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The Roman Military Occupation of North-West Spain*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

R. F. J. Jones
R. F. J. Jones
Affiliation:
The Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle, Co. Durham
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Extract

The north-west corner of Spain was long neglected by Roman archaeologists, who have tended to concentrate on the more spectacular remains to be found in the south and east. However, recently more attention has been directed there by workers of several nationalities, who have now produced a quite extensive literature on the gold mines, as well as on wider aspects, chiefly in connection with the activities of the legion VII Gemina. Yet there has been little attempt in all this to examine why a substantial military force was maintained in the region for so long. This paper aims to review that problem to about the end of the second century A.D. The evidence available is almost entirely epigraphic, chiefly consisting of epitaphs and religious dedications. Building inscriptions are scarce. For convenience all the epigraphic material from the north-west of Spain that is relevant to the disposition of the army is collected in the appendix, and in the main text reference will be made to the numbers given there. In addition a few historical passages are of importance, but the archaeological site evidence is very slight. The nature of the evidence is such that most attention must be devoted to the units attested in the region and their deployment, with little to be said about their actual bases. Previous work on the subject has been dominated by the late Antonio García y Bellido in several masterly papers. However it has tended to concentrate more on the history of the units themselves than on questions of topography and the reasons behind their presence.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 66 , November 1976 , pp. 45 - 66
Copyright
Copyright © R. F. J. Jones 1976. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Bird, D. G., ‘The Roman gold mines of north-west Spain,’ Bonner Jahrbücher 172 (1972), 36Google Scholar; Lewis, P. R. and Jones, G. D. B., ‘Roman gold-mining in north-west Spain,’ JRS 60 (1970), 169Google Scholar; Jones, R. F. J. and Bird, D. G., ‘Roman gold-mining in north-west Spain, II: workings on the Rio Duerna,’ JRS 62 (1972), 59Google Scholar; F. de Almeida, ‘Minas de Ouro na “Gallaecia” portuguesa,’ Legio VII Gemina, 287; C. Domergue, ‘Introduction à l'étude des mines d'or du nord-ouest de la péninsule ibérique dans l'antiquité’ Legio VII Gemina, 253; idem, ‘À propos de Pline, Naturalis Historia, 33, 70–8, et pour illustrer sa description des mines d'or romaines d'Espagne,’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 45–7 (1972–4), 499.

2 Legio VII Gemina, passim. See also Fabré, G., ‘Le tissu urbain dans le nord-ouest de la péninsule ibérique,’ Latomus 29 (1970), 314Google Scholar; Galsterer, H., Untersuchungen zum römischen Städtewesen auf der iberischen Halbinsel (Madrider Forschungen 8, 1971Google Scholar).

3 Especially García y Bellido 1961. Other papers are cited below.

4 General discussions of the conquest can be found in the following works: Magie, D., ‘Augustus' war in Spain,’ Classical Philology 15 (1920), 323CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Syme, R., ‘The Spanish war of Augustus,’ Am. Journ. Phil. 55 (1934), 293CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Syme 1970; Schulten, A., Los Cantabros y Astures y su Guerra con Roma (1942)Google Scholar. For further references, see Syme 1970.

5 Under Cn. Domitius Calvinus: Dio xlviii, 41, 7–42. His triumph in 36 B.C.: Ins. Italiae XIII. i, p. 569.

6 Dio li, 20, 5.

7 The main sources are Orosius v, 21, 1–11; Florus ii, 33, 46–60; Dio liii, 25, 5–26, 1. For a full collection of sources for the Astures, see Hervás, J. M. Roldán, ‘Fuentes antiguas sobre los Astures,’ Zephyrus 21–2 (1970–1971), 171–238Google Scholar.

8 Dio liii, 26, 5; Orosius vi, 21, 11.

9 24 B.C.: Dio lii, 29, 1–2. 22 B.C.: idem liv, 5, 1–3. 19 B.C.: idem liv, 11, 2–6.

10 Dio liv, 11, 3–4.

11 Dio liv, 20, 3.

12 Herodian i, 10, 2. Cf. Thompson, E. A., ‘Revolts in late Roman Gaul and Spain,’ Past and Present 2 (1952CrossRefGoogle Scholar), reprinted in Finley, M. I. (ed.), Studies in Ancient Society (1974), 304Google Scholar; Alföldy, G., ‘Bellum desertorum,’ Bonner jahrbücher 171 (1971), 367Google Scholar.

