^{page 87 note 2} Some envoys sent by Hannibal to the Gauls returned late in 219, and when he dismissed his troops to winter quarters he was able to assure them of the εὔνοια and συμμαχία of the Gauls (Polyb. iii, 34). In a speech delivered to his army at the summit of the Alps he renewed his assurance of the friendship of the Celts in the Po valley (iii, 54).

^{page 88 note 1} So Strabo, p. 204, and Plin. N.H. iii, 123.

^{page 88 note 2} Polyb. iii, 60, who vaguely says that the tribes nearest to the Taurini joined Hannibal at once, while the remainder of those inhabiting ‘the plains,’ though eager to join, dreaded the Romans.

^{page 88 note 3} Polyb. iii, 40; Liv. xxi, 25.

^{page 88 note 4} Polyb. ii, 23; and ii, 32.

^{page 88 note 5} They are the ‘Brixiani Galli’ of Liv. xxi, 25.

^{page 88 note 6} Liv. xxi, 25; Polyb. iii, 40, only says ἤδη τούτων συνῳκισμένων.

^{page 88 note 7} The Insubres supported Mago (Liv. xxx, 18).

^{page 88 note 8} Liv. xxxi, 10; xxxii, 30.

^{page 88 note 9} Liv. xxi, 57.

^{page 88 note 10} Liv. xxiii, 25.

^{page 89 note 1} Liv. xxvii, 39.

^{page 89 note 2} Liv. xxviii, 10 and 11. Probably Boii were chiefly concerned; but no tribal names are given.

^{page 89 note 3} Liv. xxvii, 39.

^{page 89 note 4} Liv. xxix, 5; cf. xxviii, 46.

^{page 89 note 5} Polyb. iii, 75; Liv. xxii, 61.

^{page 89 note 6} Polyb. iii, 60.

^{page 89 note 7} It is interesting at the present day to recall Mommsen's dictum, ‘das Entsetzen macht schlechte Propaganda’ (Gesch. bk. iii, c. 6). It was said in reference to Hannibal. Roman barbarity was by him never so sharply handled.

^{page 90 note 1} Polyb. iii, 66: κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν. cf. iii, 60: κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιβολήν.

^{page 90 note 2} Polyb. iii, 67, implies that all the Gauls in the Roman army mutinied, and it is assumed all through his succeeding narrative. Livy, better informed, mentions that Gauls fought on the Roman side at the battle of the Trebia (xxi, 55 and 56). Both writers agree in giving the numbers of the mutineers as 2,000 infantry and 200 cavalry. The total number of Gauls in the Roman service must have been much greater.

^{page 90 note 3} Polyb. iii, 69; Liv. xxi, 48. Livy supposes that the lack of supplies was due to Hannibal's march through an enemy's country; but when he was on the north of the river he was in the land of the friendly Insubres.

^{page 90 note 4} Polyb. iii, 69; Liv. xxi, 52, gives a more precise and obviously better account.

^{page 91 note 1} Polyb. iii, 77. His appeal is made mainly to the peoples in whose lands Rome had planted colonies. At the end of the chapter there is also an allusion to the Greeks of southern Italy (τοὺς δοκοῦντας πόλεσιν ἣ λιμέσιν ἠλαττῶσθαι).

^{page 91 note 2} Polyb. iii, 78.

^{page 91 note 3} Liv. xxi, 38.

^{page 91 note 4} Liv. l.l. Cincius mentions Gauls and Ligurians. As to the Ligurians see below.

^{page 91 note 5} In the earlier passage (iii, 56) the infantry consists of Libyans and Iberians; in the later (iii, 72) Gauls are added. In iii, 56, Polybius quotes as his authority the inscription in the temple of Hera at the Lacinian promontory.

^{page 91 note 6} Polyb. iii, 74, and 85 and 117. At Cannae 4,000 Gauls fell as against 1,500 others. Livy gives none of these particulars.

^{page 91 note 7} Polyb. iii, 113–116.

^{page 91 note 8} Polyb. viii, 32; Liv. xxv, 9.

^{page 91 note 9} Liv. xxx, 20; cf. xxx, 33.

