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Political Morality and the Friends of Scipio

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

F. W. Walbank
F. W. Walbank
Affiliation:
University of Liverpool.
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Extract

The dramatic date is the Feriae Latinae of 129 B.C., the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius, the scene the gardens of Scipio Aemilianus, the theme for discussion the Roman state. Who could expound the subject better than Aemilianus himself for, says Laelius, ‘not only is it proper that an eminent statesman rather than anyone else should discuss the State, but also I recollect that you used to converse very frequently with Panaetius on this subject in company with Polybius—two Greeks who were perhaps the best versed of them all in politics—and that you assembled many arguments to prove that the form of government handed down to us by our ancestors is by far the best of all.’ Here is Cicero's assurance that sometime before 129 Panaetius, Scipio and Polybius used to discuss the Roman State together—though he does not tell us when or where. According to Velleius Scipio kept Polybius and Panaetius, praecellentis ingenio uiros, beside him domi militiaeque, so many opportunities for such conversations offered themselves. Was Panaetius perhaps present, like Polybius, at the siege of Carthage? Possibly, though there is no proof. For it is now generally agreed that Panaetius' voyage with Telephus' fleet and the two years devoted to general education (πρὸς φιλομάθησιν)—or was it research?—before he went to Athens (which we learn of from a fragmentary passage in the Index Stoicorum discovered at Herculaneum) have nothing to do with any ships the Rhodians may have sent to help Rome during the siege of Carthage (as Cichorius thought), but belong to Panaetius' early years.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 55 , November 1965 , pp. 1 - 16
Copyright
Copyright © F. W. Walbank 1965. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Cic., rep. I, 34.

2 Vell. Pat. 1, 13, 3.

3 cf. Cichorius, , Rh. Mus. 1908, w220.Google Scholar

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9 Cic., fin. II, 23 and 24.

10 Cic., de or. I, 75.

11 Cic., Brut. 101.

12 Cic., fin. IV, 23; cf. rep. I, 14.

13 Cic., Tusc. disp. IV, 4; cf. Pohlenz, RE, ‘Panaitios,’ col. 423.

14 § 63.

15 Cic., rep. I, 15.

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42 XXXIII, 6, 8.

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44 XXXI, 2.

45 XXXI, 10.

46 XXXI, 21.

47 XXXII, 3, 11–13.

48 Livy XLII, 47, 9.

49 XXXII, 13.

50 XXXVI, 2.

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62 XXXI, 25, 3 ff.

63 XXXI, 25, 2; 25, 9; 29, 1.

64 cf. Book VI passim, and especially 56, 1–5.

65 VI, 50, 3–6.

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68 VI, 56, 11–15.

69 XXXVI, 9.

70 Historia 1960, 311; it is of course true that neither Athens nor Sparta maintained her dominant position for long; that of Sparta lasted only twelve years (1, 2, 3).

71 XVIII, 37, 2 f.; 7.

72 X, 36, 2 f.

73 XXXVIII, 7. 1; see further on Hasdrubal XXXVIII, 20.

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84 Lucilius 1, 31 Marx, ‘non Carneades si ipsum… Orcus remittat.’

85 Plut., Cato mai. 22

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96 Aug., Civ. Dei. XIX, 21.

97 Plato, rep. I, 331 f.; SVF III, fg. 262; it is also known to Aristotle, Eth. Nic. V, 5, 1130b, 31; VI, 1131a, 24 (but he regards it as only one form of justice). Cf. Walbank, Commentary, on VI, 6, 11.

98 For Plato slavery is not a problem: cf. rep. v, 469 B–C; legg. 766B, 778A. For a defence of the institution see Arist., Pol. I, especially 3–7.

99 Pohlenz, RE, ‘Panaitios,’ cols. 437–8.

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107 So Seel, op. cit. 64 ff.

108 Livy XXII, 13, 11; cf. Capelle, op. cit. (n. 92), 97.

109 Tac., Hist. IV, 74.

110 A paper read at the Fourth International Congress of Classical Studies, Philadelphia, on 28th August, 1964.