¹ Cicero, , Brutus, ed. Douglas, A. E. (1966), ix–xGoogle Scholar.

² Alt. 12. 5. 2. For Brutus's request see Or. 35.

³ Beaujeu argues that these sessions took place in Rome (Cicéron, , Correspondance vii (1980), 25 n.1., 281 n. 5).Google Scholar

⁴ Fam. 9. 18. 1, ‘cum essem otiosus in Tusculano, propterea quod discipulos obviam miseram, ut eadem me quam maxime conciliarent familiari suo …’.

⁵ ibid., ‘… intellexi probari tibi meum consilium, quod, ut Dionysius tyrannus, cum Syracusis pulsus esset, Corinthi dicitur ludum aperuisse, sic ego sublatis iudiciis, amisso regno forensi, ludum quasi habere coeperim.’

⁶ Fam. 9. 20. 1 (early August, to Paetus), ‘nam omnem nostram de re publica curam, cogitationem de dicenda in senatu sententia, commentationem causarum abiecimus; in Epicuri nos, adversarii nostri, castra coiecimus.’ To join the camp of Epicurus did not necessarily at this time mean to abandon public life. Several prominent Epicureans (C. Matius, C. Trebatius Testa, and Cassius) were active supporters of Caesar (Momigliano, A., Secondo Contribute (1960), 375 fGoogle Scholar.). The latter was himself, in all likelihood, something of an Epicurean (Rambaud, M., ‘César et l'épicuréisme d'après les Commentaires’, in Actes de l'VIII^e Congrès de l'Association G. Budé (1969), 411–34)Google Scholar.

⁷ Fam. 6. 12. 2 (early October, to T. Ampius Balbus, for whom he has just secured Caesar's clemency). Cicero also observes that Caesar is more easily manipulated by petitions based on duty to friends than by those based on self-interest (‘valent tamen apud Caesarem non tam ambitiosae rogationes quam necessariae’). He was clearly considering in these months how Caesar's psychology and beliefs could be manipulated enthymemically.

⁸ Fam. 7. 28. 2 (August, to Curius).

⁹ e.g., Brut. 21, 22, 328–32, cf. M. Gelzer, R-E vii. 1008 f. Throughout the period when pro Marcello was delivered and written Cicero was working on Orator.

¹⁰ Fam. 6. 6. 8, 11. Clementia and its relatives are rare before Cicero (Weinstock, S., Divus Julius (1971), 236, cfGoogle Scholar. TLL), who first uses it at de Inv. 2. 54 for one sort of sophrosyne, a sense it probably retains for him until he replaces it with temperantia, moderatio, and modestia in the 40s.

¹¹ Beaujeu argues forcefully for October (op. cit. (n. 3), 65, 3O7f.), against the common view.

¹² ‘Le meilleur moyen d'implorer la clémence du dictateur était d'en faire devant lui l'éloge enthousiaste, pour l'obliger à se montrer ressemblant au portrait qui était fait de lui’ (, Ciceron, Discours XVIII, ed. Lob, Marcel (1952), 13)Google Scholar.

¹³ Max Treu, ‘Zur clementia Caesaris’, MH 5 (1948), 197–217; Rambaud, M., L'art de la déformation historique dans les Commentaires de Cesar (1966), 283–93Google Scholar. Earl, D. C. calls it ‘sharp and hostile’ (The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome (1967), 60)Google Scholar. See also Plut., Cato min. 66; Lucan, Phars. 4. 1–401, where he rewrites the episode illustrating clementia reported by Caesar at BC 1. 74–5 (cf. Ahl, F., Lucan (1976), 192–7). Cf. n. 28Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Romilly, Jacqueline de, La douceur dans la pensée grecque (1979), 258–60Google Scholar; P. Grimal, ‘Les idées de la clémence et de la douleur dans la politique romaine’, CRAI 1984, 466–78; cf. K. von Fritz, ‘The mission of L. Caesar and L. Roscius in 49 b.c.’, TAPA 72 (1941), 125–57 (= Schriften (1976), 449–78), ‘Caesar also acted as a true sovereign in that he always tried to be polite personally…’; TAPA 73 (1942), 146–80 ( = Schriften (1976), 479–512).

