¹ For a survey of evidence on mining techniques see Healy, J. F., Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman world (1978), ch. 4Google Scholar; for the administration of Republican silver mines: Richardson, J. S., ‘The Spanish mines and the development of provincial taxation in the second century B.C.’, JRS 66 (1976), 139–52Google Scholar; for ingots: Domergue, C., ‘Les Planii et leur activité industrielle en Espagne sous la république’, Mél. de la Casa de Velázquez 1 (1965), 9–27Google Scholar; id., ‘Les lingots de plomb remains du musée archéologique de Cartagène et du musée naval de Madrid’, Archivo español de arqueología 39 (1966), 41–72.

² By ‘later Empire’ I mean the period from the accession of Diocletian in 284 to the end of Roman administrative control over the western provinces at the start of the fifth century.

³ Plin., NH 34. 41. 142.

⁴ For Kentish Weald see Cleere, H. and Crossley, D., The Iron Industry of the Weald (1985)Google Scholar; for Noricum: Dušanić, S., ‘Aspects of Roman mining in Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia Superior’, ANRW II. 6 (1977). 52–94Google Scholar; for self-sufficiency: Hodges, R., ‘The beginnings of the medieval iron industry in western Europe: craft specialization and the domestic mode of production’ in Medieval Iron in Society: papers presented at the symposium in Norberg, May 1985 (1985), 299–306, esp. 300–2Google Scholar.

⁵ Crawford, M. H., ‘Finance, coinage and money from the Severans to Constantine’, ANRW II. 2 (1975), 560–93, esp. 586 ffGoogle Scholar. for view that Diocletian stabilized the gold coinage by introducing the solidus, a reform for which Constantine is usually given the credit.

⁶ Hendy, M. F., Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy, c. 300–1450 (1985), 386–97Google Scholar; Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire: 284–602 (1964), 427–48Google Scholar (for taxation and coinage), esp. 436.

⁷ Hendy, 284–5.

⁸ Barnes, T. D., Constantine and Eusebius (1981), 49, 258Google Scholar.

⁹ For the general background see Jones, op. cit. (n. 6), 411–69 (finance), 563–606 (civil service), 607–86 (army); for gold and silver see Painter, K. S., ‘Gold and silver in the Roman world’ in Oddy, W. A. (ed.), Aspects of Early Metallurgy (1977), 135–58.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Jones, op. cit. (n. 6), 433; Hendy, op. cit. (n. 6) unfortunately does not discuss fresh sources of bullion for minting.

¹¹ See King, C. E., ‘The sacrae largitiones, revenues, expenditure and the production of coin’ in King, C. E. (ed.), Imperial Revenue, Expenditure and Monetary Policy in the fourth century A.D. (BAR International Series 76) (1980), 141–73Google Scholar.

¹² For Spain, see, for example, Arce, J., El último siglo de la España romana (284–409) (1982), 118–19; 123–4Google Scholar.

¹³ For a collection of literary references to mining, organized geographically, see RE Suppl. IV (1924), 111–24, s.v. ‘Bergbau’.

¹⁴ Nieto, F. J. Fernández, ‘“Aurifer Tagus”’, Zephyrus 21–2 (1970–1971), 245–59Google Scholar; the topos still occurs in later Spanish literature: e.g. in the Prologue to Cervantes, The Adventures of Don Quixote (1604–1614), (tr. Penguin, J. M. Cohen ed.), 28–9Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Edmondson, J. C., Two Industries in Roman Lusitania: Mining and Garum Production (BAR International Series 362) (1987)Google Scholar, figs 3.3, 3.4, 3.5 and Appendix 1 (for references).

¹⁶ Blázquez, J. M., Historia económica de la Hispania romana (1978), 246–7Google Scholar; followed by C. R. Whittaker, ‘Inflation and the economy in the fourth century A.D.’ in King (ed.), op. cit. (n. 11), 1–22, esp. 5.

¹⁷ Millar, F., ‘Condemnation to hard labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine’, PBSR 52 (1984), 124–47Google Scholar, esp. 137–43.

