nomenclature dans l'Empire romain’, Latomus xxv (1966), 55Google Scholar for the habit, common in large areas of the northern provinces from the late first to the third century, of deriving nomina from cognomina. Wightman, E. M., Roman Trier (1970), 50Google Scholar cites as examples Secundus, Secundius, Secundinus, Secundinius—several from Trier; and note the well-known Trevirans, Julius Classicus and Julius Alpinus Classicianus.

⁹⁹ See Africa ii, supra n. 94.

¹⁰⁰ In a context however that might suggest they had been owned in the mid-nineteenth century by a local antiquary, a possible forger or dupe of forgers? Or in a sanctuary,—thus Zehnacker, H., ‘Les statues du Sanctuaire de Kamart (Tunisie)’, Coll. Latomus lxxvii (1965).Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Florus i, 32, 5.

¹⁰² F. J. De Waele, P-W Suppl. vi, 182.

¹⁰³ Is the fact that the Secular Games were held in 146, three years late (they had taken place in 249), connected with or a sign of some religious activity inspired by the fall of Corinth and Carthage? We know nothing of this celebration but its date, which is certain (Censorinus, de die nat. 17, 11 from Piso, Cassius Hemina and Cn. Gellius, all contemporaries or nearly so of the event). De Sanctis however suggests that the gravity of the wars in hand in 149 and after held up the celebration, which had been voted for the proper year; this might explain why Varro got the date wrong (Storia dei Romani iv, 2,1, 341).

¹⁰⁴ He did however restore the temple of Juno Regina (before 17 B.C.) and this might have stimulated an interest in Camillus' evocatio (Res Gestae 19). For Augustan belief in the introduction to Rome of ‘religiones urbium superatarum' cf. L. Cincius’ frag. 22 (GRF), with its (mistaken) explanation of ‘di novensiles’.

¹⁰⁵ 1 am grateful to the Editorial Committee for several suggestions; and to Dr. Nicholas Horsfall and Mrs. Vivienne Gray for references.