^{page 91 note 10} See below.

^{page 92 note 1} Polyb. iii, 78; Liv. xxi, 58, 59.

^{page 92 note 2} Polyb. iii, 79.

^{page 92 note 3} Polyb. iii, 113-116. At the Metaurus Hasdrubal's Gauls acquitted themselves badly (Liv. 27, 48).

^{page 92 note 4} Liv. xxi, 38. A small detachment of them had been left with Hasdrubal in Spain (Liv. xxi, 22).

^{page 92 note 6} Liv. xxi, 58 : ex hibernis in Etruriam ducit, eam quoque gentem, sicut Gallos Liguresque, aut vi aut voluntate adiuncturus. Perhaps Liguresque has been displaced in the text and should come after gentem.

^{page 92 note 6} Liv. xxi, 59.

^{page 92 note 7} Liv. xxii, 33.

^{page 92 note 8} polyb. vii,9.

^{page 92 note 9} Liv. xxvii, 39; xxix, 5; xxxi, 10. There were Ligurian cavalry on the field of Cannae (Polyb. iii, 113, 4).

^{page 92 note 10} Liv. xxvii, 39, and 48. Mago took sides in a Ligurian civil war (xxviii, 46).

^{page 92 note 11} Polyb. iii. 85. Livy's briefer account in xxii, 7, mentions Latin allied prisoners only.

^{page 92 note 12} Liv. xxii, 52 (not mentioned by Polybius).

^{page 93 note 1} Liv. xxiii, 15.

^{page 93 note 2} Polyb. iii, 86.

^{page 93 note 3} Liv. xxii, 9. Mommsen assumes that Hannibal's order applied only to Romans; but the words of Polybius are not thus limited; and even that order would have been inconsistent with his ordinary treatment of Romans.

^{page 93 note 4} Liv. xxii, 14; Polyb. iii, 91.

^{page 93 note 5} The words of Zonaras, viii,| 25, τὰς πόλεις προσαγόμενος πλὴν Σπωλητίου, are, of course, absurd.

^{page 93 note 6} Polyb. iii, 1: καταλύσαντες τὴν δυναστείαν.

^{page 94 note 1} Polyb. xv, 7.

^{page 94 note 2} Polyb. iii, 118. He uses Ίταλιῶται sometimes of the Italian allies as a whole, sometimes of the Italian Greeks.

^{page 94 note 3} Polyb. l.l.

^{page 94 note 4} Liv. xxviii, 44; cf. xxix, 3.

^{page 94 note 5} Liv. xxix, 3.

^{page 94 note 6} Liv. xxii, 54.

^{page 94 note 7} ‘Defectio Italiae’: xxvi, 41; xxix, 6; and cf. xxv, 16: in illo communi Italiae motu; xxviii, 44, deserti ab sociis, viribus nostris, milite Romano stetimus (where even the Latins are ignored). In xxix, 3, the Carthaginians are described as those ‘qui omnis Italiae populos aut vi aut voluntate in deditionem accepissent.’

^{page 94 note 8} cf. Pint. Fab. 17.

^{page 94 note 9} Polyb. iii, 118.

^{page 94 note 10} Liv. xxii, 61. The omission of the Ligurians may be noted, also that of Capua, about which see below.

^{page 94 note 11} See some sensible remarks by Locrian speakers in Liv. xxix, 17.

^{page 95 note 1} Polyb. viii, 26–34. Livy (xxv, 11) found the date 213 in some writers, but the ‘best and oldest’ (among whom we may suppose Polybius to have been) gave it as 212. Possibly also Fabius Pictor (xxii, 7).

^{page 95 note 2} Polyb. iii, 75 (τῶν ἄλλων τόπων εἰς τοὺς εὐκαίρους). A question here arises about the legion usually stationed at Tarentum: Polyb. ii, 24.

^{page 95 note 3} Liv. xxiii, 32 and 38. Mommsen erroneously states that this force was retained in Tarentum after 215.

^{page 95 note 4} Liv. xxiv, 1.

^{page 95 note 5} Liv. xxiv, 13.

