^{page 200 note 2} Inschr. v. Olymp., pp. 657–8 on nn. 643–4.

^{page 201 note 1} See Weber, , Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus, pp. 188 f., 211Google Scholar.

^{page 201 note 2} Plut. Ant. 67, 2–4.

^{page 201 note 3} For his career and political relationships see the article by Kjellberg, E., ‘C. Julius Eurycles,’ in Klio, xvii, 44 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 202 note 1} IG v, 1, 97, corrected by the second copy published in BSA xxvi, p. 170, (E I) and xxvii, pp. 211–2, (E. I), dated by the editor of IG v, I, to the closing years of the first century A.D., in which three Tib. Claudii occur: ibid. v, I, 667, which can be dated almost with certainty to 97 A.D., where another occurs. The interest of Claudius in the Euryclid family connects him directly with Sparta. See the two Latin inscriptions from Corinth published in AJA 1926, 390, 393; by Taylor and West. The inscriptions refer respectively to Laco, Eurycles's son and to Spartiaticus, his grandson, and show that both were Roman knights in the service of the emperor. The inscriptions are strong evidence, as the editors observe (p. 399), ‘of Claudius’ love for Greece and his policy of Romanisation. And the bestowal of the procuratorship on Laco and of the public horse on Laco's young son show the Claudian policy toward Greece, more advanced than has hitherto been suspected; also Walton, C. S., ‘Oriental Senators in the service of Rome,’ JRS xix (1929), p. 38 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 202 note 2} loc. cit.

^{page 202 note 3} See Kolbe's stemma in IG v, 1 p. 131.

^{page 202 note 4} Eurycles is reported (Plut. Apophth. Aug. 14 to have been a descendant of Brasidas.

^{page 202 note 5} See Index ii in IG v, 1, pp. 334–5.

^{page 202 note 6} Suet. Aug. 40, 3–4.

^{page 203 note 1} [Sen.] Apocoloc. 13; suet. Claud. 25, 3 (Ilium) and Dio lx, 7, 2; CIL v, 5050 = ILS 206 (Anauni).

^{page 203 note 2} He banished an eminent Greek of Achaia for ignorance of Latin (Suet. Claud. 16, 2), and forbade persons who were not Roman citizens to adopt Roman gentile names (ibid. 25, 3). This passage implies that praenomina and cognomina might be used by such persons, but the essence of the Roman system of nomenclature was the nomen. Taken in conjunction with the execution of those who illegally assumed Roman citizenship (ibid., 25, 3), this evidence proves a policy of maintaining the division of the inhabitants of the Empire into those who were members of the populus Romanus and those who were peregrini. The Roman system of nomen clature was to be restricted to Roman citizens and qualification for citizenship appears to have included knowledge of Latin, not merely Greek culture.

^{page 203 note 3} loc. cit. p. 42; cf. Groag in P-W, art. ‘Claudius,’ col. 2667.

^{page 203 note 4} SIG 3 814⁴⁰, quoted by Walton loc. cit. Cf. Suet. Ner. 24, 2.

^{page 203 note 5} lxiii, 14, 3.

^{page 203 note 6} The story told by Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. iv, 27, of Spartan luxury and the sudden restoration of the ancient manners may be mythical. If it contains an exaggerated or distorted truth, it might suggest that Nero interpreted a modification of the extravagances of Hellenism as a veiled expression of disapproval of himself.

^{page 203 note 7} I owe this suggestion to Mr. Woodward.

^{page 203 note 8} Tac. Ann. i, 76 and Suet. Claud. 25, 3.

^{page 204 note 1} A list of fifty-eight is given by Ruggiero, (Dizionario epigrafico di antichità romane, vol. i, pp. 30–1Google Scholar, s.v. Achaia), but more than twenty of these belong to the post-Caracallan period.

^{page 204 note 2} IG v, 1, 1147.

^{page 204 note 3} See the information collected in PIR under the names Claudius Illyrius, Cn. Claudius Leonticus, Ti. Claudius Me …, Priscus Rufinus Junior, Ti. Claudius Pro (culeianus ?) and P-W, art. ‘Claudius,’ no. 124, col. 2702 for Claudius Demetrius. Of these Leonticus is only presumptively governor of Achaia.

^{page 204 note 4} Leonticus, an Athenian by origin, held a commission ad corrigendum statum civitatium Achaiae (Ἑφ. Ἀρχ. (1884) no. 76, where he is called ἐπανορθωτὴς τῆς Ἀχαΐας.) This may have brought him into contact with Sparta, but his floruit is probably the reign of Septimius Severus.

