^{page 147 note 1} Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture, 2275.

^{page 147 note 2} See additional note, p. 156.

^{page 147 note 3} Bessborough Sale Catalogue, no. 1022.

^{page 148 note 1} Since the above was written, Mr. A. H. Smith has told Prof. Haverfield that he is now inclined to accept an early imperial date, instead of the third century.

^{page 148 note 2} See Cumont, F., ‘L'aigle des Syriens et l'apothéose des empereurs” in Rev. hist. des religions, lxii, 1910, p. 142 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 149 note 1} The explanation put forward above seems to follow from the remarks of von Sybel on the use of the shell-niche in sepulchral art: see his Christliche Antike, ii, 49, etc.

^{page 149 note 2} J.R.S. i, pp. 14–26.

^{page 149 note 3} Ant. ii, 71.

^{page 149 note 4} e.g. by Mommsen in Ephemeris Epigraphica, viii, p. 246, note 1; E. Petersen in Röm. Mitt. 192 (vii), p. 261 ff; J. A. Hild, art. Salii in Saglio's Dict. p. 1017, n. (“identification plus que douteuse”); Helbig, in the monograph mentioned below; G. Wissowa in Religion und Kultur der Römer, 2nd ed. 1912, p. 556. The relief was originally published by Benndorf in Annali dell' Istituto Arch. 1869, Tav. d'Agg. E, whose theory that the figures are Salii seems accepted by the following writers: Marquardt, le Culte chez les Romains, 1889, vol. ii, p. 153 f. (French ed.); Furtwängler, Antike Gemmen, ii, p. 111, 61; and Harrison, J. E. in Annual British School at Athens, xv (1908–1909), p 330Google Scholar. Helbig also discards the view that the dancing men on certain gems (cf. Furtwängler, Antike Gemmen, loc. cit. and i, pl. xxii, 61): are Salii, and holds that they were simply pyrrhicists.

^{page 149 note 5} “Sur les attributs des Saliens” in Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, 1905 (xxxvii), p. 205 ff.

^{page 149 note 6} Abhandlungen der götting. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, N.F. 1908 (vol. x).

^{page 150 note 1} Helbig, pl. i, nos. 1 9.

^{page 150 note 2} e.g. Helbig, plate I, nos. 11 and 12; the latter coin also given by Beurlier in Saglio's Dict. art. hasta; the coin is of the gens Arria and on it the ‘hasta’ appears along with the ‘corona donatica.’ The coins were struck by M. Arrius Secundus when he took the office of master of the mint in 43 B.C. The ‘dona militaria’ figured upon them are those given to his grandfather the praetor, M. Arrius, during the war with Spartacus. The ‘hasta donatica,’ with its knobs, is aptly compared by Helbig to the knobbed vine-wood staff or ‘vitis’ of the centurions.

^{page 150 note 3} Religion und Kultus der Römer, 2nd. ed. 1912, p. 559, note 1.

^{page 150 note 4} Themis, p. 195.

^{page 150 note 5} Les Prêtres Danseurs de Rome, p. 95, Paris, 1913Google Scholar.

^{page 150 note 6} Revue de l'histoire des religions, 1914, note on p. 342.

^{page 151 note 1} See Saglio, art. nodus and references.

^{page 151 note 2} See more especially Roscher, W., Apollon und Mars, also his article >Mars in Myth. Lex. (“Mars als Frühlingsgestalt,” etc.)Mars+in+Myth.+Lex.+(“Mars+als+Frühlingsgestalt,”+etc.)>Google Scholar; W. Warde Fowler in Roman Festivals, passim; J. G. Frazer, Scapegoat, 1913, p. 230.

^{page 151 note 3} Warde Fowler, Roman Ideas of Deity, p. 143.

^{page 151 note 4} J. E. Harrison Themis, loc. cit. This view of the Salii, however, is far from being held by Dr. Cirilli, the latest writer on the Salian priesthood. Both he and apparently M. Toutain who contributes a preface to Dr. Cirilli's book, consider that the Salii were not originally an agricultural priesthood, but that their function was to guard the “boucliers, talismans symboles de Mars,” and that their origin goes back to the introduction of metallurgy from Crete into Italy. The Salian dance, according to Dr. Cirilli, is probably the magical dance of the Cretan blacksmiths, the tradition of which is preserved in the legend of the Cretan Curetes, the clashing of the weapons to avert evil influences being the essential ritual act. See M. S. Reinach's notice of Cirilli's book in Rev. Archéol. xxiii (1914, 1), p. 155Google Scholar.

