¹ In preparing this survey, we have again received valuable help from friends and colleagues: in particular, Robin Cormack, Michael Crawford, John Crook, Catherine Edwards, Mark Hassall, Keith Hopkins, Andrew Poulter, Simon Price, Susan Sherwin-White and Greg Woolf (who also undertook much of the burden of final correction with remarkable good humour). The British Academy generously provided financial support for Beard to attend the International Epigraphic Congress in 1982.

² One volume of its papers, Acta of the Athens Epigraphic Congress 1982 (1984), has appeared.

³ Thus on epigraphy and the senatorial order (1981), Spanish epigraphy (1981), the epigraphists B. Borghesi (1981) and L. Bruzza (1984), the epigraphic museum (1983), epigraphy and municipal life (1985); one on epigraphy and the passage from the classical to the medieval world is announced for 1986 and another on new juristic inscriptions for 1987. News of the activities of AIEGL is regularly published in the journal Epigraphica.

⁴ Especially Solin, H., Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom: ein Namenbuch (3 vols, 1982)Google Scholar; Abdullah, Z. Ben, Sebai, L. Ladjimi, Index onomastique des inscriptions latines de Tunisie (1983)Google Scholar.

⁵ MacMullen, R., ‘The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire’, AJPh 103 (1982), 233–46Google Scholar; Harris, W. V., ‘Literacy and Epigraphy I’, ZPE 52 (1983), 87–111Google Scholar. Relevant points are also made by Yavetz, Z. in Millar, F. and Segal, E. (edd.), Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects (1984)Google Scholar and by E. Fentress, BCTH 17B (1981, pub. 1984), 399 f. (though in rightly stressing epigraphy as a sign of romanità she probably over-estimates the number who actually read inscriptions).

⁶ Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5), 129–67; Beard, M., ‘Writing and Ritual: a Study of Diversity and Expansion in the Arval Acta’, PBSR 53 (1985), 114–62Google Scholar.

⁷ Gordon, A. E, An Illustrated Introduction to Latin Epigraphy (1983)Google Scholar, essentially an annotated and illustrated collection of texts which will be very useful for classwork with epigraphists in training; Susini, G. C., Epigrafia Romana (1982)Google Scholar, an introduction to inscriptions arranged by category, with some discussion of the significance and value of each. Both are works by devotees of their subject.

⁸ Millar, F., in Crawford, M. (ed.), Sources for Ancient History (1983), 80–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ N. Horsfall, ZPE 61 (1985), 251–72. Note also Cugusi, P., Epigraphica 44 (1982), 65–107Google Scholar and Aspetti letterari dei Carmina Latina Epigraphica (1985).

¹⁰ Donati, A. (ed.), Il Museo Epigrafico (1983)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Herrmann, P., Gnomon 54 (1982), 124–9Google Scholar.

¹² M. Sartre, IGLS XIII. 1, 31–5.

¹³ R. Merkelbach, ZPE 49 (1982)., 287–90; Panciera, S., Tituli 2 (1980), 205–15Google Scholar, and in Epigraphie hispanique, problèmes de méthode et d'édition (1984), 372–9; E. Weber, AAHG 35 (1982), 72–3, Epigraphica 44 (1982), 149–68 (it should be noted that there are some misprints in the list published in Epigraphica). See also Krummrey, H., ‘Das diakritische System in CIL xvn. 2’, in Weber, E. and Dobesch, G. (edd.), Römische Geschichte, Altertumskunde und Epigraphik (Festschrift Betz, 1985), 365–79Google Scholar.

¹⁴ This background partly explains the controversy surrounding many aspects of these texts; for it is impossible to get access to the objects themselves (for comparison of letter forms, etc.). A rubbing of just one of the decrees has been published (ASNP 12 (1982), pl. 16); otherwise we rely entirely on transcriptions and verbal description.

¹⁵ The main publication, by G. Nenci et al., ASNP 12 (1982), 771–1103, provides full details of the complicated publication history of the documents; see also, for bibliography and concise analysis, SEG 32. 914. No date carries complete assent (nor is it absolutely certain that the documents form a homogeneous group), though most of those who have studied the texts suggest a third-century date for most, if not all, of them. See, for example, Nenci, ibid., 1069–77. The content of the documents is briefly as follows: I and II, record of Entella's friendship and alliance with (a) the Erbitaioi and (b) the Geloans; III, settlement of civil strife at Nakone; iv, honours to Ti. Claudius Antiatas; v, thanks to those who have assisted in famine; vi, vii and viii, renewal or formation of isopoliteia with three local communities.

¹⁶ loc. cit., 993–1032. Ti. Claudius is otherwise entirely unknown.

¹⁷ Reynolds, J., Aphrodisias and Rome (JRS Monographs 1), 6–11Google Scholar, doc. 1. For other indications of third or early second-century Roman involvement in the Greek world, see , J. and Robert, L., Fouilles d'Amyzon en Carie (1983), 244–6Google Scholar, no. 51 (dating of magistracies from date of the Roman liberation of Caria, 167/6 B.C.); Kontorini, V., JRS 73 (1983), 24–32Google Scholar (Roman relations with Rhodes at the end of the third century).

¹⁸ Reynolds, op. cit., esp. 38–106, docs 6–13.

¹⁹ ibid. 39–40 (cf. Millar, F., JRS 63 (1973), 50–67)Google Scholar.

²⁰ D. Knibbe, ZPE 44 (1981), 1–10 and (providing a revised interpretation and reconstructing a Latin text as the basis of the very confused Greek) K. Bringmann, EA 2 (1983), 47–76.

²¹ Gerion 2 (1984), 265–87. For another instance of the juxtaposition of law and physical assets, see SEG 25 445. Note also the possibility that the inscribed text is essentially a native version of the agreement; the Latin is awkward and there is more stress on the person of the governor than might be expected in any official (even on-the-spot) document.