^{page 204 note 5} See PIR for Ti. Claudius Frontinus Niceratus; Ti. Claudius Telemachus; C. Claudius Titianus (quaestors): Ti. Claudius Callipianus Italicus (corrector). A certain Claudius Cassianus, an ex-consul, was honoured by the Spartan state (CIG I, 1326). His office is to be dated to the reign of Antoninus Pius or of Marcus Aurelius. See P-W, art. ‘Claudius,’ no. 101, col. 2692.

^{page 204 note 6} JRS xix (1929), pp. 61–2.

^{page 204 note 7} ILS 212 (col. ii.⁵).

^{page 205 note 1} Brasidas (under M. Aurelius) in Ulpian Dig. xxxvi, I, 23. The family of Atticus Herodes, the Athenian orator, consul in 143, was connected with the Spartan patronomate. The orator's father, Ti. Claudius Atticus (IG v, I, 32A, 62, 287, 288, and cf. 1147, 1173 (Gythium)), held the office shortly before 135 or 136, about which time he died (BSA xiii, p. 202; xxvi, p. 188 f.), and his grandson Atticus, consul in 185, was patronomus (IG v, I, 45). Although foreigners, they may have been influential enough to cause the adoption of their name when a grant of citizenship occurred.

^{page 205 note 2} See supra p. 202.

^{page 205 note 3} IG v, 1, p. 131 ad n. 591.

^{page 205 note 4} The case of Ti. Claudius Harmonicus, whose stemma is given by Kolbe on the same page of IG v, 1, as that of Brasidas, deserves attention. His first recorded public appearance is his senatorship in the year of C. Julius Philoclidas about the first decade (not later) of the second century (op. cit. v, I, 97; BSA xxvii, p. 212, E. I). He appears to be the son of that Pleistoxenus who, with his brother Xenophanes, is σύσσιτος of the board of nomophylaces in the year of Cleander (IG v, I, 79), to be dated in the earlier half of the reign of Trajan (BSA xxix, p. 2 (H)¹). Xenophanes is given his Roman name, Ti. Claudius, in the duplicate records of his tenure of the post of nomophylax under Damocles, son of Damocles, who is dated late in Trajan's reign (BSA xxvii, p. 220, E. 33; xxix, p. 2 (K)). We have thus three generations of the family, of which the two last held Roman citizenship. The first Harmonicus could have been a youth in the reign of Gaius, since his grandson was a member of the board of γέροντες in Trajan's reign, and may well have been one of those sent home by Claudius with Roman citizenship.

^{page 205 note 5} IG v, 1, 516.

^{page 205 note 6} The reference will be given in Part II (Ic), where also a fuller discussion of cases of different nomina borne by members of the same family will be found.

^{page 205 note 7} PIR ii, 274, p. 200.

^{page 205 note 8} Hermes iii, pp. 123–5.

^{page 205 note 9} PIR ii, 158, p. 184.

^{page 205 note 10} IG vii, 70–74.

^{page 206 note 1} See Münzer in P-W, art. ‘Julius (Severus),’ no. 484, coll. 811–820. His praenomen is probably Gaius, not Tiberius as read in CIG iii, 4033–4 and given in PIR ii, 375, p. 215. His cursus is known to us from four inscriptions; OGIS ii, 543, 544, 545 and IGRR iii, 175: Dio lxix, 14, 4 and Aristides Or xxvi (Dind.).

^{page 206 note 2} Dio lxix, 14, 4.

^{page 206 note 3} PIR ii, 361, p. 212; IGRR iii, I, nn. 176–178: cf. Riba in P-W, art. ‘Julius,’ no. 464, coll. 799–800.

^{page 206 note 4} The most recent discussion of this family is that of Walton, C. S. in JRS xix (1929), pp. 38–62Google Scholar, where the new epigraphical evidence is treated.

^{page 206 note 5} See stemma in IG v, I, p. 307 ad n. 1172.

^{page 206 note 6} IG v, 1, p. 145 ad n. 676.

^{page 207 note 1} IG V, 1, 112.

^{page 207 note 2} IG v, 1, 68.

^{page 207 note 3} In Part II to be published later.

^{page 207 note 4} IG v, 1, 32B.

^{page 207 note 5} BSA xxvi, p. 166, B. 9, p. 168, C. 5; xxix, p. 13, 2 (L).

^{page 207 note 6} op. cit., xxvi, pp. 188–9.

^{page 207 note 7} IG v, 1, 292, 294.