^{page 96 note 1} When Hannibal did get possession of Tarentum, he reminded the people of his kindness to the prisoners. Probably others besides the nobles had been released (Liv. xxv, 10; the words, however, have no parallel in the account by Polybius).

^{page 96 note 2} Liv. xxiv, 13.

^{page 96 note 3} Liv. xxiv, 20. When the attempt failed, Hannibal still left Tarentine territory intact, in hope of an alliance (ibid.).

^{page 96 note 4} Liv. xxiv, 20.

^{page 96 note 5} Liv. xxv, 1.

^{page 97 note 1} Liv. xxv, 7.

^{page 97 note 2} cf. Dion. Halic. vi, 16, for a similar case; also for hostages flogged and executed, vi, 30.

^{page 97 note 3} Polyb. viii, 24(26)–34; Livy, xxv, 8 sq. follows him closely, adding only a few touches.

^{page 97 note 4} This fact Livy omits, perhaps, as has often been suspected, because he was a namesake. A number of Tarentine adherents of Rome were exiled by Hannibal (Liv. xxvii, 35).

^{page 98 note 1} The Romans employed in Italy siege-engines captured from the Greeks at Syracuse (Liv. xxvii, 28).

^{page 98 note 2} Liv. xxiv, 2.

^{page 98 note 3} Liv. xxiv, 25.

^{page 98 note 4} The account in Polybius of the rich booty obtained must be exaggerated.

^{page 98 note 5} Liv. xxvii, 15 sq. Livy says, ‘milia xxx servilium capitum dicuntur capta,’ glossing over the facts, which are clearly stated by Plutarch, and Orosius iv, 18. Livy says that Fabius was less of a robber of works of art at Tarentum than Marcellus had shown himself at Syracuse. This is supported by Plut. Fab. 22, and Marc. 21, but partly refuted by Plin. N.H. xxxiv, 40Google Scholar, and Strabo, p. 278. But the statement of Pliny that the colossal statue of Zeus, second only in size to the colossus of Rhodes, was the only work of art left at Tarentum, because Fabius could not move it, is untrue; see Cic. Verr. iv, 135Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 1} Liv. xxvii, 21.

^{page 99 note 2} Liv. xxvii, 25.

^{page 99 note 3} p. 281.

^{page 99 note 4} Liv. xxxvii, 54, implies that Tarentum is enjoying ‘liberty and its own laws.’

^{page 99 note 5} Liv. xxxv, 16: ‘uno et perpetuo tenore iuris semper usurpato, numquam intermisso.’

^{page 99 note 6} As regards Neapolis, cf. Cic. pro Balbo, § 21.

^{page 99 note 7} Cic. Arch. § 10, with my note ad loc.

^{page 99 note 8} Liv. xxv, 22.

^{page 99 note 9} Liv. xxxvi, 21. The reference to ager Hydruntinus in Lib. Col. p. 262, ed. Lachmann, may point to some confiscation of territory by Rome after the war.

^{page 99 note 10} Liv. xxiv, 20.

^{page 99 note 11} Liv. xxv, 15. Its defection was followed by that of eadem ora maris and of Thurii.

^{page 100 note 1} Liv, xxvii, 1, and xxvii, 51.

^{page 100 note 2} Appian, Hann. 35.

^{page 100 note 3} Cic. Balb. § 21.

^{page 100 note 4} Liv. xxv, 15. He attributes its revolt very directly to the slaughter of the hostages.

^{page 100 note 5} Liv. xxv, 15, 16. A far different tale is told by Appian, Hann. 34. His story of the massacre of the Roman garrison by the Thurians must be false. There is no reason to believe, with Niese, that Appian represented Polybius better than Livy did (Gesch. d. griech. und makedonischen Staaten, ii, 549). He thinks that Hannibal held Heraclea till he left Italy.

^{page 100 note 6} Liv. xxiii, 30, and xxiv, 2–3.

^{page 101 note 1} Livy has most likely confused the account of the capture of the city in 216 with that of the surrender of the arx many months later in 215.

^{page 101 note 2} Even this is not certain. The colony may have been settled there because of the decadence of the city which left room.

