Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2012
In this paper the text of a new inscription from Ephesus will be presented and discussed. The fragmented stone on which it is written was brought by a workman to the excavation office in spring 1969. It is not known where exactly it was found, although D. Knibbe has suggested privately that it was originally set up in the Agora.
Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut, Ephesus Inventory No. 3653. Fragment of a large slab of white marble, broken on top and at the bottom. The left margin is partly preserved, the right margin almost entirely. There are mouldings on both sides. The hollow in the form of a semicircle at the right margin originates in all probability from re-use of the stone.
Height 75 cm. Width 68·5. Thickness 12·5. The height of the letters is 1·0, the distance between the lines 0·6 cm. The writing is in two columns which are separated from each other by a vertical scratch. This was made after the left column had already been engraved, as can be seen from the small detour in 1 19. Plate I. For the establishment of the text I have been able to use a large-scale photograph and the latex squeeze provided by the Austrian Archaeological Institute.
1 I wish to thank D. Knibbe and H. Vetters, Director of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, for their kind permission, given during a visit to Vienna at the end of June 1973, to publish the inscription. Several aspects of it were discussed at a seminar held in The Queen's College, Oxford, on June 6, 1974. I am grateful to many colleagues for comments and suggestions made on that occasion or later, orally or in writing, of whom I should like to mention P. A. Brunt, E. W. Gray, P. Herrmann, C. P. Jones, F. Millar and L. Robert. I owe a specific gratitude to F. Millar for his willingness to have the paper printed in this Journal and for his invaluable help concerning its presentation in English. Finally, I wish to thank G. P. Burton who was kind enough to let me see his paper, printed p. 92 f. below, in typescript, and P. Kussmaul for the drawings.
Abbreviations:
Buresch = Buresch, K., Aus Lydien: Epigraphisch geographische Reisefrüchte (1898)Google Scholar.
Jones, Cities = Jones, A. H. M., The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (1937, ed. 2, 1971)Google Scholar.
Keil-Premerstein 1–3 = Keil, J. and von Premerstein, A., Reisen in Lydien 1 (1910)Google Scholar; 2 (1911); 3 (1914).
Magie = Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor 1–2 (1950).Google Scholar
Ramsay, Cities = SirRamsay, Wm., The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 1–2 (1895–1897)Google Scholar.
L. Robert, Villes = Robert, L., Villes d'Asie Mineure (1935)Google Scholar.
L. Robert, Villes 2 = Robert, L., Villes d'Asie Mineure 2 (1962) (quoted for pp. 243 f.)Google Scholar.
Sammlung v. Aulock = Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Deutschland, Sammlung H. von Aulock.
Sherk, Documents = Sherk, R. K., Roman Documents from the Greek East (1969)Google Scholar.
2 K. Regling, RE ‘Tetrachalkon’, 1069–70.
3 18. 19. 20. 21. 26(?). 36. 11 35. 38.
4 1 8. 10. 11. 12.
5 The correct form would be in both cases Ἰουλιεῖς. Λορηναῖοι in 1 7 appears instead of the correct form Λορηνοί (p. 73) and in 11 30 Εὐμενέται instead of either Εὐμενεάται or Εὐμενεïς (this point was brought to my attention by a letter from L. Robert. See L. Robert, ‘Éitudes déliennes’, BCH Supp. 1 (1973), 438 with n. 14). Finally, ἈπολλωνιαΧαρακεῖται in I 13 is odd.
6 The restoration is certain beyond doubt, given the location of the community in question within the district of Pergamum and in the vicinity of the cities which follow in the text.
7 For instance (apart from the cities of the Mocadeni, on which see p. 72), Trajanopolis, in the vicinity of Grimenothyrae, is missing. A mention of it can hardly have disappeared from the beginning of col. I, and it is most unlikely that the city could have belonged to a district other than that of Sardis.
8 Syll. 3 760, with n. 2.
9 See, above all, Milet 1 3, no. 150 (Syll. 3 633); Pliny, NH 5, 113. For the relations between Heraclea ad Latmum and Amyzon, mentioned immediately before it, see Inschr. Priene, no. 51, from the second half of the second century B.C.
10 For Heraclea ad Salbacem see the monograph by L. and J. Robert, La Carie 2 (1954), 153–230, also L. Robert, Monnaies grecques (1967), 95.
11 Josephus, BJ 2, 366 (from the speech of Agrippa II): τί δ᾿ αἰ πεντακοσίαι τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεις; Apollonius Tyan., Ep. 58 (Philostratus ed. Kayser, I, p. 362): Οὐαλερίῳ … πόλεων ἄρχεις πεντακοσίων; Philostratus, Vit. Soph. (ed. Kayser 2, p. 57): πόλεων πεντακοσίων φόρον. See Brandis, RE ‘Asia’, 1545. C. Cichorius in E. Norden, Agnostos Theos (1913), 337 f., W. Eck, Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian (1970), 84, n. 41.
12 ad fam. 3, 8, 4; 13, 53, 2; 13, 67, 1; ad Att. 6, 2, 4. Cf. G. P. Burton, p. 92, below.
13 Strabo 13, p. 629, and also 13, p. 631; Sherk, Documents, no. 52, ll. 46–7; OGI 458,1. 65. Aristides, ed. B. Keil, p. 446. 26. Keil-Premerstein 2, no. 39. JÖAI 49 (1968–71), Beibl. 22, no. 4; ibid. Beibl. 81, no. 15. Bull. épigr. 1958, 437. Dio Chrys., Or. 45, 6; 10 (brought to my attention by E. W. Gray, who also pointed out that the word διοίκησις here has the obvious meaning of conventus). Besides that, dioecesis also continued to be used, as it is in Latin honorific inscriptions of the second and the third centuries, for instance CIL 12, 3170; JÖAI 45 (1960), Beibl. 58, no. 6.
