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Panegyricus Messallae and ‘Panegyricus Vespasiani’

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Arnaldo Momigliano
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Extract

I. Dio Cassius mentions Augustus' plans to conquer Britain under the years 34, 27, 26 B.C. (49, 38, 2; 53, 22, 5; and 53, 25, 2). Dateable literary evidence supports Dio. Before 36 B.C. and after 23 B.C. there is no clear allusion in contemporary poets to any intention or desire to attack the Britons.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 40 , Issue 1-2 , November 1950 , pp. 39 - 42
Copyright
Copyright © Arnaldo Momigliano 1950. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Van Berchem, D., ‘Messalla ou Messalinus? Note sur le Panégyrique de Messalla’ Museum Helveticum, 2, 1945, 33Google Scholar. The parallel passages so far mentioned (for instance 1. 7 — Propertius II, 10 6; 1. 151 — Ovid Met. 1, 12) do not seem to contribute anything positive about the date of the Panegyricus. F. Wilhelm published a large collection of parallel passages in Fleckeisen's Jahrbücher 153, 1896, 490, and L. Pichard in Tibulle et les auteurs du Corpus Tibullianum, 1924, 139. Recent Italian studies on the Panegyricus are disappointing. L. Alfonsi, Albio Tibullo e gli autori del Corpus Tibullianum 1946, 78, would date it between A.D. 3 and 7, but in a later paper, Epigraphica 8, 1946 (1948), I, insists only on a date later than 27 B.C.: his argument depends on Carcopino. V. Ciaffi, Lettura di Tibullo, 1944, 157, keeps the date 31 B.C., but has some extraordinary arguments to prove that Tibullus was the author of the Panegyricus. B. Riposati, Introduzione allo studio di Tibullo, 1945, 54, also takes Tibullus to be the author. Salvatore, A., La Parola del Passato 7, 1948, 48Google Scholar, has some good observations. L. Pepe, Tibullo minore, 1948, does not discuss the Panegyricus. [An article by Frassinetti, P. ‘Il Panegyricus Messallae documento storico’ in Giornale Italiano di Filologia III, 1950, 124Google Scholar, which appeared when the above was already in proof, belongs to a different class: it discusses the question of the Salassi and has other sound remarks.]

2 Rev. de Philologie 72, 1946, 109.

3 testis mihi victae fortis Iapydiae miles, testis quoque fallax Pannonius, gelidas passim disiectus in Alpes, testis Arupinis et pauper natus in arvis quem si quis videat vetus ut non fregerit aetas terna minus Pyliae miretur saecula famae. namque senex longae peragit dum tempora vitae, centum fecundos Titan renovaverit annos, ipse tamen velox celerem super edere corpus audet equum validisque sedet moderator habenis, te duce non alias conversus terga domator libera Romanae subiecit colla catenae.

4 Havet, L., Rev. Ét. Anc. 15, 1913, 267Google Scholar, ‘le panégyriste vise un individu, un petit Vercingetorix local.’ Baehrens had replaced ‘domator’ by ‘Salassus’.

5 Carcopino's interpretation of Hor. Sat. 1, 10, and of Appian, BC, IV, 38, 161, is far-fetched.

6 Cf. Syme, R., CQ 23, 1929, 135CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Durham Univ. Journ. 1946, 79.

8 I am grateful to Mrs. M. I. Henderson, Professor W. Beare, and Professor E. Fraenkel for criticism and suggestions.