^{page 101 note 3} Niese, ii, p. 557; cf. Petr. Sat. 116.

^{page 101 note 4} Liv. xxvii, 11 and 15. App. Hann. 49, records its capture by a Roman force in 209, erroneously.

^{page 101 note 5} Liv. xxiii, 30 and xxiv, 1.

^{page 101 note 6} Liv. xxiii, 40.

^{page 101 note 7} ibid.

^{page 102 note 1} Liv. xxix, 6.

^{page 102 note 2} Liv. xxix, 8.

^{page 102 note 3} Liv. xxix, 16–18.

^{page 102 note 4} Liv. xxix, 19 and 21.

^{page 102 note 5} Liv. xxiv, 1; xxvi, 12; Polyb. ix, 7 and 9.

^{page 102 note 6} Liv. xxvii, 12; Polyb. 1.1.

^{page 102 note 7} The Latin colony of Vibo Valentia (Liv. xxxv, 40).

^{page 102 note 8} Strabo, p. 255; Liv. xxxiv, 45.

^{page 102 note 9} Strabo, p. 256.

^{page 102 note 10} Liv. xxix, 38 (along with ‘Pandosia et ignobiles aliae civitates’); xxx, 19 (along with Consentia, six little-known places ‘multique alii ignobiles populi’).

^{page 103 note 1} Liv. xxi, 51. In xxvi, 38, he dwells on Hannibal's inabilty to find garrisons for many towns, and on his tendency to destroy those which he could not hold.

^{page 103 note 2} Liv. xxxiv, 45.

^{page 103 note 3} Liv. xxv, 1.

^{page 103 note 4} Liv. xxvii, 15.

^{page 103 note 5} Liv. xxvi, 38.

^{page 103 note 6} Liv. xxiii, 11.

^{page 103 note 7} Liv. xxii, 61 and xxiii, 11.

^{page 103 note 8} Liv. xxv, 1.

^{page 103 note 9} Liv xxiii, 20, 4; Polyb. vii, 1; Sil. It. xxii, 431: ‘fumabat versis incensa Petilia tectis Infelix fidei miseraeque secunda Sagunto.’

^{page 103 note 10} Liv. xxiii, 30. Yet a little earlier (c. 20) Livy spoke of Poetelia as the only loyal Bruttian town.

^{page 104 note 1} Liv. xxv, 1: ‘priore anno’; a loose and inaccurate phrase. According to Appian. Hann. 60, the Poetelini with other Italici attacked Hannibal just before his departure.

^{page 104 note 2} Liv. 1.1.

^{page 104 note 3} Liv. xxviii, 11.

^{page 104 note 4} Liv. xxix 38.

^{page 104 note 5} It is known that in book xiii Polybius mentioned Clampetia, Temesa and a place called Badiza.

^{page 104 note 6} ap. Cic. de Fin. i, 7Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 7} Liv. xxiv, 1.

^{page 104 note 8} Liv. xxx, 33.

^{page 104 note 9} Liv xxvii, 15.

^{page 104 note 10} Liv. xxviii. 44.

^{page 104 note 11} Dion. Halic. xx, 15; Cic. Brut. 85.

^{page 104 note 12} Except perhaps Tarentum (Head, Hist. Num. ed. 2).

^{page 105 note 1} Liv. xxv, 1.

^{page 105 note 2} Poetelia was probably not a member of the confederacy.

^{page 105 note 3} The ancient authorities (see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, i³, p. 333) assume that all Brutti were thus punished, but they must be in error.

^{page 105 note 4} See Mommsen, 1.1.

^{page 105 note 5} Liv. xxii, 61, where Lucani can hardly mean a portion of the people.

^{page 105 note 6} Liv. xxiii, 11. Just before Cannae, a ‘turma Lucana’ was serving with the Romans (xxii, 42).

^{page 105 note 7} Liv. xxiv, 20; aliquot cohortes.

^{page 105 note 8} Appian, Hann. 34, calls him a ϕίλος καὶ ξένος of Gracchus; cf. Sil. It. xii, 475, ab hospite caesus. So Val. Max. i, 6, 8Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 9} Liv. xxv, 16.