¹⁸ See, for example, Davies, O., Roman Mines in Europe (1935), 148Google Scholar for a Byzantine ship unloading corn at Exeter in return for a cargo of tin, reported by Leontius, , Life of St John the Eleemosynary 9. 30–1Google Scholar, an allusion to the operation of tin mines, presumably in Cornwall, in the sixth century.

¹⁹ Especially CTh 10. 19; for mining procurators: CTh 1. 32. 5.

²⁰ For example, King, P. D., Law and Society in the Visigothic Kingdom (1972), esp. ch. 7Google Scholar.

²¹ See briefly Crook, J. A., Law and Life of Rome, 90 B.C.-A.D. 212 (1967), 7–13.Google Scholar

²² Runaway miners: CTh 10. 19. 5, 6 (both of 369), 10. 19. 7 (of 370 or 373); sons of miners tied to the profession of their fathers: CTh 10. 19. 15 (of 424).

²³ Davies, op. cit. (n. 18), map II; Bird, D. G., ‘Pliny and the gold mines of the north-west of the Iberian peninsula’ in Blagg, T. F. C., Jones, R. F. J. and Keay, S. J. (eds), Papers in Iberian Archaeology (BAR International Series 193) (1984), 1, 341–68, esp. 354 fGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Galliou, P., ‘Mines et métaux de l'ouest de la Gaule’ in Mines et fonderies antiques de la Gaule (Table ronde du CNRS, Toulouse, 1980) (1982), 21–32,Google Scholar esp. 23.

²⁵ Jones, G. D. B., ‘Roman mines at Rio Tinto’, JRS 70 (1980), 146–65, esp. 158Google Scholar.

²⁶ For resmelting of silver and copper slag see the Lex Metalli Vipascensis (CIL II, 5181 = FIRA 1, 105), ll. 46–56; at the silver mines of Laurium in Attica slag from the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. was resmelted in the third and fourth centuries A.D.: Conophagos, C. E., Le Laurium antique et la technique grecque de la production de l'argent (1980), 124–5Google Scholar. For an analysis of some ancient slags see Salkield, L. U., ‘Ancient slags of the south-west of the Iberian peninsula’ in La Mineria hispana e ibero-americana (VI Congreso internacional de Minería) (1970), 85–98Google Scholar.

²⁷ Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 40–2 and Table 3. 6; Appendix I for catalogue of mines.

²⁸ For example, as at Rio Tinto: see n. 25.

²⁹ See, for example, Domergue, C. and Hérail, G., ‘L'utilisation de la photographie aérienne oblique en archéologie et géomorphologie minière: les mines d'or du nord-ouest de l'Espagne’ in Bazzana, A. and Humbert, A. (eds), Prospections aériennes: les paysages et leur histoire: cinq campagnes de la Casa de Velázquez en Espagne (1978–1982) (1983), 89–103Google Scholar.

³⁰ See, for example, Hartmann, A., Prähistorische Goldfunde aus Europa. Spektralanalytische Untersuchungen und deren Auswertung (Studien zu den Anfangen der Metallurgie 3 and 5) (1970, 1982)Google Scholar; for a brief introduction, Britton, D. and Richards, E. E. in Brothwell, D. and Higgs, E. (eds), Science in Archaeology (rev. ed., 1969), 603–13Google Scholar.

³¹ Blázquez, op. cit. (n. 16), 21–42, 85–98, 144–56, 242–52; id., ‘Fuentes literarias griegas y romanas referentes a las explotaciones mineras de la Hispania romana’, in La Minería hispana e iberoamericana (1970), 117–50. We await with anticipation the publication of Domergue's, C. valuable thesis, Les mines de la péninsule ibérique dans l'antiquité romaine (Université de Paris I, 1978)Google Scholar.

³² For types see Lewis, P. R. and Jones, G. D. B., ‘Roman gold-mining in north-west Spain’, JRS 60 (1970), 169–71Google Scholar, citing Maclaren, J. M., Gold, its geological occurrence and geographical distribution (1908)Google Scholar.

