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³ Wallace-Hadrill, op. cit. (n. 1); cf. Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1).

⁴ Woolf, G., ‘The formation of Roman provincial cultures’, in Metzler, J., Millett, M., Roymans, N. and Slofstra, J. (eds), Integration in the Early Roman West. The Role of Culture and Ideology (1995), 9–18Google Scholar; Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1); Creighton, J., Britannia: The Creation of a Roman Province (2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶ Mattingly, D., JRA 15 (2002), 536–40Google Scholar; idem, ‘Being Roman: expressing identity in a provincial setting’, JRA 17 (2004), 5–25Google Scholar; idem, Imperialism, Power, and Identity: Experiencing the Roman Empire (2011).

⁷ C. Gosden, Archaeology and Colonialism (2004), 18; for regimes of value in Iron Age Europe: Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 176–7; 185 ‘the replacement of a series of local regimes of value with those of the new imperial culture of consumption’.

⁸ Commoditization: Appadurai, A., ‘Introduction. Commodities and the politics of value’, in Appadurai, A. (ed.), The Social Life of Things. Commodities in Cultural Perspective (1986), 3–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; at 10–11 and 19 for non-monetized commodity exchange; I. Kopytoff, ‘The cultural biography of things: commoditization as process’, ibid., 64–91, at 68–9 for non-monetized commodity exchange; Thomas, N., Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific (1991), 14–15; 27–30; 38–9Google Scholar ‘Commodities are here understood as objects, persons, or elements of persons, which are placed in a context in which they have exchange value and can be alienated’; 50; 81–2.

⁹ As persuasively argued by Schaps, D., The Invention of Coinage and the Monetization of Ancient Greece (2004), 1–17Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Howgego, C., ‘The supply and use of money in the Roman world 200 b.c. to a.d. 300’, JRS 82 (1992), 1–31Google Scholar, at 27–8; Lo Cascio, E. (ed.), Credito e moneta nel mondo romano: atti degli Incontri capresi di storia dell'economia antica Capri, 12–14 ottobre 2000 (2003)Google Scholar; Harris, W., ‘A revisionist view of Roman money’, JRS 96 (2006), 1–24Google Scholar = idem, Rome's Imperial Economy: Twelve Essays (2011), 223–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rathbone, D. and Temin, P., ‘Financial intermediation in first-century a.d. Rome and eighteenth-century England’, in Verboven, K., Vandorpe, K. and Chankowski, V. (eds), Pistoi dia tèn technèn. Bankers, Loans and Archives in the Ancient World: Studies in Honour of Raymond Bogaert (2008), 371–419Google Scholar; Kay, op. cit. (n. 2, 2008), ch. 6: ‘Credit and Financial Intermediation’; idem, op. cit. (n. 2, forthcoming).

¹¹ For what it is worth Caes., B.G. 6.13; cf. 1.4 refers to a form of debt slavery in the Iron Age world. Forms of debt may be very varied and are by no means confined to market contexts: cf. Thomas, op. cit. (n. 8), ch. 2: ‘The Permutations of Debt: Exchange Systems in the Pacific’.

¹² Dio 62.2.1.

¹³ Caes., B.G. 5.12; Hingley, R., ‘Iron Age “currency bars” in Britain: items of exchange in liminal contexts?’, in Haselgrove, C. and Wigg-Wolf, D. (eds), Iron Age Coinage and Ritual Practices (2005), 183–205Google Scholar; Koch, J., An Atlas for Celtic Studies: Archaeology and Names in Ancient Europe and Early Medieval Ireland, Britain, and Brittany (2007), 149Google Scholar.

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¹⁵ It appears that torcs were sometimes made to a weight standard. The torc in the Tayac hoard weighed 100 times the mean weight of a local gold coin: Kellner, J. H., ‘Der Fund von Tayac, ein Zeugnis des Cimbernzuges’, Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 20 (1970), 13–47Google Scholar; Haselgrove, C., ‘Warfare and its aftermath as reflected in the precious metal coinage of Belgic Gaul’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 3.1 (1984), 81–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 86. For a sceptical view of the metrology of torcs and of the possibility that they functioned as some kind of special purpose money: A. Fitzpatrick, ‘Gifts for the golden gods: Iron Age hoards of torques and coins’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 157–82, at 170.

¹⁶ cf. von Reden, S., Money in Classical Antiquity (2010), 186CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘But it is well known that money does not just affect economies but is a collective signifier through which individuals and societies construe their identities and lives.’

¹⁷ Gosden, C., ‘What do objects want?’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 12 (2005), 193–211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁹ For the active rôle of coinage in creating identity: Howgego, C., ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces’, in Howgego, C., Heuchert, V. and Burnett, A. (eds), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces (2005), 1–17Google Scholar, at 17; Kemmers, F. and Myrberg, N., ‘Rethinking numismatics. The archaeology of coins’, Archaeological Dialogues 18 (2011), 87–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²¹ Kemmers and Myrberg, op. cit. (n. 19).

²² Nick, M., ‘Social and economic patterns in Celtic coin use’, in von Kaenel, H.-M. and Kemmers, F., Coins in Context I: New Perspectives for the Interpretation of Coin Finds (2009), 173–86Google Scholar, provides a good example of how to characterize regions based on settlement patterns and the full archaeological record. The current project based at Leicester, looking at coins from selected sites in their full archaeological context, provides an important way forward: C. Haselgrove and S. Krmnicek, Mint Condition: Coinage and the Development of Technological, Economic and Social Networks in the Mediterranean http://www.tracingnetworks.org/content/web/mint_condition.jsp.

²³ Nash, D., Coinage in the Celtic World (1987)Google Scholar; brief summary in von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 55–63. The term ‘Iron Age’ is used in place of the ‘Celtic’ found in much earlier literature to avoid imputations of ethnicity: Williams, J., Beyond the Rubicon. Romans and Gauls in Republican Italy (2001), 5–14Google Scholar; James, S., The Atlantic Celts: Ancient People or Modern Invention? (1999)Google Scholar; Collis, J., The Celts: Origins, Myths and Inventions (2003)Google Scholar. For the case on the other side: Sims-Williams, P., ‘Celtomania and Celtoscepticism’, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 36 (1998), 1–35Google Scholar; Koch, J., An Atlas for Celtic Studies: Archaeology and Names in Ancient Europe and Early Medieval Ireland, Britain, and Brittany (2007), 1Google Scholar.

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²⁶ D. Wigg, ‘Coinage on the periphery’, in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 35–47; M. Peter, ‘Imitations of Roman coins in non-Roman contexts: some remarks’, ibid., 389–94; Bursche, ibid., 399 n. 30 (references); Stribrny, K., Funktionsanalyse barbarisierter, barbarischer Denare mittels numismatischer und metallurgischer Methoden: zur Erforschung der sarmatisch-germanischen Kontakte im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (2003)Google Scholar.