¹⁵ BG 8. 49. Although he uses clementia comparatively often in BG, it may be linked with mansuetudo (2. 14. 4, 31. 3) or replaced by misericordia (28. 3), synonyms which are later preferred by Sallust, Cat. 54. 2: ‘ille mansuetudine et misericordia clarus factus’; cf. Hellegouarc'h, J., Le vocabulaire latin… (1972)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ R. Syme, ‘Caesar, the Senate and Italy’, PBSR 14 (1938), 4 (= Roman papers 1, 91); idem, Roman Revolution (1952), 51Google Scholar, cf. 159, following Ed. Meyer, , Caesars Monarchie (1922 ³), 306, 309 cf. 406–10Google Scholar; idem, Tacitus (1958), 1, 414; Earl, op. cit. (n. 13), using Seneca's analysis of clementia as a royal virtue (Clem. 2. 3. 1 ‘lenitas superioris ad versus inferiorem’ cf. 1. 3. 3, 11. 2): ‘Clementia, in fact, denoted the arbitrary mercy, bound by no law, shown by a superior to an inferior who is entirely in his power … The true nature of Caesar's clementia appears clearly in Cicero's speeches for Marcellus and Ligarius … The significance of Caesar's clementia did not escape those who, like the son of Ahenobarbus, refused to accept it.’ M. P. Charlesworth pointed out Tacitus' ironic use of clementia, which ‘had become too much a despotic quality’ (PBA 23 (1937) 113. n 14. citing Ann. 4. 31, 74 et al.)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Plut., Cic. 39. 65. Caesar seems to have tolerated Brut, and pro Lig. with equanimity, responding only to Cato but in sophisticated intellectual terms with Anti-Cato. Cicero himself thought that Caesar was impressed by men of his own intellectual calibre (Fam. 6. 6. 8, ‘accedit quod mirifice ingeniis excellentibus, quale est tuum [sc. Caecinae], delectatur’), and the two men were perhaps engaged from time to time in an elegant intellectual and rhetorical game of retortion.

¹⁸ ‘This day seemed to me so beautiful that I seemed to see some ghost of the republic, so to speak, coming to life again … Therefore I thanked Caesar at length, and I fear I have also for other matters deprived myself of my honourable leisure, my only consolation in my troubles. But yet, since I have avoided offending the man, who probably would think that I did not consider this a republic if I were to maintain a continuous silence, I will do this in moderation, or even beyond moderation, to serve both his will and my pursuits.’ Cicero often uses species negatively for a ‘likeness’ (e.g. Cic, Div. 1. 12. 21 of a statue) or ‘superficial outward appearance’ (Cat. 2. 8. 18; Verr. 2. 1. 22. 58; Phil. 2. 116 (of Caesar's clemency, cf. n. 28); Off. 3. 2. 7), and probably uses it here sarcastically to indicate he knows this is merely a propaganda ploy. Linked with reviviscentis it may also imply ‘ghost’.

¹⁹ cf. 9. 16. 3, ‘quem penes est omnis potestas’ (cf. a similar phrase to Marcellus, 4. 7. 3, where also: ‘te fore in eius quem fugeres potestate. …sed cum ita late pateat eius potestas quem veremur’, 4); 4. 8. 2, ‘is qui omnia tenet’ 13. 5, qui plurimum potest’ (also 6. 10. 5); 6. 5. 3, ‘hic cuius in potestate sumus’; cf. 4. 9. 4. He also makes a daring oblique reference to ‘reges’, 9. 19. 1.

²⁰ Att. 13. 12. 2, 19. 2, 20. 2, 44. 3. For the contrary argument, that our present text is a stenographic record of Cicero's actual words in the curia, see Paladini, V., Scritti minori (1973), 115–28Google Scholar.