³³ NH 33. 21. 78; for the arrugiae technique of mining see Domergue, C., ‘A propos de Pline, Naturalis Historia, 33, 70–78 et pour illustrer sa description des mines d'or romaines d'Espagne’, Archivo esp. de arqueologia 45–7 (1972–1974), 499–528Google Scholar, esp. 506, 516–18.

³⁴ Domergue, C. and Hérail, G., Mines d'or romaines d'Espagne: le district de la Valduerna (León): étude géomorphologique et archéologique (1978), 278Google Scholar.

³⁵ As yet there is no evidence for this post, but since no fewer than thirty-four mining sites have to date been discovered (see Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), Appendix I), and since the silver and copper mines of Vipasca in the south of the province of Lusitania had their own procurator (e.g. AE 1933, 273), it seems a reasonable hypothesis.

³⁶ For administration see Tranoy, A., La Galice romaine: recherches sur le nord-ouest de la péninsule ibérique (1981), 178–89Google Scholar; for military presence Jones, R. F. J., ‘The Roman military occupation of north-west Spain’, JRS 66 (1976), 45–66Google Scholar, esp. 60–2.

³⁷ As, for example, at Las Medulas in the Sil valley, with its three aqueduct systems, which brought sufficient water (estimated at c. 34 million litres per day) from a distance of at least twenty kilometres for the flushing of the ore from rock deposits: see Lewis and Jones, art. cit. (n. 32), 174–6, fig. 25 and pl. XX; more generally, Domergue, C., ‘L'eau dans les mines d'or romaines du nord-ouest de l'Espagne’ in Louis, P. (ed.), L'homme et l'eau en Mediterranée et au Proche Orient, III. L'eau dans les techniques (Travaux de la Maison de l'Orient 11) (1986), 109–19Google Scholar.

³⁸ For the Duerna valley see n. 34; for El Caurel: Nogue, J. M. Luzón and Palencia, F. J. Sánchez, El Caurel (Exc. arq. en España 110) (1980)Google Scholar.

³⁹ de Almeida, C. A. Ferreira, ‘Aspectos de mineração romana de ouro em Jales e Trêsminas (Tras-os-Montes)’ in XII Congreso Nacional de Arqueologia, Jaén, 1971 (1973), 553–62Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Domergue, C., ‘Introduction à l'étude des mines d'or dans le nord-ouest de la péninsule ibérique’ in Legio VII Gemina (1970), 255–86, esp. 279Google Scholar; cf. Tranoy, op. cit. (n. 36), 184.

⁴¹ Domergue, C. and Martin, T., Minas de oro de la provincia de León. 11 (Exc. arq. en España 94) (1977)Google Scholar.

⁴² Domergue, C. and Sillières, P., Minas de oro romanas de la provincia de León. 1. La Corona de Quintanilla (Exc. arq. en España 93) (1977)Google Scholar.

⁴³ For Brittany, see n. 24; for Cornwall and Devon: Samuel, R. (ed.), Miners, Quarrymen and Saltworkers (1977), 17–18Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ de Almeida, D. F., ‘Minas de ouro na Gallaecia portuguesa’ in Legio VII Gemina, 287–301, esp. 290–1Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ But see the sceptical remarks of Arce, op. cit. (n. 12), 123.

⁴⁶ For their function in mining itself see Bird, art. cit. (n. 23), 353 ff.; cf. C. Domergue, ‘Mines d'or romaines du nord-ouest de l'Espagne: Les “Coronas”: technique d'exploitation ou habitats?’, ibid., II, 370–83 (arguing that they were simply settlements).

⁴⁷ See above p. 86 and n. 22.

⁴⁸ Diod. Sic. 5. 36; Strabo 3. 2. 10; Richardson, art. cit. (n. 1). For Roman Republican coinhoards from silver mines see Crawford, M. H., Roman Republican Coinhoards (1969), nos 186, 196Google Scholar (Sierra Morena), 194 (Rio Tinto), 181 (El Centenillo).