²² Richardson, J., JRS 73 (1983), 33–41Google Scholar; Richardson, J. et al. , JRS 74 (1984), 45–73Google Scholar.

²³ See, for example, A. Lintott, ZPE 45 (1982), 127–38 (judiciary law from Tarentum); Athenaeum 61 (1983), 201–14 (Tabula Bembina); ZRG 98 (1981), 162–212 (leges de repetundis). A prospectus of the Roman Laws Group is published in Athenaeum 61 (1983), 199–200.

²⁴ H. Solin, ZPE 43 (1981), 357–61.

²⁵ Manganaro, G., Chiron 12 (1982), 237–44Google Scholar.

²⁶ von Freeden, J., Oikia Kyrrestou. Studien zum sogenannten Turm der Winde in Athen (1983)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Epigrafia e ordine senatorio (1982), 435–51.

²⁸ AD 31 B2 (1976, pub. 1984), 301 and AR 1984–1985, 48.

²⁹ Buchner, E., Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus (1982)Google Scholar. For a brief and accessible account in English, see Horsfall, N., Omnibus 9 (1985), 5–7Google Scholar.

³⁰ Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5).

³¹ Fouilles de Xanthos VII (1981), 81–9.

³² Thus Balland, op. cit. (n. 31), 45–50 (Agrippa, Gaius,Caesar); T. Ritti, RAL 38 (1983), 171–82, cf. Bull. Ép. 1984, 452 (Gaius Caesar); A. Vassileiou, ZPE 47 (1982), 119–30 (Gaius and Lucius Caesar); P. Frisch, EA 4 (1984), 15 (Gaius and Lucius Caesar). Priuli, S., Tituli 2 (1980), 47–80Google Scholar, in reconsidering the calendar of Spello, notes the inclusion of non-Julians within the family, which is also strikingly illustrated by the inclusion of the obscure eldest son of Claudius in a group (probably Tiberian in date) at Aphrodisias (see J. Reynolds, forthcoming in a Festschrift for D. M. Pippidi).

³³ J. González, ZPE 55 (1984), 55–100 (and ZPE 60 (1985), 146).

³⁴ For instance, I now wonder whether the erection of representations of the gentes defeated by Germanicus (frag. 1, 11. 9–11) was the stimulus for the representations of the ethne defeated by Augustus which were erected on the façade of a building connected with the imperial cult at Aphrodisias. See J. Reynolds, ZPE 43 (1981), 317–27, cf. AE 1982, 892; Bull. Ep. 1982, 356 (and below, section VII).

³⁵ See, for example, frag 1, 1. 5, adsu[e]ta sibi [Pindulgentia.

³⁶ A. R. R. Sheppard, AS 31 (1981), 22; M. Cremer and S. Şahin, EA 1 (1983), 141–52, no. 1.

³⁷ Carroll, K. K., GRBS Monograph 9 (1982)Google Scholar, cf. SEG 32. 251, Bull. Ép. 1983, 174.

³⁸ Feissel, D., Syria 62 (1985), 77–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar (with reference to a text partially analysed by L. Robert, CRAI 1951, 255–6, see also G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria (1961), 221 and id., ‘The Water Supply of Antioch on the Orontes in Antiquity’, AArchSyr 1 (1951), 171–87)Google Scholar; D. van Berchem, MH 40 (1983), 185–96.

³⁹ G. Salmeri, ASNP 14 (1984), 13–23, with a study of her nomenclature and estates; E. Varinglioğlu, ZPE 41 (1981), 189–93 (Stratoniceia); Balland, op. cit. (n. 31). 52–3 (Xanthus).

⁴⁰ Reynolds, op. cit. (n. 17), docs 14–25, cf. SEG 32. 1097, Bull. Ep. 1983, 361–92.

⁴¹ Fossey, J. M., Euphrosyne 11 (1981–1982), 44–59Google Scholar, cf. SEG 32. 460–71. It is interesting to have another wall covered with inscribed imperial documents so soon after the Aphrodisian case.

⁴² Thus B. E. Thomasson, ZPE 52 (1983), 125–35 (use of Augustorum, Augg., Aug.); Eck, W., in Romanitas/Christianitas (Straub, Festschrift J.) (1982), 217–29Google Scholar and Bennett, J., Britannia 15 (1984), 234–5 (Hadrian and p. p.)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fitz, J., Alba Regia 17 (1979), 49–58 (Severans)Google Scholar; Mastino, A., Le titolature di Caracalla e Geta attraverso le iscrizioni (1982)Google Scholar; X. Loriot, ZPE 43 (1981), 225–35 (imperatorial acclamations for Severus Alexander and Gordian III); Cavuoto, P., Ottava Miscellanea greca e romana (1982), 335–50Google Scholar (Macrinus and Diadumenian); though based on papyri, P. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 40 (1980), 130–8; 45 (1982), 177–96; 49 (1982), 97–111 and D. W. Rathbone, ZPE 62 (1986), 101–31 are very relevant.

⁴³ Weiss, P., Chiron 12 (1982), 191–205Google Scholar, cf. AE 1982, 897.

⁴⁴ Boninu, A. and Stylow, A. U., Epigraphica 44 (1982), 29–56Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Šašel, J., Epigraphica 46 (1984), 248–52Google Scholar—but I think that the kind of scrutiny readers would give the text is no guarantee against a cutter's error—cf. the inscription from Antioch discussed above p. 129 and n. 38.

⁴⁶ W. Eck, in Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5), 129–67; Chiron 14 (1984), 201–17; Moretti, L., Athenaeum 69 (1981), 71–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Eck, art. cit. (n. 46).

⁴⁸ Panciera, S. (ed.), Epigrafia e ordine senatorio (1982)Google Scholar. For a synoptic study of the Senate (with some use of epigraphic evidence), see Talbert, R. J. A., The Senate of Imperial Rome (1984)Google Scholar; but note also the review by Martin, S., JRS 75 (1985), 222–8Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ On this subject, see also Kienast, D., Chiron 15 (1985), 253–82Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ See also Eck, art. cit. (n. 46).