²¹ A&R 22 (1977), 113–25, with bibliography. Note also Collins, J. H., ‘Caesar and the corruption of power’, Historia 4 (1955), 445–65Google Scholar (arguing that Cicero's attitude changed between the speech and the end of the year); Kloft, H., Liberalitas Principis Kölner hist. Abh. 18 (1977), 58 f.; Weinstock, op. cit. (n. 10), 233Google Scholar.

²² Rambaud, M., ‘Le pro Marcello et l'insinuation politique’;, Caesarodunum 19 bis (1984), 43–56Google Scholar; Dobesch, G., ‘Politische Bemerkungen zu Ciceros Rede pro Marcello’, in Römische Geschichte, Festschrift A. Betz (1985), 153–231Google Scholar.

²³ See, for example, Freedman, J. S., ‘Cicero in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century rhetoric instruction’, Rhetorica 4 (1986), 227–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar, tables c, f, g, m. It was perhaps the most often studied and influential of all Cicero's speeches until F. A. Wolf began a lengthy controversy over its authenticity (Lob, op. cit. (n. 12), 30 and n. 2, with bibliography). Was it perhaps studied as a source of that ‘allegorie’ which was so popular both in medieval interpretation of scripture (Murphy, J. J., Rhetoric in the Middle Ages (1974), 236 f., 319 fGoogle Scholar.) and in renaissance Britain (e.g. Puttenham, G., The Arte of English Poesie, in Haslewood, J. (Ed.), Ancient Critical Essays (1811), 155 fGoogle Scholar., cf. Vickers, B., In Defence of Rhetoric (1988), 133 f.)?Google Scholar

²⁴ Ciceronis orationum scholiastae, rec. T. Stangl, 11. 295.32–296.2.

²⁵ See Bruhns, Hinnerk, Caesar und die römische Oberschicht in den Jahren 49–44 v. Chr.: Untersüchu;ngen zur Herrschaftsetablierung im Bürgerkrieg (1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Tacitus 1. 414; cf. PBSR 14 (1938), 4; Rom. Rev., 51; cf. n. 16.

²⁷ Att. 14. 22. 1, ‘clementiam illi malo fuisse; qua si usus non esset, nihil ei tale accidere potuisse’.

²⁸ Phil. 2. 116, ‘adversarios clementiae specie devinxerat’, (so Cassius refers to him as ‘clemens dominus’ in late 45, Fam. 15. 19. 4); Att. 8. 9. 4 (February 49), ‘metuo ne omnis haec dementia ad unam illam crudelitatem colligatur’; 8. 16. 2 (March 49), ‘huius insidiosa dementia delectantur; 10. 8. 6, ‘simulatio mansuetudinis’ (towards Metellus in 49); 10. 4. 8 (Curio's account in April 49 of clemency as a policy popular with Caesar's men). For accounts of Caesar's brutality see BG 8. 44, Pliny, NH 7. 92, Lucan 7. 168, 240, 551, 557. 579. 721–31 798 f.

²⁹ Ad. Brut. 2. 5. 5; 1. 15. 5.

³⁰ See Vickers, op. cit., 73 f. et passim.

³¹ ‘Neque vero mihi quicquam … praestabilius videtur, quam posse dicendo tenere hominum coetus mentis, adlicere voluntates, impellere quo velit, unde autem velit deducere’, de Or. 1. 8. 30, cf. 2. 42. 178; Brut. 23. 89, 80. 279; Or. 37. 128, 130; 38. 132. See Lussky, E. A., The appeal to the emotions in the judicial speeches of Cicero as compared with the theories set forth on the subject in the de Oratore (Diss. Minnesota, 1928)Google Scholar; F. Solmsen, ‘Aristotle and Cicero on the orator's playing upon the feelings’, CP 33 (1938), 400 f. (cf. n. 60); Douglas, A. E., Eranos 55 (1958), 18 fGoogle Scholar.

³² ‘Quae nisi qui naturas hominum vimque omnem humanitatis causasque eas quibus mentes aut incitantur aut reflectuntur penitus perspexerit, dicendo quod volet perficere non poterit’, de Or. 1. 12. 53, cf. 5. 17.