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²⁸ Iron Age coinage was re-established again later only in the west of this area. Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 67; Wigg, D., ‘Das Ende der keltischen Münzgeldwirtschaft am Mittelrhein’, Germania 74 (1996), 377–97Google Scholar; idem, ‘The development of a monetary economy in N. Gaul in the Late La Tène and Early Roman periods’, in Creighton, J. and Wilson, R. (eds), Roman Germany. Studies in Cultural Interaction (1999), 99–124Google Scholar; D. Wigg-Wolf in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 39; idem, ‘The function of Celtic coinages in northern Gaul’, in García-Bellido, M. P., Callegarin, L. and Díaz, A. Jiménez (eds), Barter, Money and Coinage in the Ancient Mediterranean (10th–1st Centuries BC) (2011), 301–14, at 307–8Google Scholar; Overbeck, B., ‘Celtic chronology in South Germany’, in Burnett, A. and Crawford, M. (eds), The Coinage of the Roman World in the Late Republic (1987), 1–17Google Scholar; Nick, M., ‘Zum Ende der keltischen Münzgeldwirtschaft in Südwestdeutschland’, in Metzler, J. and Wigg-Wolf, D. (eds), Die Kelten und Rom: neue numismatische Forschungen (2005), 147–58Google Scholar; idem, Gabe, Opfer, Zahlungsmittel. Strukturen keltischen Münzgebrauchs im westlichen Mitteleuropa (2006)Google Scholar.

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³⁰ Whitttaker, C. R., Frontiers of the Roman Empire: a Social and Economic Study (1994), ch. 3Google Scholar ‘Why Did the Frontiers Stop Where They Did?’; van-Waateringe, W. Groenmann, ‘Urbanization and the north-west frontier of the Roman Empire’, in Hanson, W. S. and Keppie, L. J. F. (eds), Roman Frontier Studies 1979 (1980), 1037–44Google Scholar; idem, ‘Food for soldiers, food for thought’, in Barrett, J. C., Fitzpatrick, A. P. and Macinnes, L. (eds), Barbarians and Romans in North-West Europe from the Later Republic to Late Antiquity (1989), 96–107Google Scholar; Cunliffe, B., Greeks, Romans and Barbarians: Spheres of Interaction (1988), 174Google Scholar; idem, Europe between the Oceans 9000 BC–AD 1000 (2008), 365Google Scholar.

³¹ Portable Antiquities Scheme: http://finds.org.uk/; S. Moorhead, ‘Expanding the frontiers: how the Portable Antiquities Scheme database increases knowledge of Roman coin use in England’, in Worrell, S.et al., A Decade of Discovery: Proceedings of the Portable Antiquities Scheme Conference 2007 (2010), 143–60Google Scholar.

³² Haselgrove, C., ‘The impact of the Roman conquest on indigenous coinages in Belgic Gaul and southern Britain’, in de Jersey, P. (ed.), Celtic Coinage: New Discoveries, New Discussions (2006), 97–115, at 97Google Scholar.

³³ For resistance as a post-colonial concept: Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 18.

³⁴ Guest, P. and Wells, N., Iron Age & Roman Coins from Wales (2007)Google Scholar; Guest, P., ‘The early monetary history of Roman Wales: identity, conquest and acculturation on the imperial fringe’, Britannia 39 (2008), 33–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Haselgrove, C., ‘Society and polity in late Iron Age Britain’, in Todd, M. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Britain (2004), 12–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 82–5.

³⁶ Walton, P., Rethinking Roman Britain: Coinage and Archaeology (2012), 50–6; 167–8Google Scholar; Guest, op. cit. (n. 34), at 56. But note the substantial quantity of bronze from the — no doubt military — votive deposits at Coventina's Well on Hadrian's Wall: Allason-Jones, L. and McKay, B., Coventina's Well. A Shrine on Hadrian's Wall (1985), 50–76Google Scholar.

³⁷ Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 55. For Scotland: Hunter, F., ‘Silver for the barbarians: interpreting denarii hoards in north Britain and beyond’, in Hingley, R. and Willis, S. (eds), Roman Finds: Context and Theory. Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of Durham (2007), 214–24Google Scholar.

³⁸ cf., with a different emphasis, Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 222–3, under Rome ‘the economic and social evolution of large areas of northern Britain seems to have been stymied’. For the similarity of the Iron Age pattern to that in Anglo-Saxon England see Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 169.

³⁹ Taylor, J., An Atlas of Roman Rural Settlement in England (2007), 19; 23–34Google Scholar. There are gaps in the distribution of villas in the South-East, including the Fens, but these are largely filled by other rectilinear building forms.

⁴⁰ Dacia imported Greek coins and produced imitations of Greek coins, principally tetradrachms of Philip II and Alexander: Preda, C., Monedele Geto-Dacilor (1973)Google Scholar; Allen, op. cit. (n. 29); Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 58–60.

⁴¹ Lockyear, K., ‘The Late Iron Age background to Roman Dacia’, in Hanson, W. S. and Haynes, I. P. (eds), Roman Dacia. The Making of a Provincial Society (2004), 33–74, at 66–9Google Scholar.

⁴² Lockyear, op. cit. (n. 41); Lockyear, K., Patterns and Process in Late Roman Republican Coin Hoards, 157–2 b.c. (2007), 200–1; 223–4Google Scholar; idem, ‘Aspects of Roman Republican coins found in late Iron Age Dacia’, in Spinei, V. and Munteanu, L. (eds), Miscellanea Numismatica Antiquitatis. In Honorem Septagenarii Magistri Virgilii Mihailescu-Bîrliba Oblate (2008), 147–76Google Scholar. Arguably the models of coinage in Dacia remained mixed. There is a later group of locally produced gold coins in the name of Koson, presumably a powerful individual, which must be later than 54 b.c. but might be later still. They incorporated Roman iconography in a way which may plausibly be interpreted to reflect the changing nature of power within Dacia, although other interpretations are possible. In other words, they are like coins on the later Iron Age model produced elsewhere, in Britain for example, in the run-up to conquest. These coins are currently the subject of a study by Adrian Popescu (Fitzwilliam Museum), to whom I am grateful for sharing his ideas. See also Iliescu, O., ‘Sur les monnaies d'or à la legende ΚΟΣΩΝ’, Quaderni ticinesi di numismatica e antichità classiche 19 (1990), 185–214Google Scholar.