13 ILS 2648 (=XI 395).

14 I am grateful to Dr. Brian Dobson for this point.

15 Strabo iii, 3, 8.

16 Antonine Itinerary: 387, 4–395, 4; 422, 2–425, 5; 427, 4–431, 3; 439, 5–443, 2; 448, 2–452, 5; 453, 4–456, 6. Itinerario de Barro: Diego Santos, 246 f. (The authenticity of all the routes in this document, except the second from Lugo to Iria and Docionum, has now been rejected by Roldán Hervás, J. M., ‘Las tablas de barro de Astorga, una falsificatión moderna?,’ Zephyrus 23–4 (1972–1973), 221–32Google Scholar. Milestones: II 4773, 4774, 4778, 4803, 6215, 6224, 6344; EE VIII 236 (= II 4838); IRG 1, 2 (= II 6234), II, 5; CMLeón, 876 f. Modern treatments: Alvarez, M. Estefania, ‘Vías romanas de Galicia,’ Zephyrus II (1960), 5Google Scholar, including further references to milestones; Rodriguez, J., ‘Las vías militares romanas en la actual provincia de León,’ Legio VII Gemina, 401Google Scholar; Loewinsohn, E., ‘Una calzada y dos campamentos romanos del conventus Asturum,’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 38 (1965), 26Google Scholar; Hervás, J. M. Roldán, Iter ab Emerita Asturicam: El Camino del Plata (1971)Google Scholar.

17 (i) Via Aquae Flaviae: It. Ant. 422, 2–423, 5; (ii) north-east from Bracara and through the Sil valley: It. Ant. 427, 4–420, 4; (iii) north from Bracara, to Lucus Augusti, and through the Sil valley: It. Ant. 429, 5–431, 3; (iv) north from Bracara, partly by sea, to Brigantiurn, thence to Lucus Augusti, the Sil valley and Asturica: It. Ant. 423, 6–425, 5 (cf. Fig. 1).

18 Milestones from the route via Aquae Flaviae: II 4773–4, 4778, 6215.

19 Florus ii, 33, 60.

20 Pliny NH iii, 28. For Pliny in Tarraconensis, see Syme, R., ‘Pliny the Procurator,’ HSCP 73 (1969), 201Google Scholar.

21 Luengo, J. M., ‘Astorga romana,’ Noticario Arqueoldgico Hispanico 5 (1956–1961), 152Google Scholar. For recent comments on the towns of north-west Spain, see Balil, A., Casa y Urbanismo en la España Antigua II (Studia Archaeologica 18Google Scholar; Santiago de Compostela: Seminario de Arqueología, Universidad, 1972), 61–2, and ‘Sobre la investigatión de las ciudades antiguas en la peninsula ibérica. Aspectos generates y algunos “modelos” ’, Atti V, Ce.S.D.I.R. (1973–4), 81.

22 Richmond, I. A., ‘Five town walls in Hispania Citerior,’ JRS 21 (1931), 98–9Google Scholar, (on the basis of re-used inscriptions in the walls); Vilas, F. Arias, Las murallas romanas de Lugo (Studia Archaeologica 14Google Scholar; Santiago de Compostela: Seminario de Arqueología, Universidad, 1972).

23 For Peninsular War campaigns, see Hibbert, C., Corunna (1961)Google Scholar and Glover, M., Wellington's Peninsular Victories (1963)Google Scholar.

24 García y Bellido, A., ‘El castro de Coaña,’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 15 (1942), 216Google Scholar.

25 See Blázquez 1962.

26 Josephus BJ ii, 16, 4; Florus ii, 33, 60; Diodorus v, 35–8.

27 See above, n. 1.

28 Pliny gives 20,000 pounds of gold a year from Asturia, Callaecia and Lusitania (NH xxxiii, 78). Syme has argued that these figures do not belong to Pliny's own procuratorship in Tarraconensis, but to the Augustan period, when Asturia and Callaecia formed a part of Lusitania (HSCP 73 (1969), 218).