³³ Cicero's use of fastidium and insolentia in de Or. 2. 209, quoted above, suggests familiarity with Aristotle's discussion of these causes (Rhet. 1378b14–31). He may invoke insolentia in Marc. by his ambiguous use of inusitatus, inauditus, incredibilis (1. 1, 6. 19, 9. 28).

³⁴ Aristotle contrasts pity at ill-deserved ill fortune with nemesis, the emotion we have towards those who fare well without deserving to (1386b10–14). In Marc. Caesar's success is constantly attributed to Fortuna rather than his own merit, and is thus open to nemesis.

³⁵ Phil. 2. 12. 28, quoting Antony: ‘“Caesare interfecto” inquit “statim cruentum alte extollens Brutus pugionem Ciceronem nominatim exclamavit atque ei recuperatam libertatem est gratulatus”.’

³¹ Fam. 6. 15 (to Minucius Basilus), ‘tibi gratulor. mihi gaudeo, te amo, tua tueor. a te amari et, quid agas quidque agatur, certior fieri volo’, cf. de Off. 3. 21. 82 ff.

³⁷ Servius knows it as an alternative to complexio: ‘“si periturus abis” argumentum dilemma, id est, complexio, quae adversarium ab utra parte concludit’ (ad Verg. Aen. 2. 67s); cf. Galen, Inst. Log.6.5, Hermog., Inv. 4.6.

³⁸ Kennedy, G. A. (The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World (1972))Google Scholar discusses Ciceronian dilemmas in pro Quinctio (41. 73; p. 14s), pro Cluentio (p. 170), and pro Caelio (p. 199).

³⁹ For various formal expressions of this dilemma in pro Caelio see 13. 32, 20. 50, 23. 58.

⁴⁰ The three grandsons of Metellus Calvus Dalmati cus had profited from Verres' governorship. Quintus (later Creticus) was elected consul for 69; this Marcus became praetor urbanus; Lucius, praetor in 71, currently in Sicily, would be consul for 68. Cicero discusses their relations with Verres circumspectly, but leaves no doubt that he saw them as accomplices.

⁴¹ I follow the text and chapter numbers of the edition by T. Dorandi (1982) rather than those of A. Olivieri (1909).

⁴² Dorandi p. 42 f., cf. Murray, O., ‘Rileggendo Il buon re secondo Omero’, Cron. Ere. 14 (1984), 157–60Google Scholar (cf. JRS 74 (1984), 235–6, n. 51). For a later date, in the summer of 45, see P. Grimal, REL 44 (1966), 254–85.

⁴³ 2D col. viii, τὸ πάντ[α γ'] εἴπερ εἴη{ι} δυνατὸ[νἐϕορᾶν …

⁴⁴ 3D col. xx, καὶ γελᾶσθαι μετὰ καταϕ[ρον]ήσεως ἀλλ' οὐκ ἀγαπᾶσθ[αι] μετὰ σεβασμοῆ. Cicero tries to arouse kataphronesis against Caesar on these grounds in pro rege Deiotaro. Catullus represents the ‘younger generation’.

⁴⁵ 5D col. xxvii, χρὴ τοιγαροῦ̣[ν ϕιλό]νικον εἶναι τὸν ἀ̣[γαθὸ]ν δυνάστην, ἀλλ̣[ὰ μὴ ϕιλ]οπόλεμον μη[δὲ ϕιλόμ]αχον.

⁴⁶ Eur., Antiope fr. 200.3N. Caesar may have jested on this reference when he visited Cicero with a disconcertingly large body of troops in December 45.