⁴³ The area of import of denarii extended further south into what was to become Moesia Inferior (especially in north-west Bulgaria): Paunov, E. and Prokopov, I., An Inventory of Roman Republican Coin Hoards and Coins from Bulgaria (2002)Google Scholar; Lockyear, op. cit. (n. 42, 2007), 167–8.

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⁴⁵ I. Haynes and W. Hanson, ‘An introduction to Roman Dacia’, in Hanson and Haynes, op. cit. (n. 41), 11–31; A. Diaonescu, ‘The towns of Roman Dacia: an overview of recent archaeological research’, ibid., 87–142, at 126; D. Ruscu, ‘The supposed extermination of the Dacians: the literary tradition’, ibid., 75–85; Ellis, L., ‘“Terra Deserta”: population, politics, and the [de]colonization of Dacia’, World Archaeology 30 (1998), 220–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oltean, I., Dacia. Landscape, Colonisation and Romanisation (2007)Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Lockyear, op. cit. (n. 41), 40.

⁴⁷ Exemplary studies of regional/local variation: I. Wellington, ‘Placing coinage and ritual sites in their archaeological contexts: the example of northern France’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 227–45; Nick, op. cit. (n. 22), 173–86.

⁴⁸ Woolf, G., ‘The social significance of trade in Late Iron Age Europe’, in Scarre, C. and Healey, F. (eds), Trade and Exchange in Prehistoric Europe (1993), 211–18Google Scholar; idem, ‘Rethinking the oppida’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 19 (1993), 223–34Google Scholar; idem, ‘Beyond Romans and natives’, World Archaeology 28 (1997), 339–50, at 342–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, op. cit. (n. 1), 181.

⁴⁹ e.g. Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 16; 48; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 304–5.

⁵⁰ cf. Nick, op. cit. (n. 28, 2006).

⁵¹ A. Fitzpatrick, ‘Gifts for the golden gods: Iron Age hoards of torques and coins’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 157–82; D. Wigg-Wolf, ‘Coins and cult at the Martberg: a case study’, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 297–311, at 298–9.

⁵² Parry, J. and Bloch, M., Money and the Morality of Exchange (1989), 20–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Thomas, op. cit. (n. 8), e.g. p. 108.

⁵³ Stereotyping and standardizing of deposits: Bradley, R., The Passage of Arms: An Archaeological Analysis of Prehistoric Hoard and Votive Deposits (2nd edn, 1998), xxx; 171–89; 197Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Thomas, op. cit. (n. 8), e.g. p. 108; Appadurai, op. cit. (n. 8), 52 (mimicry in cargo cults); P. van Dommelen and A. Jiménez, ‘Colonial exchanges: exploring numismatics and postcolonial theory’, paper given at the Roman Archaeology Conference, Frankfurt am Main, 2012.

⁵⁵ Bradley, op. cit. (n. 53); Hill, J. D., Ritual and Rubbish in the Iron Age of Wessex: A Study on the Formation of a Specific Archaeological Record (1995)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Bradley, R., Ritual and Domestic Life in Prehistoric Europe (2005), ch. 5Google Scholar; Yates, D. and Bradley, R., ‘The siting of metalwork hoards in the Bronze Age of South-East England’, The Antiquaries Journal 90 (2010), 41–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sommerfeld, C., Gerätegeld Sichel. Studien zur monetären Struktur bronzezeitlicher Horte im nördlichen Mitteleuropa (1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hänsel, A. and Hänsel, B., Gaben an die Götter. Schätze der Bronzezeit Europas (1997)Google Scholar; Meller, H. (ed.), Der geschmiedete Himmel. Die weite Welt im Herzen Europas vor 3600 Jahren (2004)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Bradley, op. cit. (n. 53), 89; 96: standard units of metal; 119: non-functional axes from the end of the Bronze Age. For example the Langton Matravers hoard: http://finds.org.uk/database/artefacts/record/id/222420; Portable Antiquities Scheme Unique ID: HAMP-2865F1.

⁵⁸ Bradley, op. cit. (n. 56), ch. 7. It was in essence a development of the Neolithic, although it had roots in the Mesolithic, and has been associated with either sedentarism or, more recently, with the adoption of domesticates. Thirault, E., ‘The politics of supply: the Neolithic axe industry in Alpine Europe’, Antiquity 79 (2005), 34–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶⁰ Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 18; C. Haselgrove, ‘The incidence of Iron Age coins on archaeological sites in Belgic Gaul’, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 247–96, at 290–1 (citing Gournay sur Aronde and Ribemont-sur-Ancre) = idem, ‘A new approach to analysing the circulation of Iron Age coinage’, NC 165 (2005), 129–74; 169Google Scholar.

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⁶² P. de Jersey, ‘Deliberate defacement of British Iron Age coinage’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 85–113; D. Wigg-Wolf, ‘Coins and ritual in the late Iron Age and early Roman sanctuaries in the territory of the Treveri’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 361–79. One wonders whether similar considerations may also apply to the deep cuts found on early silver coinages of the third century b.c. in the region around Moldavia, which have traditionally been explained in purely monetary terms: Allen, op. cit. (n. 29), 24; Preda, C., Monedele Geto-Dacilor (1973), 111–31Google Scholar (Romanian); 444–5 (German); pls XXI–XXVII.

⁶³ Wigg-Wolf in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 310.

⁶⁴ cf. Hingley in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 188 on currency bars.

⁶⁵ Wells, P., ‘Weapons, ritual and communication in Late Iron Age northern Europe’, in Haselgrove, C. and Moore, T. (eds), The Later Iron Age in Britain and Beyond (2007), 468–77Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ For example the coinage traditionally attributed to the Iceni from the mid-first century b.c. until about a.d. 43 was tightly controlled, in gold and silver and with fractions, and struck from a total of 1,597 known separate (obverse and reverse) dies: Talbot, J., ‘Icenian coin production’, in Davies, J. A. (ed.), The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia: New Work in the Land of the Iceni (2011), 69–82Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Appadurai, op. cit. (n. 8); Kemmers and Myrberg, op. cit. (n. 19), at 89–91.

⁶⁸ Allen, D. F., ‘Wealth, money and coinage in a Celtic society’, in Megaw, J. V. S. (ed.), To Illustrate the Monuments: Essays on Archaeology Presented to Stuart Piggott (1976), 199–208Google Scholar, gathers literary references. See also Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 305–6.

⁶⁹ Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 43; 45 on passages in Polybius and Caesar.