^{page 105 note 10} Liv. xxiv, 15. Hanno's army then consisted mainly of Bruttians and Lucanians. He had few Italian horsemen.

^{page 105 note 11} Liv. xxiv 20; xxv, 1.

^{page 105 note 12} Liv. xxvii, 15.

^{page 105 note 13} ‘suae dicionis’: Liv. xxvii, 51.

^{page 105 note 14} Liv. xxviii, 11.

^{page 106 note 1} Liv. xxiv, 20.

^{page 106 note 2} Liv. xxvii, 41.

^{page 106 note 3} Compare Liv. xxii, 61, with xxiii, 11.

^{page 106 note 4} Liv. xxvii, 12.

^{page 106 note 5} Hannibal plundered its lands on the march from Trasumennus (Polyb. iii, 88).

^{page 106 note 6} p. 283. Its territory was ravaged by Hannibal in 217 (Polyb. iii, 88).

^{page 106 note 7} Polyb. iii, 118; Appian, Hann. 31.

^{page 106 note 8} Arpinus in Liv. xxiv, 45–47, is an error for Arpanus.

^{page 106 note 9} Appian, 1.1.

^{page 106 note 10} Liv. xxiv, 45.

^{page 107 note 1} Liv. xxiv, 45–47.

^{page 107 note 2} Liv. xxxiv, 45.

^{page 107 note 3} Liv. xxv, 20.

^{page 107 note 4} Liv. xxiv, 20. Fabius and Hannibal had camped close to it in 217.

^{page 107 note 5} Liv. xxiv, 47. The Carthaginian force foraged in its territory in 214 (xxiv, 20).

^{page 107 note 6} The name Dasius occurs in the form Dazus on coins of Arpi and Salapia. Some of them belong to this period.

^{page 107 note 7} Liv. xxvi, 38; xxvii, 1. App. Hann. 45–47. Some details are obviously mythical.

^{page 107 note 8} Liv. xxvii, 28.

^{page 107 note 9} Vitruv. i, 4, 12.

^{page 107 note 10} Liv. xxvii, 1.

^{page 107 note 11} Liv. xxiv 20. The text has Ardaneas, but scholars agree that Herdonea must be meant.

^{page 107 note 12} Liv. xxv, 21.

^{page 107 note 13} Liv. xxvii, 1. Its position was not strong and the Punic garrison was small. But the phrase ‘obscura Herdonea’ in Sil. viii, 569, is misleading as to the time of the war.

^{page 108 note 1} Liv. xxii, 18 and 23. Fabius in a speech calls it ‘castellum inops Apuliae’ (xxii, 39).

^{page 108 note 2} Liv. xxii, 32; Polyb. iii, 100 sq.

^{page 108 note 3} Liv. xxxi, 4.

^{page 108 note 4} Polyb. iii, 90.

^{page 108 note 5} Liv. xxii, 61. But the term ‘Samnites’ is somewhat loosely used; see below.

^{page 108 note 6} Liv. xxiii, 11. This speech contains a number of absurdities.

^{page 108 note 7} Liv. xxv, 13. It was a rich district, and had a warlike population (Liv. ix, 31.)

^{page 108 note 8} Liv. xxvii, 10.

^{page 108 note 9} Liv. xxii, 17 and 18; xxvi, 9.

^{page 108 note 10} Liv. xxii, 13; Polyb. iii, 90.

^{page 108 note 11} Liv. xxiv, 20.

^{page 108 note 12} Fugifulae, Orbitanium, Compulteria. These, with Telesia, seem to be regarded by Liv. xxiv, 20, as belonging to the Caudini. The recapture of Compulteria (Cubulteria) by Fabius in 215, told by Liv. xxiii, 39, is a doublet.

^{page 109 note 1} This is inferred from Dio Cass. 10, fragm. 42 (ed. Boissevain), but the date indicated there (209) is too late.

^{page 109 note 2} Liv. xxiii, 43: ‘Hirpinos Samnitesque… agrum Hirpinum Samnitemve.’ But in xxiv, 20, we have ‘Caudinus Samnis,’ and the Caudini were a branch of the Hirpini. In ii, 24, Polybius includes the Hirpini among the Samnites, while keeping the Frentani distinct. In iii, 91, he mentions the Hirpini apart.