⁵¹ On senatorial names, see also L. Vidman, LF 102 (1979), 93–8 and n. 55 below.

⁵² See now Christol, M., Essai sur l'evolution des carrières sénatoriales dans la deuxième moitié du Ille s. ap.J.C. (1986)Google Scholar.

⁵³ By P. Le Roux and R. Syme.

⁵⁴ Jones, C. P., Chiron 14 (1984), 93–9Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Thus, ‘Governors dying in Syria’, ZPE 41 (1981), 125–44Google Scholar; ‘Vibius Rufus and Vibius Rufinus’, ZPE 43 (1981), 365–75Google Scholar; ‘The marriage of Rubellius Blandus’, AJPh 103 (1982), 62–85Google Scholar; ‘Hadrianic Governors of Syria’, in Romanitas/Christianitas (n. 42), 230–43; ‘Partisans of Galba’, Historia 31 (1982), 460–83Google Scholar; ‘Spaniards at Tivoli’, Anc. Soc. 13–14 (1982–1983), 241–63Google Scholar; ‘The Proconsuls of Asia under Antoninus Pius’, ZPE 51 (1983), 271–90Google Scholar; ‘Problems about proconsuls of Asia’, ZPE 53 (1983), 191–208Google Scholar; ‘Domitian: the last years’, Chiron 13 (1983), 121–46Google Scholar; ‘More trouble about Turbo’, Antiquitas 4 n. 15 (1983), 303–19Google Scholar; ‘Emperors from Etruria’, ibid., 333–60; ‘Antistius Rusticus. A consular from Corduba’, Historia 32 (1983), 359–74Google Scholar; ‘Spanish Pomponii, a study in nomenclature Gerion 1 (1983) 249–66Google Scholar; ‘Statius on Rutilius Gallicus’, Arctos 18 (1984), 149–56Google Scholar; ‘P. Calvisius Rufus, one person or two’, ZPE 56 (1984) , 173–92Google Scholar; ‘Lusius Varus, a stray consular legate’, HSPh 88 (1984), 165–9Google Scholar; ‘Correspondents of Pliny’, Historia 34 (1985), 324–59Google Scholar; ‘Praesens, the friend of Hadrian’, Arctos Supp. 2 (1985), 273–91Google Scholar; ‘Transpadana Italia’, Athenaeum 63 (1985), 28–36Google Scholar; ‘Superior suffect consuls’, ZPE 58 (1985), 235–43Google Scholar; ‘Curtailed tenures of consular legates’, ZPE 59 (1985), 265–79Google Scholar; ‘The paternity of polyonymous consuls’, ZPE 61 (1985), 191–8Google Scholar; ‘The will of Dasumius’, Chiron 15 (1985), 41–63Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Thus Birley, A. R., The Fasti of Roman Britain (1981)Google Scholar; Vogel-Weidemann, U., Die Statthalter von Africa und Asia in den jahren 14–68 n. Chr. (1982)Google Scholar; Vidman, L., Fasti Ostienses (1982)Google Scholar; Eck, W., updating his work on the Fasti of 69–131, in Chiron 12 (1982), 281–362; 13 (1983), 147–237Google Scholar; Thomasson, B. E., Laterculi Praesidum 1 (1984)Google Scholar; Eck, W., Die Statthalter der germanischen Provinzen vom 1–3 Jahrhundert (1985)Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Balland, op. cit. (n. 31), 79–102.

⁵⁸ Ameling, W., Herodes Atticus (1983)Google Scholar. I. Biographie, 2. Inschriftenkatalog; G. Cortassa, ZPE 60 (1985), 177–82; A. J. S. Spawforth, ABSA 75 (1980), 203–20.

⁵⁹ Grassl, H., Chiron 12 (1982), 245–52Google Scholar; Oliver, J. H., Hesperia Supp. 19 (1982), 122–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; R. Syme, HSPh 86 (1982), 181–211; W. Ameling, EA 4 (1984), 119–22.

⁶⁰ W. Eck, ZPE 30 (1978), 277–95; Garcia, C. Castillo, in Actas del I Congreso Andaluz de Estudios Clàsicos (1982), 159 ff.Google Scholar; Syme, R., Chiron 15 (1985), 41–63Google Scholar; E. Champlin, ZPE 62 (1986), 251–5.

⁶¹ Brunt, P. A., JRS 73 (1983), 42–75Google Scholar.

⁶² S. Demougin, in Panciera (ed.), op. cit. (n. 48) 1, 73–104; Cébeillac-Gervasoni, M. (ed.), Les ‘bourgeoisies’ municipales italiennes aux He et le siécles av. J -C. (1983), 279–98Google Scholar. Note also Alföldy, G., ‘Die Stellung der Ritter in der Führungsschicht des Imperium Romanum’, Chiron 11 (1981), 169–215Google Scholar; and for more detail on another early feature (the duties of the praefecti fabrum in late Republican and Julio-Claudian times), see D. B. Saddington, in Weber and Dobesch (edd.), op. cit. (n. 13), 529–46.

⁶³ CIL xxi, 4371 + 4372. S. Demougin and M. Christol, ZPE 49 (1982), 141–53. Compare Pflaum, H. G., Fastes de la province de Narbonnaise (Gallia Supp. 30, 1978), 197 and 234Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Birley, E., in Lebendige Altertumswissenschaft (Festschrift Vetters, 1985), 114–19Google Scholar; in Weber and Dobesch (edd.), op. cit. (n. 13), 75–81.

⁶⁵ B. Isaac, ZPE 44 (1981), 67–74; Bull. ÉP. 1982, 221.

⁶⁶ Balland, op. cit. (n. 31), 81–98.

⁶⁷ Saller, R. P., JRS 70 (1980), 44–63Google Scholarpersonal Patronage under the Early Empire (1982)Google Scholar.