⁷⁰ For example, Posidonius reported that the Arvernian king Louernios scattered gold and silver among a crowd of followers from his chariot, and Strabo at least took the report to refer to coins (Athenaeus 4.152d = 4.37 quoting Posidonius ‘gold and silver’; Strabo 4.2.3 ‘gold and silver coins’). The passage has been taken as evidence of the use of coins in distributions in the mid-second century b.c. (Allen, op. cit. (n. 68), 100–1), but the Arverni appear to have had no coinage in this period. For the lack of coins Nash, D., ‘Coinage and state development in central Gaul’, in Cunliffe, B. (ed.), Coinage and Society in Britain and Gaul: Some Current Problems (1981), 14Google Scholar; Guichard, V., Pion, P., Malacher, F. and Collis, J., ‘À propos de la circulation monétaire en Gaule chevelue aux IIe et Ier siècles a.v. J.C.’, Revue Archéologique du Centre de la France 32 (1993), 25–55, at 31–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷¹ Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 16; 41.

⁷² Sills, J., Gaulish and Early British Gold Coinage (2003)Google Scholar for a strongly historicizing view. Haselgrove, C., ‘The development of British Iron Age coinage’, NC 153 (1993), 31–64Google Scholar; and idem, ‘The development of Iron Age coinage in Belgic Gaul’, NC 159 (1999), 111–68Google Scholar for a more sceptical approach based on careful appraisal of the archaeological evidence. See also Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 302.

⁷³ Gruel, K. and Popovitch, L., Les monnaies gauloises et romaines de l'oppidum de Bibracte (2007), 65–6; 104–5Google Scholar; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 307.

⁷⁴ Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 16.

⁷⁵ Delestrée, L.-P., Boisard, C. and Boulenger, D., ‘Les monnaies gauloises du site fortifié de La Chaussée-Tirancourt (Somme): coexistence d'un faciès militaire et d'un faciès indigène’, in Hollard, D. (ed.), L'armée et la monnaie. Actes de la journée d’études du 10 décembre 2005 à la Monnaie de Paris (2006), 7–25Google Scholar; Nick, M., ‘New coin finds from the two late Iron Age settlements of Altenburg (Germany) and Rheinau (Switzerland): a military coin series on the German-Swiss border?’, in Holmes, N. (ed.), Proceedings of the 14th International Numismatic Congress, Glasgow 2009 (2011), vol. 2, 1207–16Google Scholar; N. Roymans and J. Aarts, ‘Coins, soldiers and the Batavian Hercules cult. Coin deposition at the sanctuary of Empel in the Lower Rhine region’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 337–59, at 353–4; Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 39–42; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. ( n. 28, 2011), 307.

⁷⁶ Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 36–7; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 307.

⁷⁷ Sills, op. cit. (n. 72), chs 1–2; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 301–2.

⁷⁸ Py, M., Les monnaies préaugustéennes de Lattes et la circulation monétaire protohistorique en Gaule méridionale (2006), vol. 2, 1195–6Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Much of it stands on the shoulders of the pioneering work of Haselgrove on the archaeological context of coinage in the Iron Age: Haselgrove, C., Iron Age Coinage in South-East England: The Archaeological Context (1987)Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 307–11. But for a critique of oppida as proto-towns: Woolf, G., ‘Rethinking the oppida’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 19 (1993), 223–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; C. Haselgrove and T. Moore, ‘New narratives of the Later Iron Age’, in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 1–15, at 3–4.

⁸¹ M. Curteis, ‘Ritual coin deposition on Iron Age settlements in the South Midlands’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 207–25, at 221; 224; idem, ‘Distribution and ritual deposition of Iron Age coins in the South Midlands’, in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 61–79, at 77.

⁸² Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 264–5 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 146–7.

⁸³ Holleran, C., Shopping in Ancient Rome. The Retail Trade in the Late Republic and the Principate (2012), ch. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘The Form and Function of Tabernae’; Purcell, N., ‘The city of Rome and the plebs urbana in the late Republic’, in Crook, J., Lintott, A. and Rawson, E., Cambridge Ancient History vol. 9 (2nd edn, 1994), 644–88Google Scholar, at 659–73, note p. 661 ‘the hallmark of Roman urbanism’.

⁸⁴ Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 57–80; Krmnicek, S., Münze und Geld im frührömischen Ostalpenraum: Studien zum Münzumlauf und zur Funktion von Münzgeld anhand der Funde und Befunde vom Magdalensberg (2010)Google Scholar; Haselgrove, C. and Krmnicek, S., ‘The archaeology of money’, Annual Review of Anthropology 41 (2012) (posted online), 235–50, at 241–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁵ Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 9.

⁸⁶ von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 55–63, at 63.

⁸⁷ For the social embedding of modern money: Zelizer, V. A., The Social Meaning of Money (1994)Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ For such social circulation see Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), ch. 3: ‘Coinage in Celtic Society’; cf. Dalton, op. cit. (n. 14). For a differentiated and locally-particular approach to gift exchange: Thomas, op. cit. (n. 8), 206.

⁸⁹ As argued on the basis of contextual archaeology for the Celtic-speaking trading settlement at Lattara on the Mediterranean: Haselgrove and Krmnicek, op. cit. (n. 84), 240–1.

⁹⁰ Good discussion in I. Wellington, ‘The role of Iron Age coinage in archaeological contexts’, in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 81–95. For gold operating in a different sphere of exchange: Nick, op. cit. (n. 22), 177–9; Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 48 (on South-East England) suggesting that gold and bronze were possibly used for separate purposes.

⁹¹ cf. Aarts, drawing on Parry and Bloch, who seeks to describe transformation into the Roman period in terms of the changing balance between the sphere of long-term exchange, involved with the reproduction of the social and cosmic order, and short-term exchange, characterized as exchange in the domain of the individual, where social relations play a limited part and where acquisition is paramount. Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20); Parry, J. and Bloch, M., Money and the Morality of Exchange (1989), 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹³ Howgego, op. cit. (n. 10), 16 with n. 148 cites a number such passages.

⁹⁴ Above, n. 10.

⁹⁵ Howgego, op. cit. (n. 10). The substantial truth of this normative picture has been reaffirmed by Rathbone for Egypt: Rathbone, D., ‘Roman Egypt’, in Scheidel, W., Morris, I. and Saller, R. (eds), The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World (2007), 698–719CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 709; 714–15; idem, ‘Prices and price formation in Roman Egypt,’, in Andreau, J., Briant, P. and Descat, R. (eds), Économie antique: prix et formation des prix dans les économies antiques (1997), 183–244, at 211Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Hendy, M., ‘From public to private: the western barbarian coinages as a mirror of the disintegration of late Roman state structures’, Viator. Medieval and Renaissance Studies 19 (1988), 29–78Google Scholar; idem, ‘East and West: divergent models of coinage and its use’, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 38 (1991), 637–79Google Scholar; Ward-Perkins, op. cit. (n. 1), 42–3 (demise of tax revenues); 110–17 (‘A World without Small-change’).