29 References to inscriptions from north-west Spain which give military information are made to the catalogue in the appendix below. Numbers in brackets refer to this list.

30 Cohen I2, 152, 632–4; Dio liv, 11, 5.

31 Bellum Hispaniense, 30, 7; Vives, A., La Moneda Hispánica (1926), IV, 63, 23 ff.Google Scholar; Grant, M., From Imperium to Auctoritas (1946), 221Google Scholar.

32 II 176.

33 IX 4122 (= ILS 2644).

34 cf. Syme, R., ‘Some notes on the legions under Augustus,’ JRS 23 (1933), 15Google Scholar, with the references given there.

35 V 906, 911, 947.

36 Tacitus, Ann. i, 23; i, 30.

37 Syme suggested 13 B.C. (JRS 23 (1933), 23); H. Parker, M. D., The Roman Legions2 (1958), 268Google Scholar preferred A.D. 6. García y Bellido proposed that it received its cognomen immediately after the Cantabrian wars and was then moved to Pannonia (1961, 125).

38 Cohen I2, 152, 632–4.

39 At Olisipo, near Lisbon (II 266), and at Burguillos, Baetica (II 985). A veteran recorded at Strasbourg came originally from Norba (modern Cáceres) (XIII 5975).

40 Ann. i, 37.

41 See works cited above, n. 4 and n. 7.

42 Syme 1970.

43 Syme concludes that the ‘tria agmina’ in which Augustus' armies set out from Segisama in 26 B.C., according to both Orosius (vi, 21, 3) and Florus (ii, 33, 48), could not have been intended to move against all the north-west, including Asturia and Callaecia, but must have been confined to Cantabria. This rests partly on the assumption that it was far too rash a strategy for Augustus, and partly on the identification of ‘Bergida’ in Florus, where a battle took place (ii, 33, 49), not as Bergidum Flavium in the Sil valley, but as the ‘Vellica’ in Cantabria noted by Ptolemy (ii, 6, 50). This place is given as ‘Attica’ in Orosius (vi, 21,5) and as ‘Belgica’ in another manuscript of Florus. Although by Syme's own admission (1970, 90) the Codex Bambergensis, which gives ‘Bergida’, is generally the most reliable manuscript, it is the reading ‘Belgica’ that he amends to read ‘Vellica’, which he fixes in Cantabria. Schulten, op. cit. (n. 4), followed by Brancati, A., Augusto e la Guerra di Spagna (1963)Google Scholar and by Schmitthenner, W., Historia II (1962), 54–70Google Scholar, accepted ‘Bergida’ as Bergidum Flavium and went on to posit a massive triple advance from Bracara, Asturica and Segisama. With hindsight, such a plan certainly seems too ambitious to work, as Syme rightly points out, but it is clear that Augustus' campaign of 26 was not at all a success (Dio liii, 25, 6–7).

Incidentally, the strategic importance of the site of Bergidum at the crossing of the Rio Cua was recognized in Moore's retreat to Coruña in 1808, when one of the few stands took place at Cacabelos, immediately below the site of Bergidum, a position well described in Orosius' phrase ‘sub moenibus Bergidae’ (ii, 33, 49). Cf. Oman, C., A History of the Peninsular War i (1902), 567–9Google Scholar; C. Hibbert, op. cit. (n. 23), 119 ff.

44 Sutherland, C. H. V., The Romans in Spain (1939), Pl. IV, 9Google Scholar; III 399, XIII 5975, 6853, 6854, 6865, VI 3518, IX 3649, AE 1909, 58.

45 García y Bellido 1956, 184 f. For a map of the stones' distribution see García y Bellido 1961, fig. 1, 118. For the base at Aguilar and illustrations of stamps of L. Terentius, ibid. 119–22.

46 García y Bellido, A., de Avilés, A. Fernández and García Guinea, M. A., Excavaciones y Exploradones Arqueologicas en Cantabria (Anejos de Archivo Español de Arqueología 4: Madrid, 1970), 3–24, 36–43Google Scholar, including more stamps of L. Terentius.

47 1961, 119. Roldán Hervás suggests a base even further north than Aguilar, at or near del Haya, Castrillo, Zephyrus 23–4 (1972–1973), 229Google Scholar.