^{page 109 note 3} Liv. xxv, 13: ‘sociis circa populis’ (of Hanno).

^{page 109 note 4} Liv. xxiv, 14–16; xxv, 13.

^{page 109 note 5} Liv. xxv, 15 sq.

^{page 109 note 6} Liv. xxii, 61.

^{page 109 note 7} Liv. xxii, 13.

^{page 109 note 8} Liv. xxiii, 1.

^{page 109 note 9} Liv. xxiv, 20.

^{page 109 note 10} Liv. xxiii, 37.

^{page 109 note 11} Liv. xxiii, 41. The ‘Daunii’ of Polyb. iii, 91, lying east of Nola, must be these Caudini. They are called Hirpini by Plin. N.H. iii, 105Google Scholar.

^{page 110 note 1} Liv. xxiii, 42.

^{page 110 note 2} Liv. xxii, 61.

^{page 110 note 3} Liv. xxvi, 33. The river now called Sabbato in the land of the Hirpini may have given this section their name. Nissen, , It. Landesk. ii, p. 715Google Scholar, wrongly places the Sabatini on the coast, comparing ‘vada Sabatia’ in Liguria and ‘lacus Sabatinus’ in Etruria. There was a river Sabatus in Bruttium.

^{page 110 note 4} Liv. xxvii, 1; Plut, . Marcellus, c. 25Google Scholar.

^{page 110 note 5} The greater part of the Hirpini must have already abandoned the war. Perhaps one of the cities which sought peace in 209 was Aeclanum, an important place on the Appian way, which ancient writers on this war do not mention.

^{page 110 note 6} Liv. xxii 24.

^{page 110 note 7} Liv. xxvii 43.

^{page 110 note 8} Polyb. ii, 24.

^{page 111 note 1} p. 282.

^{page 111 note 2} C.I.L. ix, 216.

^{page 111 note 3} So Nissen supposes. But cf. Liv. xxxi, 4.

^{page 111 note 4} C.I.L. i, 554–556.

^{page 111 note 5} Strabo, p. 251. This seems to be the earliest recorded instance of a policy often followed later by Rome, of transplanting large masses of population.

^{page 111 note 6} p. 251.

^{page 111 note 7} Liv. xxxii, 29 and xxxiv, 45.

^{page 111 note 8} κωμηδόν: Strabo 1.1.

^{page 111 note 9} ἐκθεατριεῖν (Polyb. iii, 91). The geography of Campania, ringed round in large part by mountains, suggested the comparison with a theatre.

^{page 112 note 1} Polyb. iii, 118: Καπυανῶν τινὲς. Here Καπυανοὶ like Καπυησίους in vii, I, is the equivalent of Campani.

^{page 112 note 2} Liv. xxii, 61.

^{page 112 note 3} xi, 8–27.

^{page 112 note 4} Liv. xxiii, 2f.

^{page 112 note 5} Liv. xxiii, 5.

^{page 112 note 6} The only exception is the reference to L. Bantius, a knight who sympathised with Hannibal, but was won over by Marcellus (Liv. xxiii, 15). In his speech (I.1.) Varro says ‘civitatem magnae parti vestrum dedimus’ as though not all Campanians possessed the ‘civitas sine suffragio.’ This is not confirmed elsewhere.

^{page 113 note 1} Liv. xxiii, 6.

^{page 113 note 2} Liv. xxiii, 10 and 11.

^{page 113 note 3} Liv. xxiii, 6; cf. Cic. Leg. Agr. ii, 59Google Scholar; Sil. Ital. ix. 60.

^{page 113 note 4} Polyb. vii, 1.

^{page 113 note 5} Liv. xxiii, 7.

^{page 113 note 6} Liv. xxiii, 10. By luck he escaped out of Carthaginian hands into Egypt.

^{page 113 note 7} cf. Val. Max. xi, 6, ext. 2, where an exactly similar crime is charged against Hannibal at Nuceria.