⁴⁹ In general B. Rothenberg and Freijeiro, A. Blanco, Studies in Mining and Metallurgy in South- West Spain (1981), 96–114Google Scholar; Avery, D., Not on Queen Victoria's Birthday: the story of the Rio Tinto mines (1974), 419–27Google Scholar and, especially, Jones, art. cit. (n. 25).

⁵⁰ For settlement see Nogue, J. M. Luzon and Mata, D. Ruiz, ‘El poblado minero de Riotinto’, Habis 1 (1970), 125–38, esp. 136–7Google Scholar; for coins: Avery, op. cit. (n. 49), 427; for fifth-century pottery and coins: Rothenberg and Blanco Freijeiro, op. cit. (n. 49), 114; inscription: CIL 11, 957.

⁵¹ Checkland, S. G., The Mines of Tharsis: Roman, French and British Enterprise in Spain (1967), esp. 54–6Google Scholar.

⁵² In general see Domergue, C., La mine antique d'Aljustrel (Portugal) et les tables de bronze de Vipasca (1983).Google Scholar

⁵³ Alarcão, J. and , A., ‘O espólio da necrópole lusoromana de Valdoca (Aljustrel)’, Conimbriga 5 (1966), 7–104Google Scholar; for settlement: Parreira, R., ‘O salvamento arqueológico de Vipasca: nota préliminar sobre a campanha de escavações de 1981’, Arquivo de Beja, série 11, 1 (1984), 135–44Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ For refs. to Lusitanian tin mines see Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 223, 225–30, 236–41; for Galicia: Tranoy, op. cit. (n. 36), 220–1.

⁵⁵ Allan, J. C., Considerations on the Antiquity of Mining in the Iberian peninsula (1970), 28–9Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Blázquez, op. cit. (n. 16), 245–6; de Motes, J. Maluquer, ‘Excavaciones arqueológicas en el castro de “Las Merchanas” (Lumbrales, Salamanca)’, Pyrenae 4 (1968), 101–28Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Mrozek, S., ‘Die Goldbergwerke im römischen Dazien’, ANRW II, 6 (1977), 95–109Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ CTh 10. 19. 7 of 370 or 373; 10. 19. 12 of 392.

⁵⁹ CTh 1. 32. 5 of 386.

⁶⁰ 10. 19. 9 of 378, advising the prefects of these two regions to arrest those miners who had escaped to Sardinia.

⁶¹ In general on Dolaucothi Lewis, P. R. and Jones, G. D. B., ‘The Dolaucothi gold mines. I. The surface evidence’, AntJ 49 (1969), 244–72Google Scholar; for coins: Boon, G. C., ‘Aperçu sur la production des métaux non ferreux dans la Bretagne romaine’, Apulum 9 (1971), 453–503Google Scholar, esp. 502.

⁶² Tamain, G., ‘L'or des Lemovices’ in Braemer, F. and Deicha, G. (eds), Les ressources minérales et l'histoire de leur exploitation (collogue à Grenoble, avril 1983) (1986), 119–31, esp. 128Google Scholar.

⁶³ Butcher, S. A., ‘Late Roman lamps in a mine gallery in Thorikos’, MIGRA 5 (1982), 137–48Google Scholar; for slag see n. 26; for lack of mining under Augustus: Strabo 9. 1. 23.

⁶⁴ Kandanos: Sanders, I. F., Roman Crete: an archaeological survey and gazetteer of late Hellenistic, Roman and early Byzantine Crete (1982), 33, 171Google Scholar; Thasos: de Courtils, J., Koželj, T. and Müller, A., ‘Des mines d'or à Thasos’, BCH 106 (1982), 409–17, esp. 417Google Scholar. I owe this point to Simon Price.

⁶⁵ Plin., NH 33. 21. 67; M. Zaninović, ‘The economy of Roman Dalmatia’, ANRW II, 6 (1977), 767–809, esp. 796–8. The inscription is CIL III, 12736 of 274.

