¹ Israel Grid reference number 17564. 22356.

² Measurements of the column: height, 133 cm; diameter at top, 43 cm; at base, 45 cm; base: height, 66 cm; length, 44 cm; width, 42 cm.

³ We wish to thank Mr. M. Kuriss for giving his permission to examine the stone, and for his co-operation. We also wish to thank Professor S. Applebaum of Tel-Aviv University and Mr. P. Porat of die Department of Antiquities for their generous assistance during the decipherment, and Professor S. Applebaum and Miss J. MacVeagh for reading the manuscript of this article. Finally we would like to record the great assistance afforded by Dr. F. G. B. Millar and the Editorial Committee.

⁴ Height of the inscription, 65 cm; width, 65 cm. The height of the letters is not uniform, and varies between 7 and 9.5 cm: line 1 = 9.5 cm, lines 2–6 = 7–9 cm. Average distance between lines, 4 cm. Average depth of letters, 4 mm.

⁵ The emperor appears in the nominative, the legate in the ablative without a verb like curante; cf. CIL viii 10016; see also 10048; 10114; 10210.

⁶ According to Suetonius, Vesp. 6, on 1 July by Tiberius Julius Alexander and the army in Egypt, and 11 July by the army in Judaea. Tacitus, Hist. ii, 79 has the same date for Alexander and 3 July for Vespasian's own troops. Josephus, BJ iv, 10, 4 (601) ff. provides no exact date, but gives priority to the army in Judaea, followed by Mucianus, and, only after a personal appeal by Vespasian himself, by Alexander.

⁷ See p. 19 below.

⁸ cf. M.Gichon and B. H. Isaac, IEJ 24 (1974), 120.

⁹ Vesp. 12.

¹⁰ Hist. iv, 3. Evidence from coins confirms that Vespasian in 69 did not use the republican titles which he could not yet claim. See BMC Emp. ii, p. lxiii: mint of Asia, soon after 1 July 69, Imp. Caes. Vespas. Aug.; p. lxii: mint of Illyricum, August 69 onwards, Imp. Caesar Vespasianus Aug.; p. liv: Tarraco, about October, Imp. Caesar Vespasianus; p. xxviii: Rome, December onwards, Imp. Caesar Vespasianus Aug.

¹¹ See Aharoni, Y., The Land of the Bible (1967), 41 ff.Google Scholar

¹² (a) West of the pass: see n. 21 below. (b) The Wadi Ara pass: Schumacher, G., Mitt. u. Nachr. des D. P.-V. (1903), 4 ff.Google Scholar, claimed to have seen several milestones. Since then, however, no one else has seen any of them, including the present authors who undertook a thorough search in the area. See also P. Thomsen, ZDPV 40 (1917), 69–70. (c) The section of the northern exit of the Wadi Ara pass to Scythopolis: M. Avi-Yonah, QDAP 12 (1946), 98–102. A complete account of this part of the road and its milestones is in preparation, (d) The section Scythopolis-Pella-Gerasa: Thomsen, op. cit. (n. 12), 65–7, and Mittmann, S., Beiträge zur Siedlungsgeschichte des nördlichen Ostjordanlandes (1970), 157–8Google Scholar. The authors wish to thank the Israel Milestone Committee for permission to use material in its possession.

¹³ BJ iii, 9, 1 (412).

¹⁴ BJ iv, 2, 1 (87–8).

¹⁵ BJ iv, 7, 3–4 (413–19).

¹⁶ BJ iv, 8, 2 (450).

¹⁷ It is very likely that the road constructed in 69 included the sections Scythopolis-Pella-Gerasa. Milestones of A.D. 112 discovered between Pella and Gerasa mention restoration of the road; cf. Thomsen, ZDPV 40 (1917), nos. 215, 216, 218a, 220; Mittmann, loc. cit. (n. 12). The emperor Trajan thus restored a road—possibly built by his father—in order to ensure communications between Caesarea and the Via Nova Traiana.

¹⁸ Caparcotna = Caporcotani of the Tabula Peutingeriana (n. 22 below) = Kefar Otnay of the Jewish sources. Several inscriptions identify Caparcotna as the fort of VI Ferrata: CIL iii 6814–16; Ramsay, W. M., JRS 6 (1916), 129–31Google Scholar; Levick, B., JRS 48 (1958), 75–6Google Scholar. A rooftile-stamp of VI Ferrata, discovered on the site, was recorded by Schumacher, G., Tell el-Mutesellim i (1908), 175Google Scholar, fig. 261. See M. Avi-Yonah in P-W, Suppl. xiii (1973), s.v. ‘Palaestina’, cols. 400 and 419–20.

