^{page 41 note 1} The only known exception belongs, as might be expected, to the critical days of January, 89.

^{page 41 note 2} P-W. R-E., art. Legio; Parker, H. M. D., The Roman Legions, Oxford, 1928Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 3} Ritterling, De Leg. X Gemina, 1885, p. 70; Parker, o.c. p. 146.

^{page 42 note 1} C.I.L. iii, 9082 = Dessau, 5832. In this article ‘Dessau’ indicates Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae.

^{page 42 note 2} So Clotz in Germania vii, 1923, p. 42Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 3} Dessau, 2286—Domitianic and not Trajanic, as proved by Ritterling in Röm.-germ. Korrespondenzblatt viii, 1915, p. 27Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 4} Only one, IX Hispana, is attested, Dessau, 1025; but cf. Dessau, 9200.

^{page 42 note 5} See the fundamental and indispensable contributions of Georg Wolff, especially ‘Zur Chron. der Ziegelst. der VIII Legion’ in Röm.-germ. Korrespondenzblatt viii and ix; and Röm.-germ. Kommission Bericht ix.

^{page 42 note 6} Ludowici, , Römische Ziegel-Gräber in Rheinzabern, Kat. iv, 1912Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 7} Dessau, 9200, C. Velio Salvi f. Rufo p.p. leg. XII Fulm., praef. vexillariorum leg. VIIII. I Adiut. II Adiut. II Aug. VIII Aug. VIIII Hisp. XIV gem. XX vic. XXI rapac., trib. coh. XIII urb., duci exercitus Africi et Mauretanici … etc. The Upper-German legion XI Claudia is to be added to the text to make up the total of nine legions, for its absence is only an accidental omission (Ritterling, in Jahreshefte vii, 1904, Beiblatt, p. 23ff.Google Scholar).

^{page 42 note 8} In Beiträge zur Kaisergesch. 4, Philologns 66, 1907, followed by McElderry, , J.R.S. x, 1920 pp. 74–6Google Scholar and Tacitus Agricola, ed. Furneaux, revised Anderson, 1922, p. 172. Von Domaszewski seems to have thought that XXI Rapax could have been at Vindonissa, but this is not so. Its only remains in Upper Germany of Flavian date earlier than the Wetterau tiles are the solitary tile from Rheinzabern, mentioned already, and possibly another from Strasbourg (Forrer, R., Strasbourg-Argentorate i, p. 19Google Scholar), which would not prove anything positive (cf. Wolff, in Röm.-germ. Kommission, Bericht ix, p. 90Google Scholar).

^{page 42 note 9} McElderry, o.c. p. 75.

^{page 43 note 1} We learn from Pliny that on the motion of an Emperor (Nerva or Trajan) a triumphal statue was decreed to Vestricius Spurinna. Nam Spurinna Bructerum regem vi et armis induxit in regnum ostetttatoque bello ferocissimam gentem … terrore perdomuit (Ep. ii, 7, 2). This operation has usually been supposed to fall somewhere in the years 97–9, in spite of Dessau's judicious observation that the man was then well over seventy (PIR., s.v.). It is more probable that it belongs to Domitian's reign and that, passed over by a jealous and malignant Emperor, Spurinna was honoured at last by a happier régime, like the octogenarian Verginius Rufus.

^{page 43 note 2} Dessau, 2285, Vexil. legionum I VIII XI XIV XXI.

^{page 43 note 3} Tac. Hist. i, 59Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 1} ORL. B 8, Lief. xxxii (Zugmantel), p. 39. It is of Rheinzabern type, as are also two of the five from Heddernheim, ORL. B 27, Lief. xlii (Heddernheim) p. 61.

^{page 44 note 2} Not in Moesia only (the diploma, Dessau, 1995) but also in Pannonia, see Ritterling, , Westd. Zeitschr. xxv, 1906Google Scholar, Karrespondenzblatt, p. 27; on the diploma, Dessau, 9052.

^{page 44 note 3} The writer has his reasons for not accepting von Domaszewski's dating, 88.

^{page 44 note 4} 67, 7, 1 and 2; cf. Tac. Agr. 41, tot exercitus in Moesia Daciaque et GERMANIA et Pannonia … amissi.

^{page 44 note 5} (Dessau, 9200); Dessau, 1006, 2127, 2710; C.I.L. iii, 7397; viii, 9372; L'Année épigraphique 1906, no. 166. In C.I.L. xi, 5992, bellum Germa(nicum) et Sarmatic(um) is only one war, either this or that of 92 : the priores principes who decorated the man decorated him only once, and are therefore nothing more than a euphemism for the hated name of Domitian (otherwise Filow, , Klio, Beiheft vi, p. 43Google Scholar).

^{page 45 note 1} Bella Suebic(o), Dessau, 2720, and Bella Germ(anico), L'Année épigraphique 1923, no. 28, refer to events similar, if not identical.

^{page 45 note 2} Germania, iv, 1920, p. 27Google Scholar (the excavations at Mainz in 1919); that ‘there is an absence of tegulae belonging to XIV G. on the limes’ (Parker, o.c. p. 154)is a statement which admits of revision : there are the Arnsburg, Echzell examples.

^{page 45 note 3} Parker, o.c. p. 155. The inscription C.I.L. xiii, 6357 = Dessau, 3914, is to be dated not later than Domitian's death and damnatio, that is to say anywhere in the years 92–6.