⁶⁶ As, for example, in later Spanish silver mining in Mexico: Brading, D. A., Mines and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico 1763–1810 (1971), 7Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Werner, M. R., ‘The archaeological evidence for gold smelting at Kraku'lu Yordan, Yugoslavia, in the late Roman period’ in Craddock, P. T. and Hughes, M. J. (eds), Furnaces and Smelting Technology in Antiquity (British Museum Occasional Paper 48) (1985), 219–27Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ See below, pp. 97–9.

⁶⁹ Twinam, A., Miners, Merchants and Farmers in Colonial Colombia (1982), 16–17Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Mt Tmolus: Strabo 13. 1. 23; Lusitanian tin: see above, p. 91 and n. 54.

⁷¹ Samuel, op. cit. (n. 43), 34.

⁷² Brading, D. A. and Cross, H. E., ‘Colonial silver mining: Mexico and Peru’, Hispanic American Historical Review 52 (1972), 545–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar. esp. 554–5.

⁷³ Freijeiro, A. Blanco and Nogue, J. M. Luzón, ‘Pre-Roman silver miners at Riotinto’, Antiquity 43 (1969), 124–31Google Scholar; Rothenberg and Blanco Freijeiro, op. cit. (n. 49), 173.

⁷⁴ See below Section IV. 3 (a).

⁷⁵ Samuel, op. cit. (n. 43), 20–1.

⁷⁶ For example, the Buritica mine, where production dwindled after 1620: Twinam, op. cit. (n. 69), 16–17.

⁷⁷ See above, p. 90 and n. 51.

⁷⁸ Thus remains of water-wheel systems have been found in the mines of São Domingos (Portugal), Tharsis and Rio Tinto, Archimedean screws at Mina Santa Barbara (Posadas) and Sotiel Coronada, and a bronze water pump also at Sotiel Coronada: Nogue, J. M. Luzón, ‘Los sistemas de desague en minas romanas del suroeste peninsular’, Archivo español de arqueologia 41 (1968), 101–20Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ I am grateful to Prof. J. Wilkes for pointing this out in discussion.

⁸⁰ For some rough orders of magnitude for three mines in the Iberian Pyrites zone see Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 77–81.

⁸¹ CTh 11. 16. 15 (A.D. 382), 11. 16. 18 (A.D. 390).

⁸² Plin., NH 33. 40. 118–21.

⁸³ Brading, op. cit. (n. 66), 11.

⁸⁴ For a graphic survey of the costs of mining see Hopkins, K., ‘Economic growth and towns in classical antiquity’ in Abrams, P. and Wrigley, E. A. (eds), Towns in Societies (1978), 35–77, esp. 55–7.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See further Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 71–85; for a similar connection in classical Attica, see Osborne, R. G., Demos: the discovery of classical Attika (1985), 111–26.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Fisher, J. R., Silver Mines and Silver Miners in Colonial Peru 1776–1824 (1977), 121Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ For example in the Taxco and Pachuca mines, but compare the wage labour system at Zacatecas: Brading, op. cit. (n. 66), 8.

⁸⁸ For example, certain Dalmatians were transferred to Moesia Superior to work in the mines: Dušanić, art. cit. (n. 4), 93.

⁸⁹ For inscriptions from some Lusitanian mines, Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 62–4, 83–5; the Lex Metalli Vipascensis (CIL II, 5181 = FIRA I, 105) refers to freeborn conductores and coloni, to freedmen and to slaves, and even makes mention of freeborn hired labourers (mercenarii); for Dacia: Berger, A., ‘A labor contract of A.D. 164’, CPh 43 (1948), 231–42Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Millar, art. cit. (n. 17), 137–43.

⁹¹ See n. 22 for refs.

⁹² For example, Jones, A. H. M., ‘The Roman colonate’, Past and Present 13 (1958), 1–13Google Scholar; Thompson, E. A., ‘Peasant revolts in late Roman Gaul and Spain’, Past and Present 2 (1952), 11–23Google Scholar.

⁹³ Samuel, op. cit. (n. 43), 3–4.

⁹⁴ 5. 1. 12.