48 XIII 6853–4. 6856, 6858, 6865, 6869.

49 Strabo iii, 3, 8.

50 ILS 2644 (= IX 4182).

51 Fortresses suitable for two legions in Germany before A.D. 9: Vetera I (Camp A/C), Neuss (Camp B), Mainz, Dangstetten. See Schönberger, H., ‘The Roman frontier in Germany: an archaeological survey,’ JRS 59 (1969), 145Google Scholar.

52 Cohen I2, 150, 604–5.

53 5 hectares, see below p. 57, and Fig. 4.

54 I. A. Richmond, op. cit. (n. 22).

55 Floras ii, 33, 60.

56 Tacitus, Ann. xv, 25, 5; III 1435813a, 1435813a, 1435823, 143591.

57 Josephus, BJ ii, 16, 4.

58 Vives, A., La Moneda Hispánica (1926) IV, 71 f.Google Scholar; Hill, Notes on the Ancient Coinage of Hispania Citerior (1931), 90 and 95; Farrés, Gil, Ampurias 8 (1951), 65Google Scholar; Beltrán, , Numisma 6 (1956), 9Google Scholar; García y Bellido, A., Anuario de Historia Derecho de España 29 (1959), 484Google Scholar.

59 XI 3312.

60 XI 395 ( = ILS 2648).

61 1961, 125.

62 Tacitus, Hist. v, 16.

63 ibid, ii, 86; iii, 6, 10, 21.

64 ibid, ii, 11.

65 ibid, ii, 67.

66 ibid, ii, 58.

67 ibid, iii, 44.

68 ibid, iv, 68.

69 ibid, iii, 22; iv, 39.

70 ILS 2729.

71 Dio lv, 24, 3.

72 II 4083, 4111, 4122, 4142–4, 4147, 4149–50, 4152–7, 4161–2, 4165, 4167–8, 4170–1, 6088.

73 See now Bosworth, A. B., ‘Vespasian and the provinces: some problems of the early 70s A.D.’, Athenaeum 51 (1973), 49, esp. 51–5Google Scholar.

74 Pliny, NH iii, 30.

75 Britain: ILS 2726. Lambaesis: VIII 10474, 12; R. Cagnat, L'armée romaine d'Afrique 2 (1913), 112; García y Bellido, A., ‘La legio VII Gemina Pia Felix y las origenes de la ciudad de León,’ Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 127 (1950), 463Google Scholar. Italica: II 1125–6. For various studies on aspects of the legion, see Legio VII Gemina, especially García y Bellido 1970, A. García y Bellido, ‘Nacimiento de la legión VII Gemina,’ G. Alföldy, ‘Die senatorischen Kommandeure der Legio VII Gemina,’ and H.-G. Pflaum, ‘Les officiers équestres de la légion VII Gemina.’

76 Suetonius, , Galba 10Google Scholar.

77 1961, 134.

78 III 5211–6. For T. Varius Clemens, see Alföldy, G., Noricum (1974), 124 f., 274, 277Google Scholar; Pflaum, H.-G., Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire Romain i (1960), 368 f., no. 156Google Scholar.

79 Comfort, H., American Journal of Archaeology 64 (1960), 274Google Scholar.

80 XI 6344.

81 1961, 147.

82 Not. Dig. Occ. (ed. O. Seeck, 1876), 42, 27; 42, 28; 42, 29; 42, 30; 42, 32.

83 1961, 155.

84 ibid. 157; Cheesman, G. L., The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army (1914), 174, n. 1Google Scholar. On a diploma of 88 from Mauretania Tingitana: AE 1953, 74.

85 García y Bellido 1961, 158.

86 IX 3610.

87 García y Bellido 1961, 134.

88 At Idanha-a-Velha (NE. of Castrelo Branco): ‘Les inscriptions latines inédites du Musée Leite de Vasconcelos,’ O Archeologo Portugues, N.S. 3 (1960), 25Google Scholar, no. 5; de Almeida, F., Egitânia (1956), 155, no. 2Google Scholar.

89 At Cáparra (N of Cáceres): II 812.

90 II 4138, 4212, 1970.

91 Somewhere in Galicia: Not. Dig. Occ. 42, 28.

92 García y Bellido 1961, 142.

93 Saxer, R., Epigraphische Studien I (1967), 63Google Scholar.

94 García y Bellido, A., ‘Parerga de arqueología y epigrafía hispanorromanas (2),’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 36 (1963), 205–6Google Scholar.