^{page 208 note 1} BSA xxvi, p. 193, n. 2.

^{page 208 note 2} IG v, 1, 292.

^{page 208 note 3} IG v, 1, 294.

^{page 208 note 4} IG v, 1, 32 B, 65, 85, 114, 128, 292; BSA xxvii, p. 220, E. 33; xxix, p. 12, 2 (J).

^{page 208 note 5} IG v, 1, 292.

^{page 208 note 6} He cannot be identified with the patronomus [Ἰουλίου Λυ]σίππου of IG v, I, 34^9–10, for the chronological order in ibid., v, I, 32 A and B, would in that case become inexplicable. Cf. BSA xxvi, p. 201, 2 (y) and Woodward's note, ibid. p. 204.

^{page 208 note 7} IG v, 1, 292.

^{page 208 note 8} IG v, 1, 32B and 65.

^{page 208 note 9} IG v, 1, 85, 114, 128 in the restored form Λύσι]ππος and BSA xxix, p. 12, 2 (J).

^{page 208 note 10} IG v, 1, 53, 276.

^{page 208 note 11} BSA xxvi, p. 166, B8 and Woodward's note ad loc. p. 186, and pp. 208–9, n. 6 with note.

^{page 208 note 12} IG v, 1, 62.

^{page 208 note 13} BSA xxvi, pp. 188–9.

^{page 208 note 14} See note ad loc.

^{page 208 note 15} See infra Ib s.v. Οὐαλέριος p. 212.

^{page 208 note 16} IG v, 1, 32, 34, 61, 104, 286 and BSA xxvi, p. 201 (2 (λ)).

^{page 209 note 1} IG iii, Pars 1, 613; Jos. Ant. xix, I, 13; Dio lviii, 25.

^{page 209 note 2} IG v, 1, 1432^{3 6}.

^{page 209 note 3} See stemma, IG v, 1, p. 117 ad n. 537.

^{page 209 note 4} In IG v, 1, 580, the text reads This leaves no doubt that was P. Memmius. They were already married when the wife's brother, T. Statilius Lamprias, died (IG. iv. 940^{17, 18}), and the father, Statilius Timocrates, was γραμματεὺς to the συνέδριουν Παναχαϊκόν founded in 35 or 36. (See note, iv. 935). For a fuller discussion of the nomen of this family, see Part II (II¹), to be published later.

^{page 209 note 5} IG v, 1, 130, 172, 294, 472, 592, 663; BSA xxvi, p. 165, A. 12, p. 169 C. 9 + 10, p. 170 C. II.

^{page 209 note 6} IG v, 1, 472, 663.

^{page 209 note 7} IG v, 1, 663.

^{page 209 note 8} BSA xxvi, p. 193.

^{page 209 note 9} BSA xxvi, p. 194 ad n. C. II.

^{page 210 note 1} IG v, 1, 1408.

^{page 210 note 2} IG v, 1, 743.

^{page 210 note 3} IG v, 1, 664.

^{page 210 note 4} IG v, 1, 742.

^{page 210 note 5} His praenomen is Gaius; the π of IG v, 1, 114, is a mistake of Lenormant's. Ὠφελίωνος of ibid. v, 1, 89, is a mistake of the engraver, in view of ibid. v, 1, 446. (cf. Woodward, , BSA xxvii, p. 221.Google Scholar)

^{page 210 note 6} IG v, 1, 89, 111, 114, 446; BSA xxvi, p. 169, C. 9 + 10; xxvii, p. 220, E. 33; xxix, p. 12, 2 (J).

^{page 210 note 7} IG v, 1, 111.

^{page 210 note 8} IG v, 1, 114.

^{page 210 note 9} IG v, 1, 446, notes.

^{page 210 note 10} BSA xxvi, p. 169, C. 9 + 10.

^{page 210 note 11} BSA xxvii, p. 220, E. 33 and xxix, p. 12, 2 (J).

^{page 210 note 12} Inschr. v. Olymp. 426.

^{page 210 note 13} op. cit. 428.

^{page 210 note 14} It is possible that M. Antonius Pallas, the notorious freedman of Claudius, who derived his nomen from the triumvir through Antonius's younger daughter, may have been instrumental in spreading the name in Achaia. Claudius's freedmen and Messalina are alleged to have trafficked in the citizenship, amongst other privileges (Dio LX, 7, 8, and cf. Acts xxii, 28). Beneficiaries through the agency of Pallas might have taken his nomcn. possibly the M. Antonius Pallas, consul, suff. in 167 (CIL iii, p. 888), is a descendant.