14 They are called αἱ ἀφηγούμεναι τῶν διοικήσεων πόλεις (OGI 458, l. 65) or αἱ ἔχουσαι ἀγορὰς δικῶν (Modestinus, Dig. 27. 1. 6. 2).
15 Strabo 13, p. 629: εἰς δὲ τὴν σύγχυσιν ταύτην οὐ μικρὰ συλλαμβάνει τὸ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μὴ κατὰ φῦλα διελεῖν αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ ἕτερον τρόπον διατάξαι τὰς διοικήσεις, ἐν αῖς τὰς ἀγοραίους ποιοῦνται καὶ τὰς δικαιοδοσίας.
16 U. von Wilamowitz in A. Schulten, De conventibus civium Romanorum sive de rebus publicis c.R. mediis inter municipium et collegium (Diss. Göttingen 1892), 12, n. 2; 128. E. Kornemann, RE ‘conventus’, 1175.
17 This, or at least some degree of development of an existing system, is regarded as probable by Badian, E., Athenaeum 34 (1956), 116Google Scholar, n. 5. In general, see Hassall, M., Crawford, M., Reynolds, J., JRS 64 (1974), 219Google Scholar.
18 Ramsay 1, 265.
19 Th. Mommsen, Ges. Schr. 4, 68, n. 1. Of the same opinion are Magie, 471 and 1060; Marshall, A. J., Phoenix 20 (1966), 233CrossRefGoogle Scholar; E. W. Gray in an unpublished essay, ‘M’ Aquillius and the organisation of the Roman Province of Asia' (I owe the knowledge of this paper to the author's kindness).
20 Milet 1. 2, no. 3; Inschr. Priene, no. 106; Sherk, Documents, no. 52.
21 AJPh 91 (1970), 226–7.
22 Cuntz, O., De Augusto Plinii geographicorum auctore (Diss. Bonn 1888), 46 f.Google Scholar; idem, Agrippa und Augustus als Quellenschriftsteller des Plinius in den geographischen Büchern der Naturalis Historia (Jahrbücher für Classische Philologie, Supp. 17, 1890), 475Google Scholar.; 490 f.; Detlefsen, D., Die formulae provinciarum eine Hauptquelle des Plinius in der Beschreibung der römischen Provinzen (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie 14, 1908), 63 f.Google Scholar; 92f.; idem, Die Anordnung der geographischen Bücher des Plinius und ihre Quellen (Quellen und Forschungen… 18, 1909), 26–34; 89–96. O. Cuntz, Gött. Gel. Anz. 1910, 46–62. W. Kroll, RE ‘Plinius’, 303–7; G. Sallmann, Die Geographie des älteren Plinius in ihrem Verhältnis zu Varro. Versuch einer Quellen analyse (1971), 95–107; 201–7. Cf. Jones, Cities, 503–8; Robert, L., Hellenica 7 (1949), 206 f.Google Scholar; Magie, 1335, n. 17, and the bibliography there cited.
23 Detlefsen, o.c. of 1908 (see n. 22), 95; 1909, 89–90; L. Robert, o.c. (n. 22), 235; 237.
24 ‘Le culte de Caligula à Milet et la province d'Asie,’ Hellenica 7 (1949), 206–38Google Scholar, analysing the inscription 7. Miletbericht (1911), 65–6 (now Inschr. Didyma, no. 148).
25 The conventus of Cibyra is represented by a delegate from Laodicea, that of Synnada by a citizen of Julia, that of Alabanda by a neopoios from Antiochea on the Maeander and that of Ephesus by a delegate from Caesarea (Tralles); Robert, o.c. (n. 22), 225.
26 Except, of course, for the present inscription from Ephesus, unknown to him.
27 Tralles is also mentioned as the leading city of a conventus in Cicero, pro Flacco 71 of 59 B.C., and in the document preserved in Josephus, , Ant. 14. 245Google Scholar, whose most likely date is 46–4 B.C.; see e.g. P. Viereck, Sermo Graecus (1888), 108.
28 Halicarnassus seems to have occupied the place formerly held by Mylasa (see below). If correct, this does not necessarily mean that the district remained unaltered; there may have been a shift of cities from one to another conventus.
29 The city is attested as the principal city of an assize-district by the middle of the second century, Aristides ii, p. 461.43 Keil; Robert, o.c. (n. 22), 231–2.
30 Sherk, Documents, no. 59–60.
31 Magie, 469; 1331–2.
32 Cuntz, O., Agrippa und Augustus (1890), 493.Google Scholar
33 Milet I. 3, no. 126, 23–5. Inschr. Didyma 218; 342. Cf. Gött. Gel. Anz. 213 (1960), 152–3Google Scholar. Bernhardt, R., Imperium und Eleutheria. Die römische Politik gegenüber den freien Städten des griechischen Ostens (Diss. Hamburg 1971), 174 f.Google Scholar, n. 401.
34 D. Detlefsen, o.c. of 1908 (n. 22), 92 and 94, takes the words extra praedictos as referring to the communities of Coscinus and Harpasa, mentioned by Pliny, NH 5. 109. This is most unlikely, since both were situated south of the Maeander, in Caria, whereas the Sardian district apparently nowhere southwards extended beyond the river. Probably Sardis itself is meant, and besides it the civitas of the Maeonians, Hyde, although the ethnic Maeonii does appear in the following list.
35 See below, pp. 81; 83 f.
36 J. and L. Robert, Hellenica 6 (1948), 16–26, especially 22–3. Cf. Herrmann, P., Sb. Akad. Wien 265 (1969), 43–4Google Scholar.