95 II 2598. The mine mentioned is probably the gold mine in Callaecia, ‘metallum Albucrarense,’ noted by Pliny, NH xxxiii, 80. M. Ulpius Eutyches may be the same man whose epitaph comes from Narbonne (XII 4490), and who had the title ‘Aug. lib. mesor’, probably ‘mensor’, surveyor or engineer.

96 García y Bellido 1959; Vigil, M., ‘Ala II Flavia Hispanorum civium Romanorum,’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 34 (1961), 104Google Scholar.

97 From Spain: II 5610, 2637, 2551; EE IX 277. From Africa: AE 1935, 217, no. 35. From Mauretania: VIII 21050 ( = EE V 1004).

98 Not. Dig. Occ. 42, 27. ‘Cohors I Gallica’ is also recorded, ibid. 42, 32.

99 II 4141; Not. Dig. Occ. 42, 27.

100 Cohors I Celtiberorum is attested at Caersŵs in Wales on tile-stamps (VII 1243 = EE IX 1285; cf. Birley, E., ‘Roman garrisons in Wales,’ Archaeologia Cambrensis 102 (1952–1953), 14Google Scholar); on British diplomas in 105, 122, 146 (XVI 51, 69, 93); on diplomas from Mauretania Tingitana in 109 and 114–17 (XVI 162, 165). The discrepancy in the sequence of dates may indicate two units with the same name; otherwise a transfer from Britain between 105 and 109 must be postulated, with a return between 117 and 122.

101 R. F. J. Jones and D. G. Bird, op. cit. (n. 1), esp. 66 and fig. 3.

102 CMLeón 69; E. Loewinsohn, op. cit. (n. 16), fig. 27.

103 It. Ant. 422, 2.

104 See n. 21.

105 Archäologischer Anzeiger (1927), 202, figs. 3 and 4; García y Bellido 1961, 137, figs. 12 and 13.

106 op. cit. (n. 16), 29, n. 7.

107 These figures are still based upon a rather inadequate survey, but were the best obtainable on my visit to the site in November 1972. A full-scale, accurate survey is required.

108 Vigil, op. cit. (n. 96), 111, claims that, as no mention is ever made of its being an ala milliaria, it must only have been an ala quingenaria. Nevertheless close parallels in Britain suggest that Rosinos was the right size for an ala milliaria, but rather too big for an ala quingenaria. The ala quingenaria fort at Brecon Gaer in Wales was 3·14 ha (7·8 acres), but the fort at Newstead in Scotland in the second century had an area of 5·4 ha (13·5 acres) and was definitely occupied by an ala milliaria. The fort at Leintwardine Village in Herefordshire of the same period was 4·55 ha (11·3 acres). It was either garrisoned by an ala milliaria or was a stores depot. The milliary ala Petriana held Stanwix near Carlisle, with an area of 3·72 ha (9·3 acres). These comparisons tend to show either that an ala milliaria, presumably ala II Flavia, occupied Rosinos as an orthodox fort, or that a large part of the site was used for such purposes as stores. (For Brecon Gaer and Leintwardine, see V. E. Nash-Williams, The Roman Frontier in Wales 2, ed. M. G. Jarrett, (1969), 48–51, 94–5. Newstead: Curle, J., A Roman Frontier Post and its People (1911), 29Google Scholar; Richmond, I. A., Proc. Soc. Antiquaries of Scotland 84 (1950), 1–38Google Scholar. Stanwix: excavation by Simpson, F. G. and Richmond, I. A., JRS 31 (1041), 120–30Google Scholar, and pl. xii. Cf. Birley, E., ‘Alae and cohortes milliariae’, in Corolla memoriae Erich Swoboda dedicata (= Römische Forschungenin Niederösterreich v, 1966), 54–67)Google Scholar. Another possibility is that the visible remains at Rosinos are of a later period, since another parallel is the fort at Piercebridge, Co. Durham, built about 300, at 4.35 ha (10·8 acres); cf. Keeney, G. S., Trans. Durham and Northumberland Archit. and Arch. Soc. 9 (1939) fig. iGoogle Scholar.