^{page 45 note 4} Tac. Hist. iii, 35Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 1} Ladek, , Premerstein, von and Vulič, in Jahreshefte iv, 1901, Beiblatt, p. 78Google Scholar. On this hypothesis they could be dated quite narrowly, to 86–89, but they might not be enough to prove that this was the permanent camp of the legion. Like the late firs-century gravestones of soldiers of XIII G. and XIV G. at Carnuntum (Röm. Limes in Oesterreich xvi, 1926, p. 51Google Scholar), they could be explained by war conditions.

^{page 46 note 2} As inferred by Ritterling from the Mirebeau tiles. That a whole legion had been withdrawn from Britain while Agricola was still there (Parker o.c. p. 155) is not likely. Vexillationes are by their nature only a temporary measure : but the withdrawal of a legion, which means a permanent reduction of the provincial garrison, would have supplied Tacitus with some quite good evidence of Domitian's malignant attitude towards Agricola.

^{page 46 note 3} cichorius's figure, Die Röm. Denkmäler in der Dobrudscha, p. 29.

^{page 46 note 4} Orosius vii, 10, 4, Domitianus tamen pravissima elatus iactantia sub nomine superatorum bostium de extinctis legionibus triumphavit. Compare Pliny, Pan. 14, 3, cum legiones duceres.

^{page 46 note 5} Dio 68, 9, 7, τὸ σημεῖον τὸ ὲπὶ Φούσκουύ άλόν.

^{page 47 note 1} The Jews captured a legionary eagle (Suet. Vesp. 4), but probably did not keep it long: Josephus knows nothing of it.

^{page 47 note 2} Tac. Hist. i, 61Google Scholar; ii, 83.

^{page 47 note 3} (Dessau, 9107); Ritterling, , ‘Rheinische Legionare an der unteren Donau,’ Germania, ix, 1925, 141–5Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 4} As XV Apollinaris appears to have done, P-W., s.v., col. 1752.

^{page 47 note 5} Gesch. der röm. Kaiser, ii, p. 163, and quite recently Henderson and Paribeni. A certain interpretation of Dessau, 2719 may have caused or encouraged this view.

^{page 47 note 6} Dessau, 2719.

^{page 48 note 1} Ptol. II, 15, 3. See Kubitschek, , ‘Flexum u. die Legionslager bei Ptol.’ in Jahrb. für Altertumskunde. vi, 1912, p. 204Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 2} See for example, P-W, s.v. Singidunum.

^{page 49 note 1} So von Domaszewski, Filow, De Ruggiero, Diz. Ep. s.v. Domitianus, p. 2011, and Paribeni. Ritterling is wisely non-committal.

^{page 49 note 2} That it was in Mauretania for a year or two (von Domaszewski, followed by McElderry and Anderson—see above, p. 42, note 8) is only a questionable inference from restorations of the fragmentary inscriptions, Dessau, 8969 and C.I.L. xiv, 2933.

^{page 49 note 3} W. Schmidt's dating to the winter of 98–9, Röm.-germ. Kommission Bericht xv, p. 217, is not accompanied by evidence.

^{page 49 note 4} Bohn, , ‘Rheinische “Lagerstäte,”’ Germania x, 1926, 25–36Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 1} Das römische Wien, 1923, p. 12, n. and Röm.-germ. Kommission Bericht xv, p. 152.

^{page 50 note 2} Suet. Dom., 6, … unam in Sarmatas, legione cum legato simul caesa; Tac. Agr., 41. Eutropius' phrase, nam in Sarmatia legio eius cum duce interfecta est (vii, 23), is not to be given independent value.

^{page 50 note 3} o.c. p. 110.

^{page 50 note 4} o.c. p. 155.

^{page 50 note 5} Plin. Ep. viii, 23, 5Google Scholar.

^{page 51 note 1} As Ritterling seems to do, P-W., s.v., col. 1388.

^{page 51 note 2} Westd. Zeitschr. xiv, 1895, p. 23Google Scholar. It has left an inscription there, C.I.L. iii, 13444.

^{page 51 note 3} o.c. p. 154.

^{page 51 note 4} P-W., s.v., col. 1281. There is indeed a fragment bearing Domitian's name, C.I.L. iii 143472²; and C.I.L. iii, 3513, the original of which is lost, may, like some other Pannonian inscriptions, have belonged to XIV G., not to XIII G.

^{page 52 note 1} This arrangement is not in contradiction with any of the (very scanty) evidence and disagrees, in three cases out of four, with that recently proposed by Paribeni, (Optimus Princeps I, p. 210Google Scholar), namely, XIII G. Vindobona, XIV G. Carnuntum, II Ad. Aquincum, XV Ap. Poetovio.

^{page 52 note 2} Plin. Pan, 8, 2Google Scholar, Adlata erat ex Pannonia laurea id agentibus dis ut invicti principis exordium victoriae insigne decoraret.

^{page 52 note 3} Parker, o.c. p. 155.

^{page 52 note 4} Soc. and Ec. Hist. Rom. Emp., p. 307.

^{page 52 note 5} So Cichorius, , Die Trajanssäule iii, p. 57Google Scholar and Jones, Stuart, B.S.R. Papers v, p. 450Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 1} Ritterling however dates the Dacian tiles of IV F. f. to the interval between the two Dacian Wars (P-W., s.v., col. 1544).

^{page 53 note 2} Trommsdorff, , Quaestiones duae (Leipzig, 1896)Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 3} Parker, o.c. p. 114.

^{page 54 note 1} Rheinisches Museum, 49, p. 219.

^{page 54 note 2} Cheesman's theory, Cl. Rev. xxiii, 1909, p. 155Google Scholar.