⁴⁷ 6D col. Xxiv–xxv, αὐστ̣[ηρὸν] μὲν κ̣α̣[ὶ τ]ραχύ [τι ὔθοςκαὶ] πικρὸν ἐχθ[ρ]αίρει[ν[ν καὶ] πραότητα δ̣ιασκεῖν κ[αὶ δ'] ἐπιείκειαν καὶ καὶ τὸ βα[σιλέ]ως ἤμερον καὶ σ[χέ]σ[εως ἀρ]μονικόν, ἐϕ' ὅσον π̣λ̣εῖστον ὁς ϕορο[ῦν]τα π[ρ]ὸς εὐσταθῆμοναρχ[ία]ν [καὶ] μὴ δεσ[ποτικὴν] ϕόβῳ δυνα[α]τεί[αν …] … δ̣[ι]ὰ μὲν τὴν ἠπίοτη{ι}τ̣α ϕιλῆται.

⁴⁸ Michel, A. (Rhétorique et philosophie chez Ciceron (1960), 375–6)Google Scholar and Rambaud (op. cit. (n. 22), 44 f.) regard Cicero's use of sapientia and other virtues in the speech as Stoic. Yet sapientia and clementia are able to stand for different virtues in the various philosophies of the audience.

⁴⁹ Cicero later warns Brutus against cleementia (n. 29).

⁵⁰ On Seneca's dementia see Elias, A., De notione vocis dementiae … (1911)Google Scholar. I see no sign of Stoic clementia in Panaetius or early Cicero (pace Grimal, op. cit. (n. 14)).

⁵¹ These views are taken as Stoic by Edelstein, L., The Meaning of Stoicism (1966, 14, 72, 79)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Watson, G., ‘The natural law and Stoicism’, in Long, A. A. (Ed.), Problems in Stoicism (1971), 216–38Google Scholar. Yet Cicero does not argue as a Stoic, rejecting much that is obviously Stoic, e.g. Fin. 4. 78. As Howes, J. R. argues (in Martyn, J. R. C. (Ed.), Cicero and Vergil. Studies in honour of H. A. K. Hunt (1972), 37ndash;59)Google Scholar, de Fin. Offers an example of philosophical method, with a series of fair and painstaking expositions of three major ethical positions' (44).

⁵² Marc. 1. 2, ‘his omnibus ad bene de omni re publica sperandum quasi signum aliquod sustulisti’.

⁵³ F. Ahl, ‘The art of safe criticism in Greece and Rome’, AJP 105 (1984), 193 f., citing Quintilian 9. 2. 67; cf. Hermog., Inv. 4.13.

⁵⁴ The Roman theory of translatio uses this observation as a basis for its use of metaphor, allegory and related figures, cf. n. 62.

⁵⁵ See Schenkeveld, D. M., Studies on Demetrius on Style (1964), 116fGoogle Scholar. Morpurgo-Tagliabue, G. (Demetrio: dello stile (1980), 159–62)Google Scholar argues that Cicero used the treatise (13–14) at Or. 168–9, but the commonplace is probably drawn from a common source.

⁵⁶ cf. G. L. Hendrickson, ‘The Peripatetic mean of style and the three stylistic characters’, AJP 25 (1904), 125–46; Solmsen, F., ‘Demetrios ΠΕΡΙ ΕΡΜΗΝΕΙΑΣ und sein peripatetisches Quellenmaterial’, Hermes 66 (1930), 241–67Google Scholar; and ‘The Aristotelean tradition in ancient rhetoric’, AJP 62 (1941), 35–50, 169–90.

⁵⁷ τὸ μὲν οὖν κολακεύειν αἰσχρόν, τὸ δὲ ἐπιτιμᾶν ἐπισφαλές, ἄριστον δὲ τὸ μεταξύ, τοῦτʾ ἔστι τὸ ἐσχηματισμένον (294). The Latin translation of τὸ ἐσχηματισμένον is oratio figurata (cf. the scholiast on pro Marc.). I follow Ahl (op. cit. (n. 53), 179) in translating the Latin. W. Rhys Roberts translates it as ‘covert hint’, Grube, G.M.A. (A Greek Critic (1961), 124–5) as ‘innuendo’Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ ‘Mistake’ is an inappropriate translation. For the important Aristotelian definition of hamartia as falling between wrong-doing and right, see my correction of the standard punctuation and translation of Aristotle, E.N. v. 1135D8–25 in CR xv (1965), 250–2. Perhaps ‘failures in foresight’.