^{page 114 note 1} Liv. xxxi, 31: ‘praesidio nostro foede interfecto;’ also xxvi, 13 : ‘quemadmodum in defectione praesidium quod poterat emitti, per cruciatum et ad contumeliam necarimus’ (a Capuan speaker). But in xxiii, 7, there are only some ‘praefecti socium.’ The rest were civilians.

^{page 114 note 2} In Liv. xxiii, 14, there is a request from Neapolis for a Roman commandant only.

^{page 114 note 3} Liv. xxiii, 14.

^{page 114 note 4} Liv. xxiii, 35–37. Hannibal attempted siege operations in vain.

^{page 114 note 5} cf C.I.L. x, 3685. Livy makes a careless statetment in xxvi, 2; about the ‘volones’: ‘Cumas, Beneventum aliasque urbes eos velut e faucibus Hannibalis ereptas populo Romano restituisse.’

^{page 114 note 6} Liv. xxiii 14.

^{page 114 note 7} Liv. xxiii, 16.

^{page 115 note 1} Liv. xxiii, 17: ‘summa rerum senatui tradita.’ The property of those executed was confiscated to the Roman, not the Nolan treasury. In the famous Oscan inscription of Abella, recording a treaty with Nola (about 170 B.C.), the senate of Nola appears dominant.

^{page 115 note 2} c. 16.

^{page 115 note 3} c. 19.

^{page 115 note 4} cc. 41–42.

^{page 115 note 5} c. 44: a strange statement if there was really a strong pro-Carthaginian party there.

^{page 115 note 6} ibid.

^{page 115 note 7} Liv. xxiv, 13. This is the first mention of a standing Roman garrison in Nola: cf. c. 19, in contrast with xxiii, 17.

^{page 115 note 8} ibid.

^{page 116 note 1} Liv. xxii, 16. Calatia probably fell earlier, or we should hear more of it, as it lay on the road between Capua and Beneventum.

^{page 116 note 2} Liv. xxiii, 46.

^{page 116 note 3} Liv. xxiv, 19.

^{page 116 note 4} Why the Praenestines who held Casilinum in 216 massacred the ‘oppidani’ is not clear. See Liv. xxiii 7.

^{page 116 note 5} Liv. xxiii, 15.

^{page 116 note 6} Appian, Hann. 49, makes a curious blunder about this migration, which is all the worse as he states that Atella was the last Campanian town to hold out against Rome. He says that Hannibal removed the Atellani to Thurii: ‘that they might not be troubled by the wars which Bruttians. and Lucanians and Iapygians were waging.’ After Capua fell, Hannibal had not the power to make the transfer. Appian has confused Atella with Herdonea (see above).

^{page 117 note 1} Fam. xiii, 7.

^{page 117 note 2} Liv. xxiii, 15. In c. 19, if the text be right, Livy speaks as though the city were still besieged. The tale about Hannibal in Val. Max. H. 6, ext. 2, is false.

^{page 117 note 3} This is in the suspicious passage, Liv. xxvii, 3.

^{page 117 note 4} The phrase ‘populus Campanus’ (Liv. xxiii, 31) seems to comprise the citizens of these three cities.

^{page 117 note 5} Liv. xxiv, 47.

^{page 117 note 6} Liv. xxv, 13 sq. The details of the story are instructive. Even in 212 the Romans were not able to blockade effectively the routes leading to Campania.

^{page 118 note 1} Liv. xxv, 22.

^{page 118 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 118 note 3} Liv. xxvi, 5.

^{page 118 note 4} Liv. xxvi, 6.

^{page 118 note 5} Ibid.

^{page 118 note 6} Liv. xxvi, 7. Polybius attributes his departure to want of fodder for his horses (ix, 4).

^{page 118 note 7} Liv. xxvi, 12.

^{page 118 note 8} Liv. xxvi, 15.

^{page 118 note 9} Livy erroneously states that now first a ‘praefectus ad iura reddenda’ was sent to Capua (xxvi, 16).

^{page 118 note 10} Liv. xxvi, 27.

^{page 119 note 1} Liv. xxvi, 27.

^{page 119 note 2} Liv. xxvi, 34.