^{page 151 note 5} For the club of Heracles, as a staff with which to drive off evil spirits, see Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexikon, art. Herakles, p. 2138, f. and the coin from Erythrai which he cites; that the ῥόπαλον might be the symbol of a tree-god seems to have been first suggested by A. B. Cook, “Animal worship in the Mycenaean Age,” in J.H.S. 1894 (xiv), p. 115; the idea has been further developed by J. E. Harrison, Themis, p. 365, into the notion that the club was originally ”a magical bough, a κλάδος rent from a living tree.” Moreover the staff or ῥάβδος may likewise have been of the nature of a divining rod and had rhabdomantic qualities. The augural staff or ‘lituus’ of Romulus was, it must be remembered, kept in the Curia Saliorum of the Palatine (on this point, however, see Wissowa, op. cit. p. 557, n. 3).

^{page 151 note 6} In token of which two laurels were planted in front of the Sacrarium Martis in the Regia (Warde Fowler, Festivals, p. 324 and references; Roscher, Lex. art. Mars), and the doors of both the Regia and the Curia Saliorum were decked with fresh laurel leaves on the festival of Mars (1st March), Ovid. Fasti, iii, 139.

^{page 151 note 7} Sepulchral stele in Constantinople. See Reinach, Répertoire de reliefs, ii, 169, 1; Mendel, Catalogue Constantinople, no. 91.

^{page 151 note 8} See Saglio, art. Arbores Sacrae, where numerous instances are given: e.g. the custom of sheathing the ‘fasces’ in laurel, during a triumph, is to avert the curse of blood spilt, etc.

^{page 151 note 9} N.H. xviii, 161; cf. the transference of human disease and of fatigue to leaves, Frazer, Scapegoat, p. 2 and p. 8.

^{page 151 note 10} de Spectaculis, 5: see Warde Fowler, Festivals, p. 89 and references.

^{page 152 note 1} See the references given by Wissowa, op. cit. p. 555, n. 6.

^{page 152 note 2} Marquardt, who apparently accepted Benndorf's identification, remarks (Cultes chez les Romains, p. 164, n. 9) “Sur le bas-relief d'Anagni il-y-a de grosses boules aux deux extremités du baton. Ce ne sont donc pas des lances comme le dit Denys non sans quelque hésitation.”

^{page 152 note 3} Reproduced in Attribus des Saliens, p. 225, fig. 9; cf. fig. 8. The figures with shield, crested helmet and knobbed staff on coins struck for the Ludi saeculares of Domitian (Cohen, 1, p. 476,72 ff.), formerly held to be Salians, are now explained as heralds (J. A. Hild, in Saglio; Mommsen, in Eph. Epig. viii. p. 246, n. 1, etc.

^{page 152 note 4} The relief when published by Benndorf had only recently been discovered, and was the property of certain gentlemen of Anagni, the brothers Passa. Benndorf's plate in the Annali was after a drawing and a photograph procured by Signorde Magistris, R. Ambrosi of Anagni, who subsequently republished the relief in his Storia d'Anagni, Rome, 1889, p. 167Google Scholar, and stated that it was then in the house of Dr. Capo of Anagni, where it probably still is, a fact we hope to verify through the kindness of Signor Quattrociocchi of Veroli, who is working at the remains of the whole district.

^{page 152 note 5} Casali, J. B., De profanis et sacris veteribus ritibus opus, Rome, 1644, long sheet facing p. 307Google Scholar (after a drawing formerly in the collection of Cassiano dal Pozzo, now at Windsor: see Bassirilievi Antiche, ii, 19 (176)Google Scholar, Inv. 8274, = ix a, 6, Inv. 8119 = Vat. Lat. 3439, 90 below = Coburg 31, 164, 2; see Matz in Berliner Sitzungsberichte, 1871, p. 466). The relief is rejected by Helbig, Attributs des Saliens, p. 216, and note. For a new interpretation of its subject, and its relation to a scene on the narrow frieze of the arch of Trajan at Benevento see Petersen, Röm. Mitt. 1892 (vii), p. 259, ff.