⁵⁹ Cicero may in these years be stressing the genus medium dicendi, exemplified by Demetrius, as an acceptable translatio of the Peripatetic μεταξύ, appropriate under despots. On the suavitas of the style see Gotzes, P.' analysis of de Imp. (De Ciceronis tribus generibus dicendi (1914))Google Scholar. On the genus see H. M. Hubbell, ‘Cicero and the styles of oratory’, YCS xix (1966), 173–86 (184 f.). It is first mentioned at ad Her. 4. 8. 11, where it is applied solely to choice of words, and by Cicero at de Or. 3. 55. 212 (cf. 52. 199), yet Cicero continues to ignore its existence at Fam. 9.21. 1 (undated, to Paetus), opt. gen. 4. 12 and de Fin. 3. 19. See also G.M.A. Grube, AJP 73 (1952), 251–67; TAPA 83 (1952), 172–83; G. A. Kennedy, HSCP lxii (1957) 93–1O4; cf. n. 56.

⁶⁰ 289. On emphasis see Ahl, op. cit. (n. 53), 176 f.

⁶¹ De Leg. 3.6. 14, ‘mirabiliter doctrinam ex umbraculis eruditorum otioque non modo in solem atque in pulverem, sed in ipsum discrimen aciemque produxit’ (cf. 2. 25. 63 ff.; de Fin. 5.19. 54; Or. 27. 95). In Brut. he praises the middle style of Demetrius, who ‘[orationem] mollem teneramque reddidit, et suavis sicut fuit videri maluit quam gravis; sed suavitate ea qua perfunderet animos, non qua perfringeret’ (9. 38; cf. 82. 285; de Or. 2. 23. 94 f.) It is meant to overpower the mind of the hearer with charm, to ‘per-suade’ in the etymological sense of making successfully sweet (cf. n. 63).

⁶² Cicero first uses allegoria at Att. 2. 20. 3 (July 59): ‘de re publica breviter ad te scribam; iam enim charta ipsa ne nos perdat pertimesco. itaque posthac, si erunt mihi plura ad te scribenda, ἀλληγορίαις obscurabo’. In rhetoric he reserves it for continuous, connected translationes (cf. de Or. 2. 65. 261–7. 271; 3. 41. 166: ‘illud quod ex hoc genere [sc. metaphor] profluit non est in uno verbo translato, sed ex pluribus continuatis connectitur, ut aliud dicatur aliud intellegendum sit’; Quint. 9. 2. 46). Cicero also uses it in Or. 27. 94. 6.

⁶³ Cicero knew Philodemus well enough (D. Delattre, ‘Philodème dans la correspondance de Cicéron’, BAGB 1984, 27–39; Maslowski, T., ‘Cicero, Philodemus, Lucretius’, Eos lxvi (1978), 215–26)Google Scholar and had attacked him in his speech in Pisonem 28. 68 (cf. Asconius 5 pt. 2 p. 16 Orelli). We do not know that he knew the Rhetorica, although its remarks on the use of charm in manipulating despots (1. 377, 11. 252 Sudh.) may be to the point.

⁶⁴ Rhet. 1. 181, cf. Quint. 8. 6. 44–59 on allegoria aenigma, ironia, paroimia. I ignore the category of griphos, as something undetectable. Several apparent witticisms might pass muster as asteismos or urbanitas. These categories recur in Bede, de trop. 615. 31 (Halm, Rhet. lat. min.), Compendium rhetorice (1332) and Puttenham (cf. n. 23).

⁶⁵ Lucan grants Cicero a similar play on the word comes when he is made to confront Pompey before Pharsalia: ‘propera te ne tua classica linquant./ scire senatus avet, miles te, Magne, sequatur/ an comes’ (Phars. 7. 83–5, cf. Ahl, op. cit. (n. 13), 161 on comes as implying a social equal).

⁶⁶ Guttman, C. (De earum quae vocantur Caesarianae orationum Tulliarum genere dicendi (1883), 66 f.)Google Scholar defends the phrase, rejected by Wolf as un-Ciceronian, on the grounds that the sword of the conqueror, as yet unseen in Rome, is eager to free itself of its constraining sheath.