⁹⁷ Peter, M., Augusta Raurica I–II, Inventar der Fundmünzen der Schweiz 3–4 (1996)Google Scholar; idem, Untersuchungen zu den Fundmünzen aus Augst und Kaiseraugst (2001), 202–11Google Scholar analyses denominations by location; Alram, M. and Schmidt-Dick, F., Die antiken Fundmünzen im Museum Carnuntinum: Numismata Carnuntina: Forschungen und Material (2007)Google Scholar, especially section 2.3 ‘Die Einzelfunde in der Fundlanschaft Carnuntums’; Hahn, W., Die Fundmünzen der römischen Zeit in Österreich III. Niederösterreich, Band 1: Carnuntum (1976)Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Kemmers, F., Coins for a Legion: an Analysis of the Coin Finds from the Augustan Legionary Fortress and Flavian Canabae Legionis at Nijmegen (2006), 141–51Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Duncan-Jones, R., ‘Roman coin circulation and the cities of Vesuvius’, in Lo Cascio, E. (ed.), Credito e moneta nel mondo romano (2003), 161–80Google Scholar; Andreau, J., ‘The use and survival of coins and of gold and silver in the Vesuvian cities’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans (2008), 208–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Presenza e circolazione della moneta in area vesuviana: atti del XIII Convegno organizzato dal Centro internazionale di studi numismatici e dall'Università di Napoli Federico II, Napoli, 30 maggio–1 giugno 2003 (2007)Google Scholar; Haselgrove and Krmnicek, op. cit. (n. 84), 242.

¹⁰⁰ Cooley, A., Pompeii (2003), 37–8 salvage; 48 escapeGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ R. Hobbs, ‘Coinage and currency in ancient Pompeii’, in Holmes, op. cit. (n. 75), vol. 1, 732–41.

¹⁰² Sauer, E., Coins, Cult and Cultural Identity: Augustan Coins, Hot Springs and the Early Roman Baths at Bourbonne-les-Bains (2005)Google Scholar, passim, and 97 for rivers; Bursche, A., ‘Münzen der römischen Kaiserzeit aus Flüssen, ein Beitrag zur Quellenkritik’, in von Carnap-Bornheim, Cl. and Friesinger, H. (eds), Wasserwege: Lebensadern – Trennungslinien (2004), 123–39Google Scholar (but with a primary focus on finds north of the Roman Empire); Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 152–66 (Piercebridge); 173; Sauer, E., ‘Not just small change — coins in Mithraea’, in Martens, M. and de Boe, G. (eds), Roman Mithraism: the Evidence of the Small Finds (2004), 327–53Google Scholar (coin offerings in Mithraea up to the a.d. 390s); Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 136–8; idem, ‘Sender or receiver? Contexts of coin supply and coin use’, in von Kaenel and Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 22), 137–56; Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 262–4 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 144–7.

¹⁰³ Only one instance from a primary burial context in a careful survey of the south Midlands: Curteis in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 208; Curteis in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 69. Belgic Gaul: Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 264; 291 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 146; 169; Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 104: practice seen as reflecting Roman influence in southern and eastern Belgic Gaul; 108: Britain saw an increase in cemetery finds after the conquest; they had previously been very rare.

¹⁰⁴ Vicarello, a spa with a hot spring north-west of Rome, produced 5,200 coins of the Roman Republic and pre-Roman Italy, together with 400 kg of aes rude: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 115; Panvini-Rosati, F., ‘Monete della stipe di Vicarello nel Museo Nazionale Romano’, Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia di Archeologia ser. 3, 40 (1967–8), 57–74Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005) on the phenomenon as a whole and in detail on Bourbonne-les-Bains, a hot spring complex in eastern Central Gaul. In Britain, Coventina's Well provides a good example of the deposition of coins at a cold spring (Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102), 116); and Bath of deposition at a hot spring (Walker, D., Roman Coins from the Sacred Spring at Bath (1988)Google Scholar).

¹⁰⁶ Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 94–5.

¹⁰⁷ Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 96; 120; Tomlin, R., Tabellae Sulis: Roman Inscribed Tablets of Tin and Lead from the Sacred Spring at Bath (1988)Google Scholar; Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 228–30 has an interesting analysis of curse tablets in Britain.

¹⁰⁸ Suetonius, Aug. 57.1; Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 119–21.

¹⁰⁹ Desnier, J.-L., ‘Stips’, Revue de l'histoire des religions 204 (1987), 219–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Varro, de L.L. 5.182.3.

¹¹⁰ Wigg-Wolf in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 378–9; Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 12–15. Arrian, Cyn. 34 for offertory boxes used by ‘Celts’ for contributions after successful hunts which were then used to purchase a sacrificial animal for the festival of Artemis, which was followed by a feast. The author claims that he and his fellow hunters follow this practice. See Phillips, A., and Willcock, M., Xenophon & Arrian, On Hunting (Kynēgetikos) (1999)Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Aitchison, N., ‘Roman wealth, native ritual: coin hoards within and beyond Roman Britain’, World Archaeology 20. 2 (1988), 270–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Millett, M., ‘Treasure: interpreting Roman hoards’, in Cottam, S. et al. (eds), Proceedings of the 4^th Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference (1994), 99–106Google Scholar. By way of example it has been demonstrated that the recent Frome Hoard, which ended c. a.d. 290, was deposited in a way which was not conducive to recovery: Moorhead, S., Booth, A. and Bland, R., The Frome Hoard (2010)Google Scholar.

¹¹² The practice has been traced to the end of the fourth century a.d. in Mithraea and at springs: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2004); idem, ‘Religious rituals at springs in the late antique and early medieval world’, in Lavan, L. and Mulryan, M., The Archaeology of Late Antique ‘Paganism’ (2011), 505–50Google Scholar.

¹¹³ J. Creighton, ‘Gold, ritual and kingship’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 69–83, at 81.

¹¹⁴ Howgego, op. cit. (n. 10), 11.