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⁷⁰ Jenkins, I., Britannia 16 (1985), 141–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷² A. Martin, ZPE 52 (1983), 203–10; 60 (1985), 275–6; S. Schwartz, ZPE 56 (1984), 240–2; 58 (1985), 296; Bull. Ep. 1984, 508.

⁷³ C. M. Lehmann, ZPE 51 (1983), 191–5.

⁷⁴ Millar, F., JRS 73 (1983), 76–96Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Mrozek, S., Epigraphica 46 (1984), 17–21; for some account of the legal status of incolae, see Millar, art. cit. (n. 74), 80–1Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Duthoy, R., Epigraphica 46 (1984), 23–48Google Scholar; see also in AC 53 (1984), 145–56.

⁷⁷ Corbier, M., JRS 73 (1983), 126–31Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ S. Mrozek, ZPE 57 (1984), 233–40. The same phenomenon may be seen at Aphrodisias—J. Reynolds, in the acts of a Strasbourg colloquium, 1985 (forthcoming); it is no doubt widespread.

⁷⁹ Johnston, D., JRS 75 (1985), 105–25Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Devijver, H. and Van Wonterghem, F., Acta Arch. Lovanensia 20 (1981), 33–68; 21 (1982), 93–8Google Scholar; ZPE 54 (1984), 195–206; 60 (1985), 147–58.

⁸¹ F. Quass, ZPE 50 (1983), 187–94, with reference to a man of Prusias ad Hypium, who has sometimes been taken for a senator.

⁸² G. A. Souris, ZPE 48 (1982), 235–44.

⁸³ Ktema 6 (1981), 271–85.

⁸⁴ EA 1 (1983), 103–4; Acta of the Athens Epigraphic Congress 1982 (1984), 134–43.

⁸⁵ Shear, T. L., Hesperia 50 (1981), 356–77Google Scholar; Oliver, J. H., The Civic Tradition of Roman Athens (1983)Google Scholar.

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⁸⁷ Solin, H., Supplementa Italica 1 (1981), no. 5Google Scholar; see also Ar 1982, 307 with further discussion.

⁸⁸ G. Di Vita-Évrard, BCTH 15/16 (1979, pub. 1984), 197–209.

⁸⁹ Calbi, A., Epigraphica 43 (1981), 251–7Google Scholar, on CIL xi, 6940.

⁹⁰ Lupinetti, M. Q., in Riv. dell'Ist. di Studi Abruzzesi 22 (1984)Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Franklin, J. L., Pompeii: the Electoral Program-mata, Campaigns and Politics A.D. 71–79 (1980)Google Scholar; for doubts about some details, see Ling, R., JRS 73 (1983), 208–9Google Scholar.

⁹² A. Caniotis, ZPE 58 (1985), 182–5.

⁹³ For a general law, W. Johannowski, RAAN 50 (1975), 32 ff. and now A. D'Ors, AHDE 53 (1983), 10; for a local application, M. Pagano, RAAN 56–7 (1981–1982), 113 ff.; cf. also Lex Irnitana, VA ch. B.

⁹⁴ Mennella, G., Epigraphica 43 (1981), 237–41Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Note the edition of T. S. Schiffman (1980), providing a new text in both languages. For discussions, see Matthews, J., JRS 74 (1984), 157–80Google Scholar; M. Zahrnt, ZPE 62 (1986), 279–93.

⁹⁶ J. J. Coulton, AS 32 (1982), 115–31, in connection with the problem of Termessians at Oenoanda; Mitchell, S., Historia 28 (1979), 409–38Google Scholar, concerned particularly with Iconium and Ninica.

⁹⁷ M. Speidel, EA 5 (1985), 159–60; Hopwood, K., Yayla 5 (1984), 25–9Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Ritti, T., Epigraphica 41 (1979), 183–7Google Scholar gives the inscription; for discussion, see Bull. Ep. 1981, 558 and, especially, H. W. Pleket, ZPE 42 (1981), 167–70.

⁹⁹ Andria, D. and Ritti, T., Hierapolis 1 (1985)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ T. Ritti, AANL⁸ 38 (1983, pub. 1984), 221–30. Compare the cult of the Roman Senate, noted above (p. 130 and n. 158 below).

¹⁰¹ Feissel, D., Syria 62 (1985), 77–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰³ Reynolds, op. cit. (n. 17), docs 14–25; a newly discovered, but fragmentary letter of Valerian and Gallienus seems to take the evidence a little later.

¹⁰⁴ See, for example, D. Knibbe and B. Iplikcioğlu, JOEAI 53 (1981–1982), 87–150; D. Knibbe, JOEAI 54 (1983), 125–42; D. Knibbe and B. Iplikcioğlu, JOEAI 55 (1984), 107–35; and D. Knibbe and H. Engelmann, JOEAI 55 (1984), 137–49.

¹⁰⁵ See J. Jarry, ZPE 47 (1982), 73–103; Robert, L., J. des Savants 1983, 44–63Google Scholar; Sheppard, art. cit. (n. 36), 23, no. 4; MacAdam, H. I., Berytus 31 (1983), 103–15Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Spawforth, A. J. and Walker, S., JRS 75 (1985), 78–104Google Scholar, on the Panhellenion, see also pp. 88–105 above. See also Syme, art. cit. (n. 102), for koina of Syria, Coele Syria, Phoenice and Commagene; Mihailov, G., Epigraphica 41 (1979), 7–42Google Scholar and J. Deininger, ZPE 51 (1983), 219–27 (both on Pontus).

¹⁰⁷ Keppie, L., The Making of the Roman Army (1984)Google Scholar; Holder, P. A., Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan (1980)Google Scholar; Saddington, D. B., The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to Vespasian (1982)Google Scholar (with the review of Keppie and Saddington by Wilkes, J. J., JRS 75 (1985), 239–43)Google Scholar. Speidel's, M. P. collected papers, Roman Army Studies (1984)Google Scholar, also add a great deal to the general picture; likewise Campbell, B., The Emperor and the Roman Army (1984)Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁹ A. Deman and M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier, ILB (1985), no. 138.