⁹⁵ Dubois, C. and Guilbaut, J., ‘Antiques mines de cuivre du Seronais (Pyrénées ariégoises)’ in Mines et fonderies antiques de la Gaule (1982), 95–123, esp. 116Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Dig. 48. 19. 8. 4; F. Millar, art. cit. (n. 17).

⁹⁷ Plin., NH 34. 49. 164: ‘black lead which we use for pipes and sheets is mined with considerable effort in Spain and throughout the Gallic provinces, but in Britain it is found just below the surface of the ground in such abundance that there is a law prohibiting the production of more than a certain amount.’

⁹⁸ Jones, art. cit. (n. 25), 162–3.

⁹⁹ For example, C. Iulius Silvanus held procuratorships in Gaul, north-west Spain and then Dalmatia, all mining zones: Tranoy, op. cit. (n. 36), 183–4; or Saturninus, procurator in north-west Spain and then Vipasca: le Roux, P., ‘Procurator affranchi in Hispania: Saturninus et l'activité minière’, MDAI(M) 26 (1985), 218–33Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Jones, G. D. B., ‘Britain, bullion and the balance of payment’, lecture delivered to Roman Society, London, June 1986Google Scholar. Interestingly this same pattern of migration (from Asturia to Brecon) was replicated in the early twentieth century, but in the context of coal mining: personal information from the Abercrave Outdoor Centre, Brecon.

¹⁰¹ For some thoughts Cascio, E. lo, ‘State and coinage in the late Republic and early Empire’, JRS 71 (1981), 76–86Google Scholar.

¹⁰² For example, Jones, art. cit. (n. 36).

¹⁰³ Whittaker, C. R., ‘Trade and frontiers of the Roman Empire’ in Garnsey, P. and Whittaker, C. R. (eds), Trade and Famine in Classical Antiquity (Camb. Phil. Soc., Suppl. Vol. 8) (1983), 118Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ d'Encarnação, J., Inscrições romanas do Conventus Pacensis (1984), no. 121Google Scholar; E. Cuq, NRHDRFE (1908), 306–10; Wickert, L., Sitz. der Preuss. Akad. der Wissen. (1931), 835–9Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ SHA, M.Ant. 21. 1; 22. 11; cf. ILS 1327, 1354, 1354a.

¹⁰⁶ See above p. 90 and n. 53.

¹⁰⁷ Jones, art. cit. (n. 25), 162.

¹⁰⁸ See pp. 92–3 and n. 67.

¹⁰⁹ CTh 1. 32. 5.

¹¹⁰ Crook, op. cit. (n. 21), 161–2; Millar, F., The Emperor in the Roman World (1977), 181–5Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ On private mines see further Negri, G., Diritto minerario romano. 1. Studi esegetici sul regime delle cave private nel pensiero dei giuristi classici (1985)Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Michael Crawford.

¹¹² For the effects of silver mines on local economy in later Mexican mines see Brading, op. cit. (n. 66), 6–7.

¹¹³ For example, Palencia, F. J. Sánchez, ‘Prospecciones en las explotaciones auríferas del noroeste de España (cuenca de los rios Eria y Sierra del Tereno)’, Noticiario arq. hispánico 8 (1980), 212–49, esp. 238Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ See above p. 95 and n. 85.

¹¹⁵ Long, N. and Roberts, B., Miners, Peasants and Entrepreneurs: regional development in the central highlands of Peru (1984), 26–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁶ CTh 11. 20. 6 (A.D. 430).

¹¹⁷ On taxes see in general Jones, op. cit. (n. 6), 462–9.

¹¹⁸ CTh 11. 21. 3 (A.D. 424).

¹¹⁹ For procurators: CTh 1. 32. 5; for comes sacrarum largitionum: Jones, op. cit. (n. 6), 369–70; King, art. cit. (n. 11).

¹²⁰ CTh 10. 19. 3, 4, 12, dated respectively to 365, 367 and 392.

¹²¹ CTh 10. 19. 13 (A.D. 393).