¹¹⁵ Burnett, A., Coinage in the Roman World (1987), 1–16Google Scholar; idem, ‘The beginnings of Roman coinage’, Annali: Istituto Italiano di Numismatica 36 (1989), 33–64Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Woytek, B., ‘Denarius aureus oder nummus aureus zum Namen der klassischen römischen Goldmünze’, Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie 155 (2009), 177–208Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ van Heesch, J., ‘Providing markets with small change in the early Roman Empire: Italy and Gaul’, Revue Belge de Numismatique 155 (2009), 125–41, at 135–6Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ The discussion here is influenced by the concept of a Middle Ground, developed by Richard White in his study of the Great Lakes area in the period between initial contact between Europeans and Indians and the westward expansion of colonial states (White, R., The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (1991, anniversary edn 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar), as applied to Roman imperialism by Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7). Gosden (p. 31) defines the Middle Ground as ‘a process that brings systems of value together to create a working relationship between them’. Under this process ‘interaction created new cultural structures, influenced by both sets of cultural logic, but not identical to either’. On Gosden's analysis see Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 30–7. Cf. Woolf, G., ‘Beyond Romans and natives’, World Archaeology 28 (1997), 339–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Woolf, G., Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West (2011), 17–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁹ C. Haselgrove and T. Moore, ‘New narratives of the Later Iron Age’, in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 1–15, at 10 (larger groupings: ‘States and Tribes’) and 11 (emergence of élites). The case for a connection between coinage and state formation was argued by Nash, D., Settlement and Coinage in Central Gaul c.200–50 B.C. (1978)Google Scholar; idem, op. cit. (n. 70).

¹²⁰ Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 32; 110 argued that the Roman Empire was limited by regions where the Middle Ground was refused and could not be fabricated. For the failure of ‘Germanic’ society to assimilate Roman material culture, including coinage, in contrast to the behaviour of Late La Tène society, see Wigg in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 42–3.

¹²¹ Haselgrove and Moore in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 1–15; J. D. Hill, ‘The dynamics of social change in Later Iron Age eastern and south-eastern England c. 300 B.C.–A.D. 43’, ibid., 16–40. For these changes in the context of coinage see J. Williams, ‘“The newer rite is here”: vinous symbolism on British Iron Age coins’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 25–41, at 36–7.

¹²² Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 109.

¹²³ Hanson and Haynes, op. cit. (n. 41); Florea, op. cit. (n. 44); Oltean, op. cit. (n. 45), 114–18. We may think of leaders such as Burebista, Koson (named on gold and silver coins) and Decebalus, and of the Dacian ‘citadels’ with their hellenistic fortification techniques and associated sacred structures.

¹²⁴ Creighton, J., Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain (2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁵ Williams in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 25–41.

¹²⁶ Cited from Gosden, op. cit. (n. 7), 33 (on the Greeks).

¹²⁷ Williams, J., ‘Coin inscriptions and the origins of writing in pre-Roman Britain’, British Numismatic Journal 71 (2001), 1–19Google Scholar; idem, ‘Pottery stamps, coin designs, and writing in Late Iron Age Britain’, in Cooley, A. (ed.), Becoming Roman, Writing Latin?: Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West (2002), 135–49Google Scholar. Revised chronology: I. Leins, ‘The coins’, in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 39–60, at 56–7.

¹²⁸ For Gaulish inscriptions on coins see Colbert de Beaulieu, J.-B. and Fischer, B., Recueil des inscriptions gauloises. IV. Les légendes monétaires (1998)Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 250 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 132; Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1999), 164.

¹³⁰ cf. Nick, op. cit. (n. 22), 177–8.

¹³¹ Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73), 103.

¹³² Nash, D., ‘Plus ça change: currency in Central Gaul from Julius Caesar to Nero’, in Carson, R. and Kraay, C. (eds), Scripta Nummaria Romana: Essays Presented to Humphrey Sutherland (1978), 12–31, at 20–1Google Scholar.

¹³³ Wellington in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 89.

¹³⁴ K. Gruel, ‘L'alignement du denier gaulois sur l’étalon romain: Datation et impact économique’, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 29–37.

¹³⁵ Wellington in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 89.

¹³⁶ Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1999); idem, in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), especially the table on p. 250 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 132.

¹³⁷ Nick, op. cit. (n. 28, 2006), tabulated on p. 84; Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011). ‘Germanic’ expansion: above, n. 28.

¹³⁸ Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993).

¹³⁹ C. Haselgrove, ‘Early potin coinage in Britain: an update’, in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 17–28, at 25.

¹⁴⁰ The start of the production of gold coin may be connected with a decline in supplies from the Continent: Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 41.

¹⁴¹ Some silver may be pre-Caesar: Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 42–3; 60 (proliferation primarily post-Gallic War). Bronze was rare until the late first century b.c.: Haselgrove, 60.

¹⁴² Wellington in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 91.

¹⁴³ Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 45-6; Craddock, P., Burnett, A. and Preston, K., ‘Hellenistic copper-base coinage and the origins of brass’, in Oddy, W. (ed.), Scientific Studies in Numismatics (1980), 53–64Google Scholar; Burnett, A., Amandry, M. and Ripoll, P. P.és, Roman Provincial Coinage Vol. 1: From the Death of Caesar to the Death of Vitellius (44 BC–AD 69) (1992), 34Google Scholar; for brass used in the West in imitation of Rome: A. Burnett, ‘The Roman West and the Roman East’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 171–80, at 177.

¹⁴⁴ Hayling Island: C. Haselgrove, ‘A trio of temples: a reassessment of Iron Age coin deposition at Hayling Island, Harlow and Wanborough’, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 381–418, at 384–400. Leicestershire: Leins, op. cit. (n. 61), 22–48; idem, in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 39–60, at 42–3; Haselgrove in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 170; Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 57–78.

¹⁴⁵ On Spain: Ripollès in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 79–93: no regular supply of denarii between the end of the Second Punic War and 125–100 b.c. On Gallia Transalpina: Nash, op. cit. (n. 23), 26–7; Crawford, M., Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic (1985), 161–72Google Scholar: no systematic supply of Roman coinage before Caesar; Py, op. cit. (n. 78), vol. 2, 1186–7.

¹⁴⁶ Gaul (see Nash, op. cit. (n. 132)): production of coinage in the Iron Age tradition continued for some decades after the conquest. Silver came to an end before Augustus. There was high production of bronze in the 40s and 30s b.c., dwindling under Augustus. Britain (see Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 105–6): there were possibly a few more post-conquest Celtic coinages in Britain than previously thought, but the contrast with Gaul is still marked.

¹⁴⁷ Pace Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 98–9.

¹⁴⁸ C. Howgego, ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 1–17, at 13.

¹⁴⁹ Zanker, P., The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (1988)Google Scholar; above, n. 1.

¹⁵⁰ J. Aarts, Coins or Money? Exploring the Monetization and Functions of Roman Coinage in Belgic Gaul and Lower Germany 50 B.C.–A.D. 450, PhD thesis, VU University Amsterdam (2000); Roymans and Aarts, in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13); Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98); van Heesch, J., De muntcirculatie tijdens de Romeinse tijd in het noordwesten van Gallia Belgica: de Civitates van de Nerviërs en de Menapiërs (ca. 50 v.C.–450 n.C.) (1998)Google Scholar; Wigg, D., ‘The development of a monetary economy in N. Gaul in the Late La Tène and Early Roman periods’, in Creighton, J. and Wilson, R. (eds), Roman Germany. Studies in Cultural Interaction (1999), 99–124Google Scholar.