37 Buresch, 157–8; Cuntz, O., Agrippa und Augustus (1890), 491Google Scholar; Swoboda, H., Griechische Staatsaltertumer I3 (1913), 200Google Scholar; Bürchner, RE ‘Kadoi’, 1477; Bikerman, E., Institutions des Séleucides (1938), 81CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Jones, Cities, 40; 82; 386, n. 26; Magie, 1001; L. Robert, Villes, 86, n. 2: ‘Dans la phrase Macedones Cadieni, Loreni, Philadelphini, le mot Macedones ne qualifie que les habitants de Kadoi, et non les trois peuples …’ (against D. Detlefsen, Die formulae [n. 22], 92–3); Robert, L., Charisterion A. K. Orlandos 1 (1965), 330–1Google Scholar, with n. 30.
38 The eight ethnics mentioned in Pliny's selection of names occupy in the present inscription the following places within the total of 26 given for the district of Sardis: 1. 5. 6. 9. 10. 20. 21. 24. Between 20 and 21 the Tripolitani iidem et Antoniopolitae are missing, whom Pliny has in the sixth position. They appear, however, in the present inscription with the ethnics of the district of Apamea (col. II 26–7). See below, pp. 83 f.
39 For Tiberiopolis see Imhoof-Blumer, F., Kleinasiatische Münzen 1 (1901), 299 f.Google Scholar, and below, n. 44.
40 Buresch, 142–3. W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 794–5; 854. L. Robert, Villes, 95, n. 2; 178.
41 Lebas-Waddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines recueillies en Asie Mineure, p. 259–61, comm. to no. 1011.
42 Buresch, 142, following Hamilton. Cf. W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 813.
43 Buresch, 152–3 (cf. also 147); L. Robert, Villes, 95, n. 2; Gnomon 31 (1959), 19Google Scholar, n. 5.
44 Ruge, W., RE ‘Tiberiopolis’, 786–8Google Scholar, reviewing the sites which ought to be considered in any attempt to locate Tiberiopolis. Bull. épigr. 1965, 386: L. Robert thinks that Tiberiopolis should be located at Tavsanli.
45 Imhoof-Blumer, F., Kleinasiatische Münzen 1 (1901), 202Google Scholar.
46 IGR 4. 618.
47 Keil-Premerstein 1, 83 f.( no. 182 (IGR 4. 1330). For the site of Silandus at Kara Selendi, about 4 km west of Selendi, see most recently Herrmann, P., Denkschr. Akad. Wien 80 (1962), 17–18Google Scholar, and the map p. 3.
48 Keil-Premerstein 2, 122, n. 1 (IGR 4. 1377); Robert, L., REA 62 (1960), 282CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Herrmann, P.–Polatkan, K., Sb. Akad. Wien 265. i (1969), 39Google Scholar, n. 60.
49 RE ‘Mokadene’, 2513; ‘Mokadenoi’, 2515.
50 Magie, 1022, n. 18.
51 Magie, l.c. Cf. Keil-Premerstein 1, p. 84: ‘…da Ptolemaios’ Angabe bei der Unsicherheit der Abgrenzung Phrygiens…geringen Wert besitzt.’
52 Buresch, 155 f.; W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 794; 833.
53 Loreni is missing in several manuscripts of Pliny and therefore in several editions. See the edition by C. Mayhoff, vol. 1, p. 407, with its apparatus criticus.
54 The ethnic was changed into Dorylenses by Th. Mommsen. Against this Jones, Cities 390, n. 48; Robert, L., Anatolia 3 (1958), 109Google Scholar, n. 20 (Op. min. sel. 1, 408, n. 29); Villes 2, 272, n. 4.
55 Wagener, A., Inscriptions grecques recueillies en Asie Mineure (1859), 27, n. viiiGoogle Scholar; P. Paris, BCH 8 (1884), 381, no. 1. Cf. Buresch, 140; 185 n.
56 Buresch, 185 n., followed by L. Robert, Villes, 58; Herrmann, P., Anz. Akad. Wien. 1970, 100Google Scholar.
57 Buresch, 140; 185 n. Cf. Keil-Premerstein 1, p. 68.
58 Anatolia 3 (1958), 132Google Scholar with n. 117 (Op. min. sel. 1 431).
59 Anatolia 3 (1958), 135Google Scholar with n. 125 (Op. min. sel. 1. 434).
60 Anz. Akad. Wien 1970, 100–3.
61 Cities, 81.
62 See, above all, Herrmann, P., ‘Zur Geschichte der Stadt Julia Gordos in Lydien’, Anz. Akad. Wien 1970, 92–103Google Scholar, supplemented by Anz. Akad. Wien 1974. 439–44.
63 Herrmann, o.c., 94 f., nos. 1–2.
64 Herrmann, o.c., 99, n. 24.
65 Above, n. 55. Cf. J. and L. Robert, Hellenica 6 (1948), 92, no. 35. Other testimonies in Hellenica 7 (1949), 214, n. 9. For Γορδηνός and Γορδηνοί alone see Herrmann, o.c. (n. 62) 99, n. 24.
66 Robert, L., Hellenica 7 (1949), 249Google Scholar, with the testimonies in n. 9.
67 For τάΧειον in this sense see Wilhelm, Ad., Hermes 63 (1928), 226–8Google Scholar; Robert, L., Hellenica 11–12 (1960), 16–20Google Scholar.
68 Testimonies collected by Robert, L., Noms indigènes dans l'Asie Mineure gréco-romaine 1 (1963), 516Google Scholar, n. 4.
69 cf. J. Keil, RE ‘Lydia’, 2178; Robert, L., Hellenica 6 (1948), 10–20Google Scholar, cf. 6.