¹¹⁰ E. Birley, ZPE 43 (1981), 25–9.

¹¹¹ M. P. Speidel, TAPhA 112 (1982), 209–14, reinterpreting CIL 111, 11135.

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¹¹⁷ L. Mrosewicz, ZPE 57 (1984), 181–4.

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¹²³ M. P. Speidel, AJPh 104 (1983), 282–6.

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¹²⁸ M. P. Speidel, ES 13 (1983), 43–61.

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¹⁴⁴ D. van Berchem, MH 36 (1979), 101–10.

¹⁴⁵ Bowman, A. K. and Thomas, J. D., Vindolanda: the Latin Tablets (1983)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁶ Rebuffat, R., in L'Africa Romana (Atti del II Convegno di Studio Sassari, December 1984), 225–38Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ M. P. Speidel, in Speidel and Reynolds, EA 5 (1985), 34–5. For a fourth-century example, see Drew-Bear, T., in La géographie administrative et politique d'Alexandre à Mahomet (Acts of a Strasbourg colloquium, 1979, pub. 1982), 93–141Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Le Roux, P., Epigraphica 45 (1983), 65–77Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Thus Blagg, T. and King, A. (edd.), Military and Civilian in Roman Britain: cultural relations in a frontier province (1984)Google Scholar; Shaw, B. D, ‘Soldiers and Society: the army in Numidia’, Opus 2 (1983), 133–59Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ cit. n. 116.

¹⁵¹ For some discussion, see Roxan, cit. n. 126 and Birley, E., AncSoc 13/14 (1982–1983), 265–76Google Scholar.

¹⁵² E. Fentress, BCTH 17 B (1981, pub. 1984), 399–404.

¹⁵³ Rituals and Power: the Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (1984). Another important synoptic work, largely concerned with the impact of Roman rule on the sanctuaries of Asia Minor, is Debord, P., Aspects sociaux et économiques de la vie religieuse dans I'Anatolie greco-romaine (EPRO 88, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ Reynolds, op. cit. (n. 17), doc. 1, pp. 6–11.

¹⁵⁵ Reynolds, op. cit., doc. 30, pp. 153–4.

¹⁵⁶ J. Reynolds, ZPE 43 (1981), 317–27 —publishing the texts alone. The panel illustrating Britannia is discussed by Erim, K., Britannia 13 (1982), 277–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ H. Malay, EA 2 (1983), 1–20.

¹⁵⁸ N. Ehrhardt, MDAI(I) 34 (1984), 371–404. Other recent documents relevant to cults of Rome or Romans in the East include: Morctti, L., Athenaeum 59 (1981), 71–7 (T. Statilius Taurus)Google Scholar; Kontorini, V., Inscriptions inédites relatives à I'histoire et aux cultes de Rhodes au He et au Ier s. av. J.-C. (Rhodiaka I, 1983), no. 3 (Romaia)Google Scholar; Sheppard, art. cit. (n. 36), 22 and Cremer and Şahin, art. cit. (n. 36), no. 1 (Tiberius); the cult of the Senate is discussed by Kienast, D., Chiron 15 (1985), 253–81Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁹ J. González, ZPE 55 (1984), 54–100 (with ZPE 60 (1985), 146). The text is particularly fragmentary in the passage describing the third monument on the Rhine, but the general sense seems clear enough (cf. Suetonius, Life of Claudius 1, 3, on Drusus' monumentd).

¹⁶⁰ Britannia 12 (1981), 370–8; 13 (1982), 396–406 and 408; 14 (1983), 336–7; 15 (1984), 333–41; 16 (1985), 322–4 (the last of the present series). R. S. O. Tomlin will publish as many as possible of the 80 tablets so far recovered in Volume 11 of the excavation report by B. W. Cunliffe.

¹⁶¹ Britannia 13 (1982), 404.

¹⁶¹ The term ‘gentile’ implies that non-Christians have something in common simply by virtue of not being Christian. This is inconceivable as a means of pagan self-definition until comparatively late in the growth of Christianity.

¹⁶³ R. Marichal, CRAI 1981, 41–52.

¹⁶⁴ P. Herrmann and E. Varinlioğlu, EA 3 (1984), 1–18. See also curses published by Jordan, D. R., Hesperia 54 (1985), 205–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ The prevalence of theft is, for example, striking in the Bath curses (see the remarks of Cunliffe, B. and Davenport, P., The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath I, 1 (1985), 181–2Google Scholar)—like the curses of Uley and Pagans Hill, but a clear contrast with the spells against the performance of athletes in the tablets from Athens (Jordan, art. cit. n. 98). For the elucidation of one particular formula of curse tablets, see Versnel, H. S., ‘May he not be able to sacrifice’, ZPE 58 (1985), 247–69Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁶ CRAI 1981, 530–4 (on F. Ephesos II, no. 26).

¹⁶⁷ Panciera, S., in Mysteria Mithrae (EPRO 80, 1979), 87–112Google Scholar and Archeologia Laziale 3 (1980), 202–13, no. 3.

¹⁶⁸ First published by E. Bowie, ANRW 16. 2, 1687–8 and Dagron, G. and Marcillet-Jaubert, J., Türk Tarih Belleten 42 (1978), 402–5Google Scholar. Posthumous benefactions are suggested by Jones, C. P., JHS 100 (1980), 190–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For different restorations and views, see N. J. Richardson and P. Burian, GRBS 22 (1981), 283–5 and J. Ebert, ZPE 50 (1983), 285–6.

¹⁶⁹ Foxhall, L. and Forbes, H. A., ‘Sitometreia’, Chiron 12 (1982), 41–90Google Scholar (though note that their estimates of food consumption in the ancient world are generally too high, being based on modern UN prescriptive figures for subsistence).