¹⁵¹ Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 101 contrasts the large mixed hoards of Gaulish and Roman silver of the 40s and 30s b.c. in central and north-west Gaul.

¹⁵² The early Augustan legionary fort of 19/18–15/12 b.c. at Nijmegen shows the beginning of the supply of Roman coinage, which was supplemented by Iron Age coins belonging to the Augustan phase: Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98).

¹⁵³ von Kaenel, H.-M., ‘Zum Münzumlauf im augusteischen Rom anhand der Funde aus dem Tiber. Mit einem Nachtrag zur geldgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der Münzfunde in Kalkriese’, in Schlüter, W. and Wiegels, R. (eds), Rom, Germanien und die Ausgrabungen von Kalkriese (1999), 363–79Google Scholar; Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 144–6; F. Berger, ‘The key to the Varus defeat: the Roman coin finds from Kalkriese’, in Holmes, op. cit. (n. 75), vol. 1, 527–37; Wolters, R., ‘Bronze, silver or gold?: coin finds and the pay of the Roman army’, Zephyrus 53–4 (2000–2001), 579–88Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 148 citing Aarts, op. cit. (n. 150).

¹⁵⁵ Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 11; Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 340–1; Haselgrove, Archaeological Dialogues 12.1 (2005), 30 notes that the Batavian region might have been precocious in the early penetration of coin into native societies. Cf. Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 228 for the Batavians as closer to military norms. Slower penetration of Roman coins into the countryside elsewhere: van Heesch, op. cit. (n. 150), 190 (French resumé).

¹⁵⁶ Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), especially 105–9.

¹⁵⁷ Above, n. 34. This monetization was never total: few coins have been recovered from the highlands (defined as land above 240 m) — beyond auxiliary forts and extramural civilian settlements — and few or none from some coastal regions, for example the Lleyn Peninsula. Still, the Roman monetization of Wales is impressive.

¹⁵⁸ Găzdac, C., Monetary Circulation in Dacia and the Provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Constantine I: (AD 106–337) (2nd edn, 2010)Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁹ Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 176.

¹⁶⁰ Wigg, D., ‘Coin supply and the Roman army’, in Groenman-van Waateringe, W. et al. (eds), Roman Frontier Studies 1995 (1997), 281–8Google Scholar; Chantraine, H., Novaesium VIII. Die antiken Fundmünzen von Neuss, Gesamtkatalog der Ausgrabungen 1955–1978 (1982)Google Scholar; Peter, M., Untersuchungen zu den Fundmünzen aus Augst und Kaiseraugst (2001)Google Scholar; Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 187–244. For the imporatance of gold and silver, above n. 153.

¹⁶¹ Kraay, C., ‘The behavior of early imperial countermarks’, in Carson, R. and Sutherland, C. H. V. (eds), Essays in Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly (1956), 113–36Google Scholar; Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 95–9. Danube: Martini, R. and Paunov, E., ‘Early Roman countermarked coins from Moesia: first critical observations (typology, frequency, chronology and analysis of distribution)’, Acta Mvsei Varnaensis 2 (2004), 159–74Google Scholar; Miškec, A., ‘Some aspects of countermarked coins from the time of the Julio-Claudian dynasty in Pannonia’, in Alfaro Asíns, C., Marcos, C. and Otero, P. (eds), XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática, Madrid, 2003 (2005), 1005–12Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Peter, M., ‘Bemerkungen zur Kleingeldversorgung der westlichen Provinzen im 2. Jahrhundert’, in King, C. and Wigg, D (eds), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Roman World (1996), 309–20Google Scholar; idem, op. cit. (n. 160), 91–2; cf. the effect on its hinterland of the departure of the Legion X Gemina from Nijmegen: Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 187; 193 n. 625 (summarizing Peter); but note that whereas the supply of bronze to the legion determined supply to the civitas Batavorum, it did not do so to the civitas Cananefatium: Kemmers, F., ‘From bronze to silver. Coin circulation in the early third century AD’, Revue Belge de Numismatique et de Sigillographie 155 (2009), 143–58, at 146Google Scholar; idem, ‘Interaction or indifference? The Roman coin finds from the Lower Rhine delta’, in Bursche, Ciołek and Wolters, op. cit. (n. 25), 93–103.

¹⁶³ Haselgrove, Archaeological Dialogues 12.1 (2005), 30Google Scholar. In Central Gaul Roman coins took longer to penetrate and displace Gaulish coinages and imitations of Roman than in the North. The presence of Roman coins was minimal prior to Tiberius, the transition to purely Roman coinage took place in the Flavian period. Exceptional early concentrations of Roman coins at Alesia siege sites and at Bibracte may be associated with the presence of the Roman army: Gruel and Popovitch, op. cit. (n. 73); Nash, op. cit. (n. 132), 22–3. The concentration of Augustan bronze at Bourbonne-les-Bains is likely also to be military: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005). Gallia Transalpina: Py, op. cit. (n. 78), vol. 2, 1205 for a decline in the supply of coin in the early imperial period. For Belgic Gaul: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 101–5. Slow penetration in the non-military region of Luxembourg: Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 340.

¹⁶⁴ J. Creighton, The Circulation of Money in Roman Britain from the First to the Third Century, Ph.D. thesis, University of Durham (1992). I am grateful to John Creighton for permission to cite his unpublished thesis. The key evidence will be published in Creighton, J., ‘The supply and movement of denarii in Roman Britain’, Britannia (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ Wallace-Hadrill, op. cit. (n. 1), 416.

¹⁶⁶ Wigg, op. cit. (n. 160), 281–8; Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 253–4.

¹⁶⁷ cf. (in a different context) von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 134: ‘The demand of urban élites, civic religious life, imperial governments and administrations, located in urban areas, stimulated the monetized distribution process in the Mediterranean, and provided a dynamic for increasing market exchange.’ Accounts of the process in Britain tend to be more balanced: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 106.

¹⁶⁸ On the interdependence between the state and the ‘private economy’ of their leaders and élites as a background for the development and circulation of money see von Reden, op. cit. (n. 16), 14; cf. Creighton, J., Britannia: The Creation of a Roman Province (2006), 94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶⁹ P. P. Ripollès, ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces: Spain’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 79–93 argues that the motors of monetization were urbanization, the Roman army, colonists, craftsmen, and businessmen. For the East: Katsari, C., ‘The monetisation of Rome's frontier provinces’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and the Romans (2008), 242–66Google Scholar. Her case is distorted by the miserable state of evidence for the East and underestimates the extent to which the Roman army operated in the same way everywhere. Nonetheless, she makes a good case for the importance of urbanization and trading activities in the extension of monetization.