70 Buresch, 192. Cf. Keil-Premerstein 1, pp. 64–8.
71 F. Imhoof-Blumer, Lydische Stadtmünzen (1897), 60 f.
72 F. Imhoof-Blumer, l.c.; L. Robert, Hellenica 2 (1946), 78, n. 3; L. and J. Robert, La Carie 2 (1954), 351, n. 6; L. Robert, Monnaies grecques (1967), 78.
73 cf. RE ‘Charax’ (1–18); RE Suppl. 1, ‘Charax’, (16a); Robert, L., Gnomon 42 (1970), 599Google Scholar, n. 12.
74 Dated October 21, 1973, supplemented by oral communications.
75 Cf. Bull, épigr. 1946–7, 198, no. 4.
76 Memnon, FGrHist 434, F 26, 1: καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς εἰσβολαῖς τῆς Μιθριδάτου βασιλείας κτίζει πόλιν Λικίνειαν (ἐκινειαν mss., emend. Reinach, Th., REG 1 (1888), 333–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Cf. F. Münzer, RE ‘Licinius’, 446; Magie, 1124, n. 37.
77 Cf. Buresch, 103, n. Is. Lévy, REG 42 (1899), 278, n. 3, pointed out that for this change the year A.D. 115 should be considered a terminus post quem, since Philadelphia obviously was not yet the head of an assize-district by the time of the case in Sardis described in Philostratus, Vit. Soph., ii, p. 37 Kayser. It is, however, not really established that the court in question, consisting of 100 judges, was in fact a Roman court. Cp. Nörr, D., Imperium und Polis in der hohen Prinzipatszeit2 (1969), 32–3, n. 123Google Scholar; Robert, L., Hellenica 7 (1949), 229–31Google Scholar. Philadelphia as a centre of a conventus is also attested in IGR 4. 1638.
78 Cp. Buresch, 217; Imhoof-Blumer, F., Kleinasiatische Münzen 2, 522Google Scholar. Magie, 982, n. 17; 1358–9.
79 Robert, L., Monnaies grecques (1967), 73–8.Google Scholar
80 Herrmann, P., Denk. Akad. Wien 80, 9Google Scholar. Cf. in general Buresch, 194–5; Keil-Premerstein 2, 78–91; Robert, L., Hellenica 6 (1948), 105–13Google Scholar; Herrmann, P., Polatkan, K., Anz. Akad. Wien 1961, 124–7Google Scholar; Herrmann, P., Denk. Akad. Wien 80, 4–12Google Scholar, and Sb. Akad. Wien 265 (1969), 36Google Scholar, no. 2.
81 Cp. Imhoof-Blumer, , Lydische Stadtmünzen (1897), 43Google Scholar; Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 2906–8.
82 Buresch, 186. Cf. also Keil-Premerstein 2, 119–21. The name of the city is derived from Taba, the Carian word for rock. See the bibliography cited in L. and J. Robert, La Carie 2 (1954), 82, n. 7.
83 Denk. Akad. Wien 80, 20, no. 15 and the illustration of the site, pl. v.
84 Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 8204.
85 Inscr. Sardis 165. L. and J. Robert, La Carie 2 (1954), 82, n. 8.
86 Robert, o.c. (n. 85), 80–152.
87 Ibid. 82–3.
88 Ibid. 83.
89 Buresch, 208–11; cf. 122–4, no. 62 (IGR 4. 1653).
90 Radet had restored [οἱ ἐν] Κ[αλλατ]άβοις.
91 L. and J. Robert, o.c. (n. 85), 83, n. 3.
92 Buresch, 201; 204: between Güllü and Güney. Keil-Premerstein 3, 48–51: in the highlands of Takmak, perhaps (following Ramsay) Beyşhehir, now Cirpicilar (cp. Buresch, 201 and the location of the community at his map, south of Güre). J. Keil, RE ‘Lydia’, 2194–5; idem., RE ‘Mysotimolos’, 1194; L. Robert, Monnaies grecques (1967), 101. Against: Jones, Cities, 80–1, with n. 87.
93 Keil-Premerstein 2, 144; W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 821.
94 Imhoof-Blumer, F., Lydische Stadtmünzen (1897), 49Google Scholar.
95 Cp. Buresch 127: ‘… das in W. Kleinasien beliebte Ethnikon auf -ηνός, welches neben dem auf -εύς hergeht’.
96 Buresch, 126–7. Cf. L. and J. Robert, La Carie, 2 (1954), 76, n. 8.
97 J. Keil, RE ‘Tmolos’, 1628 with bibliography. Keil, F. Gschnitzer-J., Anz. Akad. Wien 1956, 221Google Scholar. Robert, L., Hellenica 11–12 (1960), 481Google Scholar, n. 1. The list of communities within the jurisdiction of Sardis, drawn up by J. Keil, RE ‘Lydia’, 2194–5, has been helpful.
98 Keil-Premerstein 2, 129–33; 133–8; J. Keil, RE ‘Temenothyrai’, 458–9.
99 Keil-Premerstein 2, 124–8.
100 Keil-Premerstein 2, 121–4.
101 Silandus: BMC Lydia, 281, no. 15–17; Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 3173. Bagis: BMC Lydia, 34, no. 19 (the attribution of 30, no. 1 to Nero? isobviously wrong) with the portrait and the name of Domitian; Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 2915. Coins of the third century A.D. bear the significant addition Καισαρέων Βαγηνῶν, almost certainly referring back to the foundation of the city by Domitian.
102 BMC Phrygia, 408 f., no. 5. 6. 8. 10. 15 (Φλαβιοπολειτῶν); Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 4001 (Φλαβιόπολις); IGR 4. 620.