¹⁷⁰ C. Gallis, communication at the Eighth Conference of Greek and Latin Epigraphy, Athens, 1982 and AD 31 (1976, pub. 1984) B1, 176–8, with pl. 127; with full discussion and commentary by Garnsey, P., Gallant, T., Rathbone, D., JRS 74 (1984), 30–44Google Scholar. Garnsey and Rathbone revise their original dating of the text (c.151–150 B.C.) in JRS 75 (1985), 20–5 (following Gallis's publication of the whole stone in AD).

¹⁷¹ JRS 75 (1985), 23–4.

¹⁷² Doc. 5, ASNP 12 (1982), 778 (with translation p. 784). Full discussion is offered by G. Panessa, pp. 905–15.

¹⁷³ See, for example, TAM 11, 905 and 1203 with Veyne, P., Le Pain et le cirque (1976), 295–6Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁴ Balland, op. cit. (n. 31), 173–224.

¹⁷⁵ It is too simple to jump to the conclusion that distribution of grain was merely a question of feeding the hungry. Indeed distribution is not infrequently made to relatively wealthy groups in the cities, such as the town councillors.

¹⁷⁶ Fossey, J. M., Euphrosyne 11 (1981–1982), 44–59Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ van Berchem, art. cit. (n. 38). The stone is apparently a milestone, measuring distance along the canal.

¹⁷⁸ Feissel, art. cit. (n. 38), 77–103 (see previously L. Robert, CRAI 1951, 255–6). Other discussions of water operations include: Eck, W., ‘Die Fistulae Aquariae der Stadt Rom’, in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio, 197–225Google Scholar (who discusses supply of water to private houses in the city of Rome); Pavis-d'Escurac, H., ‘Irrigation et vie paysanne dans l'Afrique du nord antique’, Ktema 5 (1980), 177–91Google Scholar and Shaw, B. D., ‘Lamasba: an ancient irrigation community’, Ant Afr 18 (1982), 61–103 (both re-examining ILS 5793)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Corbier, M., ‘La famille de Séjan à Volsinii: la dédicace des Seii curatores aquae’, MEFRA 95 (1983), 719–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘De Volsinii a Sestinum: cura aquae et evergetisme municipal de l'eau en Italie’, REL 62 (1984), 236–74Google Scholar (on the institutions connected with the water supply in the municipalities of Italy). Note also that the dispute underlying the Tabula Contrebiensis (above, n. 22) concerned the construction of a canal.

¹⁷⁹ Shaw, B. D., Ant Afr 17 (1981), 37–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ Nollé, J., Nundinas instituere et habere: Epigraphische Zeugnisse zur Einrichtung und Gestaltung von landlichen Märkten in Afrika und in der Provinz Asia (1982), 12–58Google Scholar. Note that the practice here of a series of markets in a cycle on succeeding days is precisely that noted by Shaw in traditional African markets (art. cit., 43) and that attested in the epigraphic record at Pompeii (CIL iv, 4182 and 8863).

¹⁸¹ G. Barruol, J. Gascou, J. C. Bessac, RAN 15 (1982), 281–309 (with preliminary publication, Gallia 37 (1979), 543). Our text is one of a group of three; the two others honour women—Attia, a flaminica perpetua, ‘ob liberalitates patris’, and Indelvia, also flaminica perpetua, apparently on her own account. For the public honouring of women, see further van Bremen, R., in Cameron, Averil and Kuhrt, A., Images of Women in Antiquity (1983), 223–42Google Scholar; Herzig, H. E., ‘Frauen in Ostia’, Historia 32 (1983), 77–92Google Scholar; and the useful list of female gymnasiarchs compiled by Casarico (ZPE 48 (1982), 117–23).

¹⁸² In Millar and Segal (edd.), op. cit. (n. 5), 129–67.

¹⁸³ Manzella, I. di Stefano, Tituli 2 (1980), 41–6Google Scholar. Note also the Augustan building activities at Lucus Feroniae of the Volusii Saturnini (Boatwright, M. T. et al. , I Volusii Saturnini (1982))Google Scholar. Of course, senatorial building in Italy was not a new phenomenon in the reign of Augustus. See, for example, Coarelli's recent demonstration of the connection between a Cornelius Cethegus (perhaps cos. 160) and the temple of Juno at Gabii (in Almagro-Gorbea, M., El Santuario de Juno en Gabii, Excavaciones 1956–1969 (1982), 125–30)Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁴ In Cebeillac-Gervasoni (ed.), op. cit. (n. 62), 217–40.

¹⁸⁵ See, for example, Leiwo, M., Athenaeum 63 (1985), 494–9Google Scholar (on Velia). Note also the important series of studies on Delos—Coarelli, F., Musti, D., Solin, H. (edd.), Delo e l'Italia (Opuscula Instituti Romani Finlandiae II, 1982)Google Scholar. Helly, B., ‘Les Italiens en Thessalie au He et au Ier siècle av. J.-C.’, in Les ‘bourgeoisies’ municipalesGoogle Scholar (cit. n. 62), considers Italian relations with another part of the Greek world.

¹⁸⁶ Coarelli, F., in Kopcke, G. and Moore, M. B. (edd.), Studies in Classical Art and Archaeology (Festschrift von Blanckenhagen) (1979), 255–69Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁷ K. Tuchelt, MDAI(I) 29 (1979), 309–16.