¹⁷⁰ For the context: Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 61–2; Dyson, S., ‘Native revolt-patterns in the Roman Empire’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang in der römischen Welt II.3 (1975), 138–75Google Scholar, at 153. It is unclear what coins would have been used. Denarii were struck for the colonia at Narbo c. 118 b.c. and at Massalia c. 82 b.c. Some denarii and quinarii were also imported from Italy, but the civic issues of Massalia and Gallic quinarii seem to have provided the principal silver coinages for southern Gaul: Crawford, op. cit. (n. 145), 161–72; Py, op. cit. (n. 78), vol. 2, 1186–7.

¹⁷¹ Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 20; Vercingetorix: Caes., B.G. 7.2.3; Florus and Sacrovir: Tac., Ann. 3.42; Batavian Revolt: Tac., Hist. 4.15; Boudicca: Tac., Ann. 14. 31–3.

¹⁷² As Haselgrove, , Archaeological Dialogues 12.1 (2005), 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; pace Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 20; Dyson, S., ‘Native revolts in the Roman Empire’, Historia 20 (1971), 239–74Google Scholar for tensions caused by ‘acculturation’.

¹⁷³ Mithridates: Val. Max. 9.2 ext. 3.

¹⁷⁴ Dyson, op. cit. (n. 170), at 171.

¹⁷⁵ Text not certain.

¹⁷⁶ Millett, M., Roman Britain (2nd edn, 2005), 55–6Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ Nummularii: Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 193 n. 627 citing Wolters on the rôle of private initiative in supply; 195–6 suggesting the possibility that nummularii were contracted by the state to transport coins; 253–6 concluding that the government was key.

¹⁷⁸ Claudius: Dio 62.2.1.

¹⁷⁹ Tac., Ann., 3.40; Woolf, op. cit. (n. 1), 44 n. 78 (debt and unrest).

¹⁸⁰ Dyson, op. cit. (n. 170), 171; Mattingly, op. cit. (n. 6, 2011), 137.

¹⁸¹ Manning, J., ‘Coinage as “code” in Ptolemaic Egypt’, in Harris, W. (ed.), The Monetary Systems of the Greeks and Romans (2008), 84–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸² Creighton, J., Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain (2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nick, op. cit. (n. 28, 2006), 233–7. The inscriptions on the coins largely refer to individuals rather than to political or tribal entities (Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28, 2011), 304–5), although this might also be seen as reflecting the influence of Roman coinage.

¹⁸³ As Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 26.

¹⁸⁴ J. Williams, ‘Coinage and identity in pre-conquest Britain: 50 B.C.–A.D. 50’, in Howgego, Heuchert and Burnett, op. cit. (n. 19), 69–78, at 77–8. Roman coins were incorporated into ritual deposition at a transitional Iron Age/Roman site in East Leicestershire: Leins, op. cit. (n. 61).

¹⁸⁵ Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 72, 1993), 54; idem in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 417 (Britain); idem in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 103 (Belgic Gaul); 106–8 (Britain). For two hoards of Roman hoards from eastern England found close to a spring and a prehistoric long barrow: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 106. Wigg-Wolf in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 298–9 (deposition of coin in sanctuaries began in the late third century b.c.); 311 (at the Martberg deposition of coin began before the Roman invasion); Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 26 (continuity of deposition in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area). Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 242–56 (deposition of coin at the sanctuary at Empel from c. 50 b.c. to a.d. 40, possibly representing votive gifts of soldiers in connection with ritual initiations).

¹⁸⁶ Haselgrove in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 417. There is evidence that the ritual site at Hallaton continued into the Hadrianic period: Leins and Haselgrove in Score, op. cit. (n. 61), 43–5; 169.

¹⁸⁷ Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 24–7 traces the shift towards the deposition of bronze at different times in different places and has an important discussion of its significance; Haselgrove in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 415–16 (Harlow); Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 350–1 (sanctuary at Empel).

¹⁸⁸ Along the lines suggested by Bradley, op. cit. (n. 53), xxx.

¹⁸⁹ At the Martberg the latest defaced coin is Hadrianic, although it is rare on coins after Claudius: Wigg in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13); Wigg-Wolf in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28). At Bourbonne-les-Bains in east Central Gaul (now Germania Superior) ritual mutilation continued throughout the first two centuries a.d.: Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 79–86 (the latest mutilated coin is of Caracalla under Septimius Severus). At Piercebridge the latest mutilated coins are Severan: Walton, op. cit. (n. 36), 164.

¹⁹⁰ Wigg, D., ‘The function of the last Celtic coinages in Northern Gaul’, in King, C. and Wigg, D. (eds), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Ancient World (1996), 415–36, at 431Google Scholar.

¹⁹¹ Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 52–4; 162 (Nijmegen); Aarts, J. and Roymans, N., ‘Tribal emission or imperial coinage? Ideas about the production and circulation of the so-called AVAVCIA coinages in the Rhineland’, in van Heesch, J. and Heeren, I. (eds), Coinage in the Iron Age. Essays in Honour of Simone Scheers (2009), 1–17Google Scholar; Roymans and Aarts in Haselgrove and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 13), 347; Wigg, op. cit. (n. 150), at 111–13; Haselgrove in Metzler and Wigg-Wolf, op. cit. (n. 28), 293 = Haselgrove, op. cit. (n. 60, 2005), 171; Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 99–105; P. Beliën, ‘From coins to comprehensive narrative? The coin finds from the Roman army camp on Kops Plateau at Nijmegen: problems and opportunities’, in von Kaenel and Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 22), 61–80, at 78 (AVAVCIA coins associated with stables). Britain: Haselgrove in de Jersey, op. cit. (n. 32), 107–8.

¹⁹² Roman soldiers in oppida before c. 15 b.c.: e.g. Sauer, op. cit. (n. 102, 2005), 63 with references; C. Haselgrove, ‘The age of enclosure: Later Iron Age settlement and society in northern France’, in Haselgrove and Moore, op. cit. (n. 65), 492–522, at 512.

¹⁹³ Kemmers, op. cit. (n. 98), 148.

¹⁹⁴ cf. Aarts, op. cit. (n. 20), 11–12.

¹⁹⁵ cf. above, nn. 36 (north–south divide for small-change in Britain) and 157 (areas of non-coin use in Wales).

¹⁹⁶ Lockyear, K., ‘Site finds in Roman Britain: a comparison of techniques’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 19, 4 (2000), 397–423CrossRefGoogle Scholar.