103 Cp. Imhoof-Blumer, F., Festschrift O. Benndorf (1898), 204–7.Google Scholar
104 Keil-Premerstein 3, 53–4.
105 BMC Lydia, 231, no. 27–30. Syll. numm. Copenhagen, Lydia, no. 436–7.
106 P. Herrmann, Ist. Mitt. 15 (1965), 90 f.; 101 f.
107 Inschr. Priene 106.
108 Most recently Herrmann, P., Denk. Akad. Wien 77 (1959), 6–7Google Scholar, no. 3. Cp. L. Robert, Villes 2, 246 f.
109 The restorations by Keil and Premerstein have been improved by L. Robert, Villes, 32, n. 2.
110 Keil-Premerstein 2, 54 and, with further progress, L. Robert, Villes, 32–3.
111 E. S. G. Robinson, Num. Chron. 14 (1954), 1–7. Full discussion in L. Robert, Villes 2, 252–60.
112 Cp. L. Robert, Villes 2, 260, n. 1.
113 Lydische Stadtmünzen (1897), 30 f.
114 Villes, 43–82; cf. Villes 2, 272–8, and 263–4, n. 1.
115 L. Robert, Villes, 69.
116 Keil-Premerstein 2, 57–8, and 59, no. 124. Cf. the map at the end of the volume.
117 Herrmann, P., Denk. Akad. Wien 77 (1959), 1–4Google Scholar, and no. 1. Cf. the illustration of the site, pl. 1, 1–2.
118 Lydische Stadtmünzen (1897), 75.
119 OGI 229, 60 f.; 84 f.; L. Robert, Villes, 83–92, esp. 86 f.; Jones, Cities, 85; cf. Villes 2, 278–9.
120 L. Robert, Villes, 88.
121 ibid. 86.
122 K. Ziegler, RE ‘Pantheion’, 708–9; Habicht, Chr., Altertümer von Pergamon viii, 3, pp. 12–13Google Scholar.
123 BCH (1887), 168–75. Cp. Keil-Premerstein 2, 60–1; L. Robert, Rev. Arch. 1943, i, 89–92; idem, Villes, 101.
124 Summary in Keil-Premerstein 2, 60. Cf. the map at the end of the volume.
125 Robert, L., Hellenica 7 (1949), 236–7Google Scholar, n. 6, showing, by the way, that Eresus, mentioned in Pliny, NH 5. 123, is not identical with the city on the island of Lesbos, but a Mysian town belonging to the district of Adramytteum.
126 For the following remarks cf. Jones, Cities, 82–5.
127 The older name is still attested for the time, in which, under Augustus and Agrippa, the official list of cities in Asia was drawn up (Pliny, NH 5. 126). The new name is attested in A.D. 17 (Tacitus, Ann. 2. 47; 3. 62; Inscr. Sardis 9. 3. CIL 12. 1624 = ILS 156); it has probably to be connected with the measures of relief, ordered by Tiberius after the great earthquake of 17. See Magie, 1019–20.
128 L. Robert, Villes, 84, n. 6; idem, Annuaire École Hautes Études 1965–6, 398 (Op. min. sel. 4, 277).
129 L. Robert, Villes, 171–201, and the resumed discussion Villes 2, 377–413.
130 Monnaies grecques (1967), 95–6.
131 L. Robert, Villes 2, 410, n. 2. For Attaǔs, see also ibid. 390., for Nacrasǔs (Nakrason) Herrmann, P., Sb. Akad. Wien 265, i (1969), 20Google Scholar.
132 Pliny, NH 5. 122Google Scholar: ‘intercidere … Atarnea’; 37. 156: ‘in Aeolide nunc Atarneo pago, quondam oppido’; Jones, Cities, 82, with n. 91. It is true that Strabo (13, p. 611) speaks of Atarneus as of an existing city, but there is no doubt that he is following an earlier source here, so that the testimony is not relevant for his own time. See von Fritze, H., Die antiken Munzen Mysiens I (1913), 103–4Google Scholar, and 113.
133 Jones, Cities, 82–3. For Elaea see Pliny, , NH 5. 126Google Scholar: ‘abest haud procul Elaea, quam in litore diximus. Pergamena vocatur eius tractus iurisdictio. …’
134 Jones, Cities, 76–7, not knowing of Halicarnassus as a centre of an assize, suggested that all four cities belonged to the jurisdiction of Alabanda.
135 Pliny: Apamea, Metropolis, Dionysopolis, Euphorbium. Ephesus Inv. 3653: Apamea, Metropolis, Euphorbium, Dionysopolis. In both cases the first four cities of the assize are listed.
136 Eucarpia, Hierapolis, Otrus, Stectorium. Missing is Bruzus, which seems to have obtained the privileges of a city only in post-Flavian times.
137 So, for instance, MAMA 6. 181; 182; 216. Cf. 223.
138 Lebas-Waddington, 294; 287; ASA 39–40 (1961–1962), 592, no. 23. Cf. L. Robert, REA 65 (1963), 318 and the remarks of Waddington, quoted there, p. 319 (Op. min. sel. 3, 1513–14), furthermore L. Robert, ‘Études déliennes’, BCH Suppl. I (1973), 443.
139 Michel, Recueil 901, 13.
140 OGI 441, 207: Ἀπάμεια ἡ πρός Μαιάνδρῳ.
141 Σελευκεὺς ἀπὸ Πιερίας.
142 Αἰολεὺς ἀπὸ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, ᾿Αντιοχεὺς ἀπὸ Δάφνης.
143 Ἠρακλεώτης ἀπὸ Σαλβάκης, Μάγνης ἀπὸ Σιπύλου.