109 op. cit. (n. 16), 34 ff. The approximate dimensions of the three camps are: camp A, 250 × 170 m (4·25 ha = 10·6 acres); camp B, 150 × 115 m (1·73 ha = 4·3 acres); camp C, 125 × c. 200 m (2·5 ha = 6·25 acres).

110 The eighteen camps at Llandrindod lie 2·4 km south of the fort at Castell Collen, Nash-Williams, op. cit. (n. 108), 126–30. The fourteen surviving camps have recently been surveyed: Daniels, C. M. and Jones, G. D. B., Archaeologia Cambrensis 118 (1969), 124–34Google Scholar.

111 A. Schulten, op. cit. (n. 4), 186.

112 See n. 28, above. Cf. R. Syme, op. cit. (n. 4), 295.

113 Blázquez 1962, 117 n. 4; Jameson, S., ‘Chronology of the campaigns of Aelius Gallus and C. Petronius,’ JRS 58 (1968), 71Google Scholar.

114 See nn. 17 and 18.

115 Dio lii, 25 6; liv, 11, 5. Floras, ii, 33, 59. It might also have allowed some small-scale local brigandage in the hills.

116 Suetonius, Galba 10.

117 Nash-Williams, op. cit. (n. 108), 14–18, 45–122.

118 Procurators controlling Sierra Morena mines in southern Spain: II 956, 1179; Procurator aurariarum in Dacia: III 1311–12; tabularius aurariarum Daeicarum: III 1297, 1313; commentariensis in Dalmatian gold mines: III 1997; subprocurator aurariarum in Dacia: III 1088.

119 Alföldy, G., Noricum (1974), 79Google Scholar, and ‘Patrimonium regni Norici’, Bonner Jahrbücher 170 (1970), 163Google Scholar. More procurators are now attested from Astorga (AE 1968, 227–34. Cf. Nony, Daniel, ‘À propos des nouveaux procurateurs d'Astorga,’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 43 (1970), 195–201Google Scholar). It is worth noting that the ducenary procurator in Tarraconensis was responsible only for Asturia-Callaecia, probably again reflecting the importance of the mines. Normally only such procurators of high rank might be expected to command troops, but at Villalís detachments are stated explicitly to have been under various Imperial freedmen procurators. I am grateful to Professor Dr. Géza Alföldy for comments here.

120 Excavated by Jones, G. D. B. and Little, J. H.. Noted with photograph in Britannia 4 (1973), 272Google Scholar and pl. xxx, and again with plan, Britannia 5 (1974), 398–9.

121 A.D. 49: VII 1202, cf. VII 1201 (Claudian); XIII 3491 (Neronian), stamped L II; legio XX: VIII 1209, 6, 1218; legio VI: perhaps XIII 2612a and b.

122 Plan by Jones, G. D. B. and Lewis, P. R., Britannia 2 (1971), 277Google Scholar.

123 The best evidence conies from the fort at Brough-under-Stainmore, where lead seals link cohors II Nerviorum, stationed at Whitley Castle, with a mine, probably the lead mines at Alston (Richmond, I. A., ‘Roman lead sealings from Broughunder-Stainmore,’ Trans. Cumberland and Westmorland Ant. and Arch. Soc. (2nd series) 36 (1936), 104–25Google Scholar, esp. 109). For a discussion of the evidence from north Wales, see Webster, G., ‘The lead-mining industry in north Wales in Roman times,’ Flintshire Hist. Soc. Publications 13 (1952–1953), 5–33Google Scholar.

124 Ann. xi, 20.

125 III 25.

126 II 5181, line 23.

127 Condemnation to the mines as a capital punishment, along with death, exile and deportation: Justinian, Inst. iv, 18, 1–2. For conductores, see FIRA 2 i 104; Iura 2 (1951), 127; II 5181.

128 For las Médulas, see works cited n. 1: Lewis and Jones (1970), and Domergue, ‘Introduction …’

129 For aqueduct systems, see Bird, and Lewis and Jones, op. cit. (n. 1).

130 Rivet, A. L. F., ‘Social and economic aspects,’ in Rivet, A. L. F. (ed.), The Roman Villa in Britain (1969), 195Google Scholar.