¹⁸⁸ ZPE 61 (1985), 251–72. See also , Horsfall's epigraphic study of the Laudatio Turiae, BICS 30 (1983), 85–98Google Scholar. A very different ‘literary’ epitaph is published by Merkelbach, R., ‘Trostdekret über den Tod eines Studenten der Rhetorik aus Claudiopolis’, EA 3 (1984), 137–41Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁹ Sailer and Shaw, art. cit. (n. 116), 124–56; Shaw, B. D., Historia 33 (1984), 457–97Google Scholar. Note also Sailer, R. P., ‘Familia, domus, and the Roman conception of the Family’, Phoenix 38 (1984), 336–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a related treatment based on literary sources. Note the critique of their arguments by Mann, J. C., JRS 75 (1985), 204–6Google Scholar. Underlying the work of Sailer and Shaw is the further problem that they do not explain their definition of ‘funerary text’—for post-mortem honorary inscriptions set up in public places may be liable to reflect more limited relationships than those actually on tombs.

¹⁹⁰ The problems are clearly revealed in two studies by Churchin, L. A., ‘Familial epithets in the Epigraphy of Roman Spain’, Mél. Etienne Gareau = CEA 14 (1982), 179–82Google Scholar and ‘Familial Epithets in the Epigraphy of Roman Britain’, Britannia 14 (1983), 255–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar (attempting unsuccessfully to relate epithets of affection (amantissimus, pientissimus, etc.) to ‘real’ degrees of affection within the family). Other studies of the language of epithets include Friggeri, R. and Pelli, C., ‘Vivo e morto nelle iscrizioni di Roma’, Tituli 2 (1980), 95–172Google Scholar (on dating certain formulae) and SchmittPantel, P., ‘Evergétisme et mémoire du mort’, in Gnoli, G. and Vernant, J.-P., La mort, les marts dans les societés anciennes (1982), 177–88Google Scholar.

¹⁹¹ See, recently, Treggiari, S., ‘Contubernales in CIL 6’, Phoenix 35 (1981), 42–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Concubinae’, PBSR 49 (1981), 59–81; Purcell, N., ‘Apparitores: a study in social mobility’, PBSR 51 (1983), 125–77Google Scholar; Buonocore, M., Schiavi e liberti dei Volusi Saturnini: le iscrizioni del colombario sulla via Appia antica (1984)Google Scholar; Rawson, B. (ed.), The Family in Ancient Rome (1986)Google Scholar.

¹⁹² ZPE 52 (1983), 87–111.

¹⁹³ Though one should note certain problems with the evidence from the tablets of Jucundus. Illiteracy is not stated as a reason for parties not writing themselves (as it was, for example, often in Egypt). Harris assumes that those represented on receipts by intermediaries were illiterate. Sometimes, no doubt, this was the case; but cultural factors must also have played a part. The fact that none of the five women concerned wrote herself might tell us more about women's social position than about their literacy.

¹⁹⁴ Dietz, K., ‘Der Pollio in der römischen Legion’, Chiron 15 (1985), 235–52Google Scholar. Whether or not Dietz is correct in this case, the Roman army must surely have been important in areas we categorize as ‘education’.

¹⁹⁵ For the notion of a ‘literate mentality’, see Goody, J., The Domestication of the Savage Mind (1977)Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁶ AJPh 103 (1982), 223–46.

¹⁹⁷ The ‘sense of audience’ involved some confidence in the future. So MacMullen argues (p. 246): ‘In the exercise of the habit, people (I can only suppose) counted on their world still continuing in existence for a long time to come, so as to make nearly permanent memorials worthwhile’.

¹⁹⁸ PBSR 53 (1985), 114–62.

¹⁹⁹ JRS 74 (1984), 181–99. A further example of ‘symbolic’ writing may be some of the electoral programmata of Pompeii. Franklin, op. cit. (n. 91), has argued from a careful study of the dipinti that there were (at least in the last years of Pompeii) never more than two candidates for the office of duumvirate. If he is correct (for some doubts see Ling, art. cit. (n. 91), 208–9), then, as Harris realised (art. cit. (n. 192), 104), the function of the election ‘posters’ is not the utilitarian one of encouraging people to vote. For a study of uses of writing in archaic Italy, Cordano, F., Opus 3 (1984), 281–317Google Scholar.

²⁰⁰ Nollé, op. cit. (n. 180), 12–58.

²⁰¹ I. Kaygusuz, EA 4 (1984), 1–4.

²⁰² Roueché, C. M., JRS 74 (1984), 181–99Google Scholar; the texts still present some difficulties, see R. W. Daniel, ZPE 61 (1985), 127–30.

²⁰³ Christol, M. and Drew-Bear, T., Travaux et recherches en Turquie, 1982 (Collection Turcica II, 1982), 23–42Google Scholar.

²⁰⁴ D. French and C. M. Roueché, ZPE 49 (1982), 159–60; for reservations about some of the conclusions, see now Christol, M., Essai sur l'évolution des carrières sénatoriales dans la 2e moitié du Ille siècle (1986), 220–1Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ M. P. Speidel, ZPE 43 (1981), 363–4.

²⁰⁶ C. M. Lehmann, ZPE 51 (1983), 191–5.

²⁰⁷ di Vita-Évrard, G., L'Africa Romana (Atti del II Convegno di Studio Sassari, December 1984), 149–77Google Scholar.

²⁰⁸ Marcillet-Jaubert, J., Epigraphica 41 (1979), 66–72Google Scholar, with the important modification and comment of F. Jacques, ZPE 59 (1985), 146–50.

²⁰⁹ A. Chastagnol, MEFRA 93 (1981), 381–416; Ktema 6 (1981), 373–9.

²¹⁰ J. Sünskes, EA 2 (1983), 99–105.

²¹¹ D. Feissel, TM 9 (1985), 421–34.

²¹² Most recently by Barnes, T. D., The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine (1982), 134–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹³ J. Arce, ZPE 48 (1982), 245–9 and 57 (1985), 225–9; T. D. Barnes, ZPE 52 (1983), 229–35.

²¹⁴ A. Giardina and F. Grelle, MEFRA 95 (1983), 249–303.

²¹⁵ J. Green and Y. Tsafrir, IEJ 32 (1982), 77–96.

²¹⁶ For the date, see Alan Cameron, YCIS 27 (1982), 263.