144 Ἀντιοχεύς ἀπὸ Μαιάνδρου, Μάγνητες οἱ ἀπὸ Μαιάνδρου, Σελευκεὺς ἀπὸ Μαιάνδρου, Σελευκεὺς ἀπὸ Τίγριδος.
145 Χαλκιδεὺς ἀπ᾿ Εὐρίπου.
146 Suggested in a letter from C. P. Jones: ‘It would seem to imply that Κιβωτός was some place in the region …’ He continues: ‘I wonder if the Κιβωτός could be the acropolis on which the old Kelainai stood, which on Hirschfeld's drawings looks rather like a chest ?’
147 Strabo 12, p. 569; 576: Ptolemy 5. 2. 17. There are also coins of Apamea, from Hadrian's time, with the inscription Ἀπαμέων Μαρσύας Κ(ε)ιβωτοί. BMC Phrygia, p. 96, no. 155–6; Syll. numm. Copenhagen, Phrygia, no. 211–12: Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 3491.
148 Pliny, NH 5. 106: ‘Apameam…, ante appellatam Celaenas, deinde Ciboton’.
149 cf. the discussion in Magie, 983–4 and the bibliography there cited.
149a See Mitchell, S., JRS 64 (1974), 29Google Scholar.
150 Ramsay, Cities, 750–1: W. Ruge, RE ‘Euphorbeion’, 1170–1: idem, RE ‘Phrygia’, 828 with discussion of various suggestions for a more precise location.
151 Villes, 127–49, supplemented by Villes 2, 356–63. Approval of other scholars is noted pp. 356–7, nn. 4–5.
152 Steph. Byz., s.v. Διονυσόπολις; L. Robert, Villes 2, 260, n.
153 MAMA 4. 315.
154 L. Robert, Villes, 140–1.
155 cf. Philippson's map in L. Robert, Villes, pl. xvi, furthermore Ramsay, , JHS 4 (1883), 386Google Scholar and Cities, 126–7.
156 cf. L. Robert, Villes, 133; 140.
157 cf. the remarks on Dionysopolis and W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 831–2; Magie, 1022.
158 Waddington has the merit of having restored the reading of the manuscripts against the conjecture Bargyleticos.
159 Syll. numm. Copenhagen, Phrygia, no. 367–8; Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 8363. Cf. BMC Phrygia, p. lix; Robert, L., Hellenica 11–12 (1960), 61Google Scholar.
160 Pentapolis: Ramsay, Cities, 678–9; W. Ruge, RE ‘Pentapolis’, 509. Location of Eucarpia: Ramsay, o.c., 690–3, suggesting Emir Hissar (see the ‘general map’ at the end of vol. 2). But see the reservations expressed by Ruge, RE ‘Eukarpeia’, 995–6; RE ‘Phrygia’, 827 and esp. RE ‘Otrus’, 1887–8. The uncertainty stems from the fact that only three of the five cities of the Pentapolis are located with sufficient certainty, and that there are several other ancient sites within a narrowly limited area, from which to choose for the remaining ones, Eucarpia and Otrus.
161 W. M. Calder, Anat. Stud. 6 (1956), 49–51. Cf. the Εὐκαρπεὺς οἰκῶν ἐν Άπαμεἱᾳ in MAMA 6. 223 from Apamea.
162 l.c. 51.
163 Anat. Stud. 19 (1969), 144.
164 Calder, o.c. (n. 161), 50.
165 Ramsay, Cities, 192; Keil-Premerstein 3, 51–2; MAMA 6, pp. xi–xii; Magie, 798–9. The army of the Emperor Frederick I. used this highway and was in Tripolis on April 24, 1190.
166 Pliny, NH 5. 111: ‘… Maeonii, Tripolitani iidem et Antoniopolitae—Maeandro adluuntur—, Apollonhieritae …’
167 Lydische Stadtmünzen (1897), 37 f.
168 See L. and J. Robert, La Carte 2 (1954), 239–42; 256.
169 MAMA 6. 54 from the second century A.D.; Hellenica 11–12 (1960), 12Google Scholar, n. I, from A.D. 204; MAMA 6. 55 from the third century A.D.
170 Many scholars, however, assumed Tripolitani and Antoniopolitae to be ethnics of two different cities. In their opinion Pliny was stressing the fact that these two cities had in common their location at or near the Maeander. So O. Cuntz, o.c. (n. 22), 491. D. Detlefsen, Die geographischen Bücher … (1904), 113 and in the Index pp. 190 and 277. The present inscription from Ephesus makes it perfectly clear how the punctuation in Pliny l.c. (n. 166) has to be.
171 Appian, BC 5. 31; Magie, 788–9.
172 Buchheim, H., Die Orientpolitik des Triumvirn M. Antonius (1960)Google Scholar has nothing about this. Cf. Ramsay, Cities, 193: ‘…when Antony rewarded the fidelity of the Zenonids of Laodicea he did not wholly neglect Tripolis; and the city in gratitude for his favour took his name.’ Cf. Robert, L., Laodicée du Lycos. Le Nymphée (1969), 306–9.Google Scholar
173 W. Ruge, RE ‘Peltai’. 403; idem, RE ‘Phrygia’, 848.
174 Ramsay, Cities, 239 f.: east of Uṣak, west of Islâm Köy or Susuz Köy. W. Ruge, l.c. See the mention of a woman originating from Peltae in an inscription found at Kuyulu Zebir in Eastern Phrygia, MAMA 7. 554.
175 Magie, 972 with bibliography. Coins of the second and third centuries A.D. show the inscription Μακεδόνων Πελτηνῶν.
176 With the aid of the compass-bearings, as indicated by W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 850, the location can easily be found on Kiepert's map in Buresch.
