^{page 173 note 1} I do not quite know what Mr. Fowler has in view when he says that there was abundant precedent for the appearance of Caesar's effigy on the coins. Surely not on those struck at Rome or in Italy. And the case of the gold coins emitted by Flamininus abroad is a solitary one.

^{page 176 note 1} The tus and cerei offered at the statues of Marius Gratidianus may have been regarded as marks of respect for his genius.

^{page 176 note 2} Hence the statement of Dio, 51, 20 is false. Mommsen (Staatsrecht, ii³, pp. 755)Google Scholar speaks of the worship as universal during the lifetime of Augustus, not only in the Greek East, but in Italian communities. This is exaggerated.

^{page 177 note 1} Livy 5, 23. Repeated by later writers.

^{page 177 note 2} I cannot agree with E. Pais, who thinks others before Caesar had assumed the privilege (Storia di Roma, i, 2, p. 29). If so, what need of the Senatus consultum ?

^{page 177 note 3} Livy, 10, 7.

^{page 177 note 4} Juvenal, 10, 38.

^{page 177 note 5} Servius on Virgil's Ecl. 10, 27.

^{page 178 note 1} Called by Martial, 8, 33, 1, praetoricia corona.

^{page 178 note 2} Tacitus, , Annals, 1, 15;Google Scholar Dio Cassius, 56,46. The corona aurea is not mentioned.

^{page 178 note 3} 2, 40, 4.

^{page 178 note 4} Att. 1, 18, 6.

^{page 178 note 5} Livy, 27, 4.

^{page 178 note 6} Livy, 30, 15, 12. Even the scipio eburneus.

^{page 178 note 7} Tacitus, , Annals, 4, 26Google Scholar.

^{page 178 note 8} Dessau, 4489 (Hiempsal); 4490 (Juba); Tertullian, apol. 24; Minucius Felix, 23; Lactantius, Inst. 1, 15. No importance can be attached to the statement in the Vita Alex. Severi, 40. §7, that all such robes as the toga picta were taken from the Capitoline temple; nor to what is said in Vit. Gord. 4, §4, that Gordianus I was the first to possess a private set of triumphal garments, not drawn from the temple.

^{page 180 note 1} Plin. N.H. 34, 33.

^{page 180 note 2} In the legend of Camillus, the tithe is dedicated to Apollo, perhaps a sign of a Greek hand in the story.

^{page 180 note 3} Some relation with the army is indicated by the earliest title of the Roman Hercules, viz. Invictus, with its later equivalent Victor; see Wissowa, Rel. u. Kultus der Römer, p. 221.

^{page 180 note 4} Excepting once or twice in Dion. Halic. and other late writers. Appian, Pun. 66, describing elaborately and somewhat anachronistically the triumph of Scipio Africanus, calls it Τυρρηνκὴ πομπή.

^{page 180 note 5} Verrius Flaccus said that Tarquinius Priscus triumphed ‘tunica aurea.’ See Plin. N.H. 36, 112Google Scholar. Pliny never connects corona aurea with Greece or with Iuppiter specially (cf. xvi, 9 sq).

^{page 181 note 1} 28, §39. Compare Macrob. i, 6, 9, on the bulla.

^{page 181 note 2} Tertull. Apol. 33: Hominem se esse etiam triumphans in illo sublimissimo curru admonetur. Suggeritur enim ei a tergo : respice post te, hominem memento te. Arrian, Diss. iii, 24, 85:Google Scholar οἷον οἱ τοῖς θριαμβϵύουσιν ἐφϵστῶτϵς ὄπισθϵν καὶ ὐπομιμνήσκοντϵς ὅτι ἄνθρωποί ϵἰσι.

^{page 181 note 3} The κώδων and the μάστιξ hanging from the chariot are mentioned by Zonaras only, and are treated by him as connected with men condemned to death. These details are not credible, for the earlier time at least.

^{page 181 note 4} 33, §11.

^{page 181 note 5} No parallels to the passage of Zonaras are to be found in Dion. Halic. in his references to the triumph and the pompa circensis, nor in the elaborate description of the triumph in Appian, Pun. 66. But see Arrian above; Hieron ad Paulam, 4, p. 55, ed. Bened., quoted by Mayor on Juv. x. 41, where see Jahn's failure to understand Zonaras.

^{page 181 note 6} 10, 36, 59. As there is no mention of a triumph, we must suppose that the consul is regarded as dominus ludorum; as he was in the imperial age. See Marquardt-Mommsen, 6, 466.

^{page 182 note 1} Only in the East do we find such things as Nero described as νέος Ἥλιος, or Drusilla as νέα Ἀφροδίτη.

^{page 182 note 2} 33, §111, 112.

^{page 182 note 3} Plin. 34, §13.

^{page 182 note 4} Even groups of gods; e.g. Dessau, 4763, Comedovis Augustis; dis parentibus Augustis, ib. 5541.

^{page 183 note 1} Wissowa, 22, regards this usage as ‘individualising’ the god as protector of a single person.

^{page 183 note 2} Dessau, 3714.

^{page 183 note 3} ibid. 3468.

^{page 183 note 4} ibid. 1732.

^{page 183 note 5} ibid. 3080.

^{page 183 note 6} ibid. 3253.

^{page 183 note 7} ibid. 3358.

^{page 183 note 8} ibid. 3444.

^{page 183 note 9} ibid. 3539.

^{page 183 note 10} ibid. 3715.

^{page 183 note 11} ibid. 3716.

^{page 183 note 12} ibid. 5449. See also ‘Augustus’ in the Thes. ling. Lat.

^{page 183 note 13} The curia at Rome is hardly an exception, nor the rostra. Both are technically templa, but are for secular use. The ‘aedes Iovis Mariana’ in Val. Max. 1, 7, 5 is a figment, as a reference to Cic. Ad senatum § 38 and Ad Quir. §10, and Velleius 2, 21 will show.

^{page 183 note 14} p. 80.

^{page 183 note 15} I do not know what is Mr. Richmond's authority for assuming ‘an old Apollo temple at the foot of the Capitol, which he supposes to have been reconstructed by Sosius and (J.R.S. 4, 205) destroyed by Augustus.’ There can have been no state temple of Apollo within the pomoerium before the time of Augustus, and Pliny shows that the ‘templum Apollinis Sosiani’ was not pulled down.

^{page 183 note 16} Dessau, 6073.

^{page 183 note 17} C.I.L. 6, 2235; cf. 3674a.

^{page 184 note 1} Aliter Wissowa, Rel. u. Kultus d. Römer, p. 291 n.

^{page 184 note 2} Dessau, 3717.

^{page 184 note 3} 36, § 163. Possibly we may compare the ‘lucus deae Satrianae,’ see C.I.L. 6, 114, and add. 30695. The ‘sacellum deae Neniae’ is less likely to be a parallel. Not unlike is the ‘Nymphaeum Flavi Philippi’ (C.I.L. 6, 1728).

^{page 184 note 4} Vitruvius, 3, 2, 5; less correctly described by Pliny 34, 57, as aedes Pompei Magni.

^{page 184 note 5} Vitruvius, vii, praef. § 17.