²¹⁷ G. Dagron, TM 9 (1985), 435–55; he discusses the Abydus text too. For other similar material from the reign of Anastasius, see the texts from Bostra in IGLS XIII. 1, nos. 9045–6, cited n.225.

²¹⁸ A. Chastagnol in Panciera (ed.), op. cit. (n. 48), 167–93; Christol, art. cit. (n. 52), is, of course, also relevant.

²¹⁹ Chastagnol, art. cit. (n. 209), 393–8. A. Giardina, RFIC 111 (1983), 170–82; Cameron, Alan, JRS 75 (1985), 164–82Google Scholar.

²²⁰ Alan Cameron, ZPE 44 (1981), 181–3.

²²¹ Cameron, Alan and Schauer, D., JRS 72 (1982), 126–45Google Scholar.

²²² E. Bernand, ZPE 45 (1982), 105–14.

²²³ Especially Feissel, D., Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macédoine du Ille au Vle siècles (1983)Google Scholar; note also D. Feissel and A. Philippidis-Braat's inventory and publication of the principal inscriptions of the Peloponnese, from the fourth to the fourteenth century, TM 9 (1985), 267–395.

²²⁴ Mitchell, S., RECAM II. The Ankara District. The Inscriptions of North Galatia (1982)Google Scholar.

²²⁵ M. Sartre, IGLS XIII, 1, Bostra (1982), to be used in conjunction with the same author's Trois études sur l'Arabie romaine et Byzantine (1982).

²²⁶ Bove, L., Documenti processuali dalle Tabulae Pompeianae di Murecine (1979)Google Scholar; Documenti di operazioni finanziarie dall'archivio dei Sulpici: Tabulae Pompeiane di Murecine (1984). Bove based his work on the inadequate texts of the first editors; note the review of Documenti processuali by Manthe, U. in Gnomon 53 (1981), 150–61Google Scholar, which incorporates many corrections of the texts.

²²⁷ Wolf, J. G., Freiburger Universitätsblätter 65 (1979), 23–36Google Scholar (with a correction suggested by Ankum, H., Iura 29 (1981), 156–77)Google Scholar; SDHI 45 (1979), 139–77; ZPE 45 (1982), 245–53; Studi Sanfilippo 6 (1985), 769–85; Camodeca, G., Puteoli 6 (1982), 3–53Google Scholar.

²²⁸ PBSR 48 (1980), 23–69.

²²⁹ J. C. Fant, ZPE 54 (1984), 171–82; J. Clayton-East, AJA 89 (1985), 655–62; Waelkens, M., Dokimeion. Der Werkstatt der kleinasiatischen Sarkophage (1982)Google Scholar; Die kleinasiatische Türsteine (1984). Note also M. Waelkens, AJA 89 (1985), 641–53, on the provenance of the statues in Trajan's Forum at Rome; P. Pensabene, DArch 1.1 (1983), 55–63 (on price of marble); J. Bingen, CE 56 (1981), 142–4 (quarries in Egypt). On mine organization, see Domergue, C., La mine antique d'Aljustrel (Portugal) et les tables de bronze de Vipasca (1983)Google Scholar.

²³⁰ A. S. Hall and M. Waelkens, AS 32 (1982), 151–5 (sculptors of Dokimeion marble); Schmidt-Colinet, A., Berytus 31 (1983), 95–102Google Scholar (a Nabataean family of sculptors); D. H. French, EA 4 (1984), 75–83 (a Sinopean sculptor at Halicarnassus); C. Roueché and K. Erim, PBSR 50 (1982), 107–15 (Aphrodisian sculptors).

²³¹ J. Nollé, ZPE 41 (1981), 197–206 and G. W. Bowersock, GRBS 23 (1982), 275–9 (both on Ofellius Laetus, a Platonic philosopher honoured at Ephesus); S. Şahin and M. H. Sayar, ZPE 47 (1982), 43–4 (a philosopher from Nicomedeia); J. H. Oliver, AJPh 102 (1981), 217–21 (an epitaph of a philosopher, reinterpreted). Note also E. L. Bowie, YCIS 27 (1982), 29–59 (on sophists in the political life of the Roman empire).

²³² In general, note Ville, G., La gladiature en Occident (1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On individual texts: L. Robert, JS (1982), 154–62 and M. H. Sayar, EA 2 (1983), 144–6 (both on a monument from Bizye, Thrace); H. Malay, ZPE 49 (1982), 195–6 (epitaph of a gladiator's daughter).

²³³ In general, Roesch, P., in Médecins et médecine dans I'Antiquité (Centre Jean Palerne, Mém. 3, 1982), 119–29Google Scholar (including remarks on the evidential value of inscriptions for medical practice); H. W. Pleket, TG 96 (1983), 325–47 (on social status of doctors); Boon, G. C., Britannia 14 (1983), 1–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar (on oculists). For an inscribed surgical instrument from the grave of a doctor, F. J. Hassel and E. Künzl, MHJ 15 (1980), 405–21 and E. Künzl, EA 2 (1983), 82.

²³⁴ I Kaygusuz, ZPE 49 (1982), 180–3 (Bull.Ép. 1983, 426).

²³⁵ A. Ferrua, RAL 34 (1979), 29 ff.

²³⁶ T. Drew-Bear, REA 82 (1980), 167–72 (on Syll3 801).

²³⁷ R. Wiegels, MDAI(M) 23 (1982), 152–221 (on ILER, 1287).

²³⁸ Priuli, S., Epigraphica 46 (1984), 49–63Google Scholar (a rough version in cursive capitals); I. di Manzella, Stefano, Epigraphica 43 (1981), 39–44Google Scholar (abandoned attempts).

²³⁹ H. Malay and Y. Gül, ZPE 50 (1983), 283–4.

²⁴⁰ I. Kaygusuz, EA 4 (1984), 61–2.

²⁴¹ P. Veyne, BCH 109 (1985), 621–4.