⁶⁷ On Caesar's Fortuna see Ahl, op. cit. (n. 13), 286–305. For this sense of fortunatus as the man enjoying no more than a conditional happiness see my ‘Ambition in the Georgics: Vergil's rejection of Arcadia’, in Harris, B. F. (Ed.), Auckland Classical Essays presented to E.M. Blaiklock (1970), 148 fGoogle Scholar. (ad G. 11. 493 f.).

⁶⁸ Rambaud, op. cit. (n. 22), 45.

⁶⁹ ibid., Rambaud quotes Cicero's use of Chrysippus second figure at de Fin. 4. 19. 55, with a useful account of disjunctive logic in the Stoic syllogism.

⁷⁰ Note the derogatory courtroom use of iste (cf. 7. 19, 8. 25, 9. 27). In Orator Cicero counsels the user of the suave style to avoid contentio, the agonistic style of politics and the courts. He here disobeys that rule.

⁷¹ On Cicero's irony see Haury, A., L'ironie et Phumeur chez Cicéron (1955)Google Scholar.

⁷² 291. See above. For irony similarly woven through pro Ligario see W. C. McDermott, TAPA 101 (1970), 317–48; C. Loutsch, REL lxii (1984), 98–110.

⁷³ The verb complexae sunt suggests two other meanings: in warfare ‘have besieged or surrounded’, in rhetoric ‘have placed in a bind’ (cf. Section iv). This triple meaning probably counts as an urbanity.

⁷⁴ Has Caesar already laid claim to divinity as the descendant of Venus? See Dobesch, op. cit. (n. 22), 168, n. 45, and Caesars Apotheose zu Lebzeiten u. sein Ringen um den Königstitel (1966), 39, 41 f., 48 f. This may be the terminus post quem for publication of this speech.

⁷⁵ Rambaud, op. cit. (n. 13), 295 f.

⁷⁶ BG 6. 35. 2, ‘hic quantum in bello Fortuna possit et quantos adferat casus cognosci potuit’, cf. 30. 2; 5. 58. 6 (cf. Rambaud, op. cit. (n. 13) 256–64).

⁷⁷ The verb ieceris seems, by mutatio from the expected verb condideris or posueris, to suggest Caesar's offhand approach to the real questions of government.

⁷⁸ Cicero attacks Caesar's neglect of his social obligations from the Stoic position discussed in de Fin. 2. 14. 45; 5. 23. 66. See Section iv (ii) above and n. 69.

⁷⁹ ‘Ainsi, il est done vrai que Cicéron, avec le Brutus, les Paradoxes et le Caton ne renonçait pas à l'action politique, mais la continuait sur le plan des idées, et défendait toujours le même idéal …’ (Grimal, P., Cicéron (1987), 330)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ H. J. Tschiedel sees Cato as an affront to Caesar and a turning point in his policy of clementia: ‘Caesar müsste seine Versöhnungspolitik als gescheitert betrachten; aufs neue sah er sich als Mensch und Staatsmann isoliert und in der Rolle des einzelnen, der genötigt ist, eine verständnislosen Umwelt zu deren Besten den eigenen Willen aufzuzwingen’ (Caesar ‘Anticato’, (1981), 17–18). Caesar responds to it only from Spain, and, whenever completed, it was hardly published much earlier.

⁸¹ This statue to Caesar, inscribed Deo Invicto, was to be placed in the temple of Quirinus on the Quirinal, close to Atticus's house: Att. 12. 47. 3, ‘domum tuam pluris vides futuram vicino Caesare’; 45. 3, ‘de Caesare vicino scripseram ad te quia cognoram ex tuis litteris. eum σύνναον Quirini malo quam Salutis’ (referring to the disappearance of Romulus), cf. de Leg. 1. 3; Corn. Nep., Att. 13. 2; Dio Cass. 43. 45. 3; Weinstock, op. cit. (n. 10), i n, 185, 285.