¹²² For example, see Collins, R., ‘Mérida and Toledo, 550–585’ in James, E. (ed.), Visigothic Spain: new approaches (1980), 189–219Google Scholar.

¹²³ Salin, E. and France-Lanour, A., Rhin et Orient. II Le fer à l'époque mérovingienne (1943)Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Gregory of Tours, HF is full of references to wealth held in silver plate and gold: e.g. 6. 28; 6. 45: 9. 34; see in general Kent, J. P. C. and Painter, K. S., Wealth of the Roman World: gold and silver A.D. 300–700 (1977)Google Scholar.

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¹²⁶ King, op. cit. (n. 20), 191–2; see Lex Visig. 7. 6 for measures against counterfeiters.

¹²⁷ As shown, for example, in a Visigothic fiscal document from Barcino (Barcelona), dated to 592; those wanting to pay their taxes in kind had to arrange the necessary commutation with the local tax officials: see King, op. cit. (n. 20), 69–70.

¹²⁸ Pereira, I., Bost, J.-P., Hiernard, J., Fouilles de Conimbriga. III. Les monnaies (1974), 303–4Google Scholar. I am grateful to Michael Crawford for his comments here.

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¹³³ Galliou, art. cit. (n. 24), 21–32, esp. 23; Sotiel Coronada: Díaz y Díaz, art. cit. (n. 131), 272, n. 35, referring to ‘frequent discovery of Visigothic coins’ and a Visigothic necropolis near the mines at Carlos Cerdan.

¹³⁴ Barral i Altet, op. cit. (n. 129), 24–5, 53.

¹³⁵ On Sueves in general, Thompson, E. A., ‘The end of Roman Spain. I’, Nottingham Medieval Studies 20 (1976), 3–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 18 ff. and ‘The end of Roman Spain. II’, ibid., 21 (1977), 3–31, esp. 3–15.

¹³⁶ So Grierson and Blackburn, op. cit. (n. 125), 78.

¹³⁷ Miles, G. C., The Coinage of the Visigoths in Spain: Leovigild to Achila II (1952), 69Google Scholar. The most productive mint was that of Emerita, situated not in an area of gold mines, it is true, but on a major road (later called the ‘Via de la Plata’) that led from the gold mining zone of Asturia via Salamanca to Emerita and thence Seville: Barral i Altet, op. cit. (n. 129), 146.

¹³⁸ Tamain, G. and Ratz, D., ‘Les aurières de l'ouest du Massif central (France) dans leur contexte géologique et archéologique’ in Mines et fonderies antiques de la Gaule (1982), 33–78, esp. 71–2Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Reported by Procopius, Bell. Goth. 3. 33. 5.

¹⁴⁰ The Tharsis mines seem to have gone out of operation as a result of insecurity caused by the Visigothic invasions: see above p. 90 and n. 51.

¹⁴¹ Thompson, E. A., ‘The end of Roman Spain, IV’, Nottingham Med. Stud. 23 (1979), 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 5–8.

¹⁴² King, op. cit. (n. 20), 64–70 (tax), 71 (custom dues and obligations).

¹⁴³ Kind information of Dr Marlia Mango; for mining here in first millenium B.C. see Yener, K. Aslihan and Ozbal, H., ‘The archaeometry of silver and gold in ancient Anatolia: the BolkardaǦ mining district survey’, AJA 90 (1986), 469–72Google Scholar; and ‘Tin in the Turkish Taurus mountains: the BolkardaǦ mining district’, Antiquity 61 (1987), 220–6Google Scholar. For Byzantine mines see Bryer, A. A. M., ‘The question of Byzantine mines in the Pontos’, Anat. St. 32 (1982), 133–50Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ See in general Collins, R., Early Medieval Spain: Unity in Diversity, 400–1000 (1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ Lisbon: Edrisi, Description de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne (ed. Dozy, R. and de Gueje, M. J.) (1968), 223Google Scholar; Faro: Tovar, A., Iberische Landeskunde. II. 2. Lusitanien (1976), 207Google Scholar.