177 P. Paris, BCH 8 (1884), 252, no. 21; Ramsay, Cities, 382, no. 18; IGR 4. 370.
178 JRS 9 (1929), 157–8Google Scholar. Against: W. Ruge, l.c. (n. 176).
179 Sterrett, St., Papers of the American School 3 (1888), 265Google Scholar, no. 380; Ramsay, , Aberdeen Studies 20 (1906), 343Google Scholar, no. 22. Cf. W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 852; idem, RE ‘Satipreiza( ?)’, 63; idem, RE ‘Xenoi Tekmoreioi’, 159.
180 W. Ruge, RE ‘Eumeneia’, 1082; idem, RE ‘Phrygia’, 828; MAMA 4, p. xv; Magie, 984–5.
181 Cf. Robert, L., Études anatoliennes (1937), 164–5Google Scholar.
182 See, for instance, Stähelin, F., Geschichte der kleinasiatischen Galater2 (1907), 120Google Scholar; Magie, 984–5.
183 See F. Münzer, RE ‘Fulvia’, 284.
184 So Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 8367, whereas B. V. Head, BMC Phrygia, p. 213, no. 20–1, took the portrait to represent Cleopatra.
185 BMC Phrygia, p. lxi.
186 MAMA 4. 360.
187 BMC Phrygia, p. xciv; Sylloge numm. Copenhagen, Phrygia, no. 685; Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 3955; L. Robert, Centennial Volume of the American Numismatic Society (1958), 578.
188 W. Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 852–3; idem, RE ‘Siblia’, 2071; L. Robert, Villes 2, 426. Cf. Ramsay, Cities, 221–6.
189 JÖAI 15 (1912), 49, no. 11, and 55, no. 28.
190 Buresch, 170 f.; Ramsay, Cities, 581 f.; 600 f.; Bürchner and Ruge, RE ‘Sebaste’, 951–2, supplemented by Ruge, RE ‘Phrygia’, 852. Cf. L. Robert, Villes 2, 361–2. The name Sebaste is still preserved in the nearby village Sivasli.
191 BMC Phrygia, pp. xcii–iii, with representation and name of the river-god Σίνδρος and the ethnic Σεβαστηνῶν.
192 RE ‘Sebaste’, 951: ‘Der griechische Name vor der Umbenennung ist unbekannt.’ ‘Wie S. ursprünglich geheissen hat, lässt sich nicht mehr feststellen’. Cf. also Jones, Cities, 71–2.
193 Ramsay, Cities, 660, no. 15 (IGR 4. 664) in honour of Septimius Severus, dated 196/7, from ἡ προκεκριμένη τοῦ Μοξεανῶν δήμου Διόκλεια, found in the vicinity of Doghla; MAMA 6. 313, 1–2 from Gayili, somewhat east of Acmonia: ᾿Αντ[ωνίνῳ]? Μοξε[α]νῷ.
194 F. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Münzen (1901), 218: Διοκλεανῶν Μοξεανῶν. The same, BMC Phrygia, 181, no. 1; Sammlung v. Aulock, no. 3532–4.
195 Ptolemy 5. 2. 18, discussed by Ramsay Cities 664–6.
196 Ramsay, Cities 631–3; W. Ruge, RE ‘Moxeanoi’, 408; idem, RE ‘Phrygia’, 846; Magie 1022; 1501–2.
197 cf. n. 193 for Dioclea and the coins with Σιοχαρακειτῶν Μοξεα(νῶν): F. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Münzen (1901), 289; BMC Phrygia 382, no. 1; Sylloge numm. Copenhagen, Phrygia, no. 686. The name of Siocharax occurs also, however deformed, in Hierocles (Ramsay, l.c. 633). Jones suggested (Cities, 73): ‘Aristium seems from its position to have been another city of the Moxeanoi’. In this he was anticipated by H. Radet, whose suggestion, however, met with Ramsay's opposition (Cities, 633–4).
198 For the city's name see L. Robert in A. Dupont-Sommer and L. Robert, La Déesse de Hierapolis-Castabala (Cilicie) (1964), 17 f. esp. 20.
199 Bruzus minted coins especially during the third century A.D. and in any event not before Hadrian; BMC Phrygia, p. xli.
200 W. Ruge, RE ‘Hieropolis’ (I), 1588; idem, RE ‘Phrygia’, 831.
201 Wilhelm, Ad., Neue Beiträge zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde I (Sb. Akad. Wien 1911), 48–63Google Scholar; Holleaux, M., Études d'épigraphie et d'histoire grecques 3 (1942), 357–63Google Scholar; L. Robert, Villes, 156.
202 See the testimonies collected by W. Ruge, RE ‘Lysias’, 2530.
203 Cities, 754–5.
204 JHS 18 (1898), 107 f.
205 In the same sense Buckler-Calder-Guthrie, MAMA 4, p. xii.
206 So, for instance, W. Ruge, l.c.; idem, RE ‘Phrygia’, 842. L. Robert, Villes, 156, n. 1; Villes 2, 367. n. 2.
207 Quoted in Ramsay, Cities, 754, n. 5. The edition by Th. Nissen (see H. Strathmann, s.v. ‘Aberkios’ RAC 12) was unavailable to me.
208 Synecdemus, ed. A. Burckhardt (1893), p. 24.
209 That was concluded from the identity of a die used in both cities by Imhoof-Blumer, F., Kleinasiatische Münzen (1901), 276Google Scholar. Cf. L. Robert, Villes, 191, n. 1.