^{page 210 note 15} IG v, 1, 551.

^{page 210 note 16} See note ad loc.

^{page 211 note 1} IG v, 1, 1417.

^{page 211 note 2} See JHS vol. xxv (1905), pp. 41–2.

^{page 211 note 3} IG v, 1, 1434.

^{page 211 note 4} Κεκίλιος Κρίσπος (Asine) of IG v, 1, 1408 is probably a Roman resident.

^{page 211 note 5} IG v, 1, 1468.

^{page 211 note 6} IG v, 1, 116.

^{page 211 note 7} BSA xxix, p. 13, 2 (L).

^{page 211 note 8} See BSA xxvi, pp. 188–9. It may be observed that BSA xxix, p. 13, 2 (L), where his name is thus recorded, is a duplicate of IG v, 1, 59, where the nomen is spelt Κλαύδιος. I assume that the rarer form of this gentile name is the one he used.

^{page 211 note 9} IG v, 1, 116.

^{page 211 note 10} CIG 1732a.

^{page 211 note 11} IG v, 1, 116.

^{page 211 note 12} Cf. IG iv, 1430 and 1431.

^{page 212 note 1} For his Augustan date see stemna of his family, IG iv, p. 264.

^{page 212 note 2} IG iii, 585.

^{page 212 note 3} IG v, 1, 1169.

^{page 212 note 4} IG v, 1, 1268.

^{page 212 note 5} CIG 1732a.

^{page 212 note 6} See note ad loc.

^{page 212 note 7} See supra p. 208, on the nomen Ulpius and Part II (II⁴), to be published later.

^{page 212 note 8} IG v, 1, 51, 482: 52 (Βείβιος, the same person).

^{page 213 note 1} See supra p. 209, on the nomen Memmius.

^{page 213 note 2} PIR iii, 379, p. 421.

^{page 213 note 3} IG iii, 619.

^{page 213 note 4} IG v, 1, 65, 84, 129, 168, 170, 303, 324, 325, 464, 479, 535, 557, 558, 653b, 787, 1436, 1438a; BSA xxvi, p. 171, E. 7; p. 174, E. 25; p. 221, n. 15.

^{page 213 note 5} IG v, 1, 464. 587.

^{page 213 note 6} IG v, 1, 1436.

^{page 213 note 7} IG v, 1, 464.

^{page 213 note 8} See stemma Pompeiorum in IG v, 1, ad n. 303, p. 88.

^{page 213 note 9} IG iii, 592.

^{page 213 note 10} PIR iii, 450, p. 64.

^{page 214 note 1} IG iii, 606.

^{page 214 note 2} See note ad loc.

^{page 214 note 3} IG v, 1, 59, 65, 71 11 and 111, 86, 116, 494, 495, 546, 547, 684, 1483; BSA xxvi, p. 209, n. 7; xxvii, p. 242, n. 33 (Alcastus); xxix, p. 13, 2 (K) = IG v, 1 65; xxix, p. 34, n. 57 = IG v, 1, 547.

^{page 214 note 4} IG v, 1, 602.

^{page 214 note 5} IG iv, 1279.

^{page 214 note 6} See BSA, xxvi, p. 187.

^{page 214 note 7} BSA xxvi, pp. 188–9.

^{page 214 note 8} Its stemma is recorded partly on p. 46, partly on' p. 117 of IG v, 1.

^{page 214 note 9} BCH xxviii, p. 425 ff.

^{page 214 note 10} Cf. BSA xxvi, p. 209, n. 7.

^{page 214 note 11} Vollgraf, in BCH xxviii, p. 425 ff. suggests that he was procurator between 102–114, as Trajan is called Dacicus, a title assumed in the former year, but not Optimus, which he was styled from 114 onwards.

^{page 214 note 12} In his stemma of the Pomponii Alcasti in IG v, 1, p. 131, Kolbe makes Γ. Πομπώνιος Ἄλκαστος Ι γερουσίας ἐπὶ Γ. Ἰου. Φιλοκλείδα (IG. v, 1, 97). This patronomus held office in the earlier half of the reign of Trajan, and the Ἄλκαστος Τιμοκρίτου of IG v, 1, 97 is recorded there as being a member of the γερουσία for the second time. It is unlikely that the man who was νομοφύλαξ at least some twenty years later would have been a member of the γερουσία for the second time so long before. Ἄλκαστος Τιμοκρίτου may be a relative, and if so, the absence of the nomen Pomponius helps to support the tracing of its provenance to the Trajanic procurator.