^{page 119 note 3} Little is said of the sale into slavery of citizens c. 34), but the allusions of Plautus imply that it was on a large scale. They may refer to the slaves of whom the Campanians were deprived.

^{page 119 note 4} The story of a plot after this, in which the Blossii were concerned, is very dubious. It is in a passage supplied in the inferior manuscripts to fill a lacuna (xxvii, 3).

^{page 119 note 5} Liv. xxvi, 16.

^{page 119 note 6} Liv. xxxviii, 36; cf. c. 28.

^{page 120 note 1} See Polyb. vi, 21; Liv. xxvii, 9; xxxiv, 56.

^{page 120 note 2} Formula: see xxvii, 10, where the question is put to the loyal colonies whether they were ready with the prescribed number of soldiers, ‘ex formula.’

^{page 120 note 3} Liv. xxvii, 9. In 211 there was ‘almost a revolt’ in Rome. See xxvi, 35, where the causes of discontent are much the same as in the colonies.

^{page 120 note 4} Aen. vii, 411: magnum manet Ardea nomen, sed fortuna fuit.

^{page 120 note 5} Polyb. iii, 22.

^{page 120 note 6} p. 232: πολίχνιον.

^{page 121 note 1} But see below.

^{page 121 note 2} Phil. iii, 10. The passage in Liv. ii, 16, relating to Suessa Pometia, is due to a confusion with the other Suessa; so is Cicero's mention of Tarquinius in connexion with S. Aurunca (Phil. iii, 10, and xiii, 18).

^{page 121 note 3} Appian, Harnn. 39.

^{page 121 note 4} C.I.L. i, p. 200. For the same reason new colonists were sent to Placentia and Cremona in 190 (Liv. xxxvii, 47).

^{page 121 note 5} Liv. xxxii, 2. In the same passage Livy mentions a similar request from Cosa. This suggests that in xxvii, 9, Cosa should be read for Cora. A Roman force was assembled at Narnia when Hasdrubal's march became known (xxvii, 43). Two equites from Narnia are mentioned in connexion with the battle of the Metaurus (xxvii, 50).

^{page 121 note 6} ‘rei prope oblitteratae’: Liv. xxix, 15.

^{page 122 note 1} It is significant that he comes from Fregellae, one of the richest cities of Italy.

^{page 122 note 2} Liv.xxvii, 10.

^{page 122 note 3} Liv. xxvii, 39.

^{page 122 note 4} Liv. xxviii, 11; in 190 there is fresh reference to the abandonment of these towns by the colonists (xxxvii 46).

^{page 122 note 5} Liv. xxxi, 10.

^{page 122 note 6} The ‘cohortes ex agro Gallico et Piceno’ seem to have been citizens, in spite of Livy's loose use of ‘cohortes’ (xxiii, 14).

^{page 122 note 7} xxiii, 12: xxiv, 10. The Roman arrangements for enforcing service on citizens were extraordinarily inefficient. In 214 the censors made a list of men who had not served, and had no good excuse. The number (2,000) is incredibly low (xxiv, 18). In 212 there was a general ‘conquisitio’ (xxv, 5). In 209 a number not stated were made ‘aerarii’ for shirking service (xxvii, 11).

^{page 122 note 8} Mommsen, Münzwesen, p. 315.

^{page 123 note 1} The speech of a Roman senator, a native of Fregellae, ‘pro Fregellanis colonisque Latinis’ (Cic. Brut. 170) seems to indicate this. It belongs not to 177 B.C. as Martha supposes in his note, but to 125. The question ‘bonone animo sint. Fregellani erga populum Romanum’ is posed as arguable Cic. de. Inv. i, 11Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 2} Liv. xxvii, 21.

^{page 123 note 3} Liv. xxvii, 24.

^{page 123 note 4} Liv. xxvii, 7: ibid. 36: xxviii, 10: ibid. 46: xxx, 40.

^{page 123 note 5} Liv. xxviii, 45.

^{page 123 note 6} Liv. xxvii, 38.

^{page 124 note 1} Liv. xxix, 36.

^{page 124 note 2} Liv. xxx, 26.

^{page 124 note 3} Liv. xxx, 24.