210 Conveniently arranged in Jones, Cities, 531.
211 Villes, 156–9; cf. W. Ruge, RE ‘Otrus’, 1884–8.
212 L. Robert, Villes, 158–9, with n. 8.
213 BMC Phrygia, p. lxxxvi; L. Robert, Villes, 158, n. 7.
214 Cf. esp. W. Ruge, RE ‘Otrus’, 1887, no. 5. Following Ramsay (Cities, 689–90), he claims the ancient site near Mentesch as Stectorium, where there has been found a Latin inscription with civitas Stectoren…. Cf. W. Ruge, RE ‘Stektorion’, 2306; L. Robert, Villes,2 426.
215 BMC Phrygia, pp. xcv–xcvi.
216 In IG v, 1432. 9 from Messene, where Kolbe read μήτε δανεισμὸν μή[τε]| λεῖμμα, Wilhelm, Ad., JÖAI, 17 (1914), 35Google Scholar, restored μήτε δανεισμὸν μ[ήτεἔλ]|λειμμα, comparing Demosthenes, Or. 22. 44. If nothing is to be restored here, λīμμα stand for λῆμμα, ‘receipt’, ‘profit’, or for λεīμμα, ‘remnant’ ‘pause’, only the first of which seems to make sense here.
217 For this meaning of κτῆσις cp., above all, L. Robert, Études anatoliennes (1937), 375–8, esp. 377.
218 See LSJ s. vv.
219 See Mitteis, L., Hermes 30 (1895), 596 f.Google Scholar; W. Dittenberger, OGI 46, n. 11; H. Francotte, Les Finances des cités grecques (1909), 22.
220 OGI 46, 12–13, with Dittenberger's n. 11. Bibliography in the new edition of H. Pleket, Epigraphica I. Texts on the Economic History of the Greek World (1964), no. 26. See also H. Francotte, l.c. (n. 219).
221 LSJ, s.v. γραφεϊον.
222 Hirschfeld, O., Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungs-beamten bis auf Diocletian 2 (1905), 95–6.Google Scholar
223 CIG 2942 from Tralles; OGI 524 from Thyatira; Rev. Arch. (1916) i, 333 from Sinope. See L. Robert, Rev. Phil. (1939), 212, n. 5 (Op. min. sel. 2, 1365); Ann. Éc. Hautes Études (1964–5), 179–80 (Op. min. sel. 4, 253). See also F. Gschnitzer, ‘Proxenos’, RE Suppl. 13, 633.
224 Seneca, Ep. 119. 1: ‘ut negotiari possis, aes alienum facias oportet, sed nolo per intercessorem mutueris, nolo proxenetae nomen tuum iactent’; Martial 10. 3. 4.
225 For ἀρχεῖον in the meaning of ‘archives’ or ‘Notariat’ see L. Robert, BCH 59 (1935), 486 (Op. min. sel. 2. 755); Wilcken, U., Grundzüge der Papyruskunde, 19, 63Google Scholar.
226 Ath. Mitt. 32 (1907), 293 f., no. 18. See Magie, 859.
227 As, for instance, in Syll. 3 1006. 51; Hesperia 11 (1942), 295Google Scholar. no. 58, 11 f.; 15 f.
228 Welles, C. B., Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period (1934), no. 3. 94–101Google Scholar. Cf. Strabo 17, p. 798: τὰ τέλη … τὰ μὲν εἰσαγωγικά, τὰ δὲ ἐξαγωγικά.
229 JHS 74 (1954), 85 f., no. 38 C 13. The same fee appears as φόρος the decree of the Roman Senate of 47 B.C., as preserved in Josephus, Ant. 14. 206: φόρους δὲ ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως Ὕρκανον ἔχειν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν τὴν γῆν νεμομένων, χώρας καὶ λιμένος ἐξαγωγίου κατ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν 〈ἐν〉 Σιδῶνι. The question, whether to keep ἔχειν (with Momigliano) or to conjecture τελεῖν (with Niese, Viereck, Schalit), needs no discussion here. Worth mentioning is, however, Momigliano's suggestion to insert 〈εἰσαγωγίου〉 (Annali della R. Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa 1934, 204). If the insertion is right, 〈εἰσαγωγίου〉 should then rather come before than after ἐξαγωγίου.
230 For such ἀτέλεια in general see P. Herrmann, Ist. Mitt. 15 (1965), 84.
231 Francotte, H., Les Finances des cités grecques (1909), 270–1Google Scholar: ‘la taxe des étrangers’, to be paid on ‘toutes les ventes faites au marché’.
232 Andreades, A., A History of Greek Public Finance (1933), 213, n. 4.Google Scholar
233 Aristotle, Pol. 1300b 24.
234 P. A. Brunt suggested to me that this might be due to the fact ‘that Antony's son was allowed to rise to the consulship and his daughters were married to L. Ahenobarbus and to the elder Drusus; the preservation of the name may have given the commune a claim to valuable patronage’. Note also what Suetonius says about Claudius (Div. Claud. 11. 3): ‘ne Marcum quidem Antonium inhonoratum ac sine grata mentione transmisit, testatus quondam per edictum, tanto impensius petere se ut natalem patris Drusi celebrarent, quod idem esset et avi sui Antoni.’
235 See, above all, Deininger, J., Die Provinziallandtage der römischen Kaiserzeit (1965), passim.Google Scholar
236 Smallwood, E. M., Documents Illustrating the Principates of Gaius, Claudius and Nero (1967), no. 380Google Scholar, col. viii. The relevance of this passage to the present question was brought to my attention by E. W. Gray.
237 Wilcken, U., Arch. f. Papyrusforschung 4 (1907), 366–422Google Scholar; 6 (1909), 373–6; 423.
238 Cf. Robert, L., Hellenica 7 (1949), 226Google Scholar: ‘(le cadre des conventus) a dû servir en bien des occasions’.