^{page 153 note 1} First made known by Hülsen, Röm. Mitt. 1890, p. 72 (with rough drawing); published by Marchese Persichetti, Röm. Mitt. 1900, pl. iv, and p. 15, ff; Cambridge Companion to Roman Studies, fig. 4 (1–10th of original size) and p. 131 (Warde Fowler); Stuart-Jones, Companion to Roman History, p. 276 and plate xlv; S. Reinach, Répertoire de reliefs, iii, 2,4; Saglio's Dict. art. funus, fig. 3361 (Ed. Cuq).

^{page 153 note 2} Saglio, art. funus, fig. 3242.

^{page 153 note 3} “Letto sontuosamente decorato” (Hülsen); “the funeral bed backed by an elaborate screen” (Warde Fowler); “a large decorated screen” (Stuart Jones); “un lit somptueusement décoré” (Ed. Cuq). I follow Persichetti in calling the top erection a baldacchino, though it certainly resembles a screen; but this, I think, is only because the artist, had he faithfully represented a canopy, would have been unable to show the stellated design—another proof of its great importance.

^{page 153 note 4} See Warde Fowler, Religious Experience of the Roman People, ch. on “Mysticism.”

^{page 154 note 1} R. Eisler, Weltenmantel und Himmelzelt. The above is the baldest outline of Eisler's theory in so far as it affects my present point. For the Orphic beliefs attaching to the “world-mantle” out of which develops its eschatological significance, see Eisler, pp. 116 ff.

^{page 154 note 2} Or the sky, thought of as a cap that covers the world, might be symbolised by the star-spangled conical cap, the ἀστϵρωτὸς πῖλος worn by Mithras, Attis and other solar divinities, and, in certain instances by the Roman emperors, as by Commodus in the bust of the Salting collection, published by Sir Cecil Smith in the Burlington Magazine (1907, p. 252 and plate), an instance which seems to have escaped Dr. Eisler.

^{page 154 note 3} The Mithraeum recently cleared out afresh under the church of San Clemente in Rome has eleven holes in the roof to let in the light and so recall to the worshipper the firmament above. An interesting instance of the starred firmament (not mentioned by Dr. Eisler) occurs on the lovely relief of Selene in the Brit. Mus. (Cat. iii, p. 231), where the bust of the young moon-goddess, enframed by the signs of the zodiac, is shown against a background studded with stars (Reinach, Répertoire de reliefs, ii, 489, 1).

^{page 155 note 1} cf. Warde Fowler, Roman Ideas of Deity, p. 56.

^{page 155 note 2} See the various works on the astral beliefs of antiquity, by F. Cumont, and especially his “Mysticisme astral dans l'antiquitè” in Bulletin de l'Acad. Royale de Belgique (Classe de lettres), 1909 (v), p. 256–286, passim, and “Les idées du paganisme Romain sur la vie future” in Bibliothèque de vulgarisation du Musée Guimet, 1910 (xxxiv), (esp. p. 253 for the lunar habitation of spirits).

^{page 155 note 3} For the influence of Posidonius see P. Wendland, Hellenistisch-römische Kultur, 2nd ed. 1912, p. 140 and passim; Cumont, Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, p. 164; Warde Fowler, Religious Experience, p. 382 ff. For the Somnium Scipionis, see more especially Cumont, Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans, p. 178 and passim.

^{page 155 note 4} The interpretation here proposed of the screen in the Amiternum relief throws light on a curious grave-relief in the Louvre (Reinach, Reliefs, ii, 285, 1), where the dead reclines much in the position of the personage in this relief, and holds the ‘corona immortalis.’ On the left is a victory with outspread wings, emblematic of the soul's triumph, and in the field above appears the crescent moon.

^{page 156 note 1} This has been pointed out by R. Delbrück, Arch. Jahrhuch, 1913, p. 307. For the wax ‘effigies’ see Marquardt, , Vie privée des Romains, i, p. 414Google Scholar, and Benndorf, O., Griechische Gesichtshelme, p. 70, 1Google Scholar. The instances of the wax effigies of emperors carried at their funerals are well known (Augustus. Pertinax, Severus, etc.).