¹⁹ Jos., BJ iii, 7, 3 (141–2); 6, 2 (118); see also v, a. 1 (47).

²⁰ For a discussion of the development of the Roman road-system in Israel see I. Roll, ‘Routes romaines en Israel’, Actes du IXe Congrès International d'Études sur les Frontières Romaines (Mamaīa 6–13 Septembre 1972) (1974), 505–6.

²¹ One Roman mile = 1,482 m, so this gives 50 km. Four other known milestones indicate the distance from Caesarea: (a) a milestone of Marcus Aurelius, as yet unpublished, seems to have indicated the 7th mile from Caesarea on the road to Caparcotna; (b) a milestone of Septimius Severus, as yet unpublished, indicates the 2nd mile on the road to Ptolemais; (c) AÉ 1971, 471, of Pertinax, seems to have indicated the 5th mile on the same road; (d) Dar and S. Applebaum, PEQ (1973), 93 seems to have indicated a distance of 10 miles on the road to Antipatris.

²⁸ A facsimile of segment X can be found in Atlas of Israel (1970), map I/2. For a good copy, see Smith, G. A., Historical Atlas of the Holy Land ² (1936), map on p. 27Google Scholar.

²³ cf. n. 18.

²⁴ 24–6 = 18, i.e. the distance from the milestone to Scythopolis; and 28 + 6 = 34, i.e. the distance from the milestone to Caesarea.

²⁵ For a full bibliography: P-W, Suppl. X (1965), cols. 1032 ff., s.v. ‘M. Ulpius Traianus (pater)’ (R. Hanslik). See also Grosso, F., Rend. Ac. Lomb. 91 (1957), 318–42Google Scholar, and Durry, M., Les Empereurs romains d'Espagne (1965), 45–54Google Scholar. The most recent treatment is Bowersock, G. W., JRS 63 (1973), 133 ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Jos., BJ iii, 7, 31 (289 ff.); 9, 8 (458); 10, 3 (485); iv, 8, 1 (450).

²⁷ Syme, R., Tacitus (1958), 30Google Scholar.

²⁸ P-W, Suppl. x, col. 1033.

²⁹ cf. Eck, W., Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian (1970), 237Google Scholar.

³⁰ For Cerealis see Jos., BJ iii, 7, 32 (310 ff.). He retained his legionary command when Titus was in command of the whole army, see Jos., BJ vi, 2, 5 (131) and 4, 3 (237); after the latter's departure Cerealis was in charge of the army of occupation till the arrival of Lucilius Bassus: see Jos., BJ vii, 6, 1 (163). His full name appears in CIL x 4862. For his consulate, probably around 73/4, see Syme, R.Athenaeum 35 (1957), 312–13Google Scholar. For Titus' command of XV Apollinaris, see Jos., BJ iii, 1, 3 (8) and 4, 2 (65); Suetonius, Titus 4: ‘legioni praepositus’. See also Schürer, E., The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ i, ed. Vermes, G. and Millar, F. (1973), 492, n. 31.Google Scholar

³¹ Jos., BJ iii, 4, 2 (65).

³² Jos., BJ iii, 7, 32 (3 to ff.) and iv, 9, 9 (552 ff).

³³ Jos., BJ iv, 8, 1,(450).

³⁴ Titus did not take any town as sole commander: at Japha (in Galilee) Traianus was in command of the right wing, Jos., BJ iii, 7, 31 (298), at Jotapata Vespasian was in charge, 7, 33 (322). At Tarichaea Titus had to ask for support and, when Traianus joined him with 400 cavalry, Titus' men were vexed because their victory would be diminished because of this partnership, 10, 3 (485). At Gamala, finally, Vespasian joined his son in the course of the battle, iv, 1, 10 (70). Maybe as compensation for this lack of independent action, Josephus tends to mention Titus on every possible occasion, for example when he takes a legion from one place to another: e.g. BJ iii, 1, 3. (8); 4. 2 (64); 9, 7 (446).

³⁵ cf. n. 6 above.

³⁶ Cerealis was still there during the siege of Jerusalem Jos., BJ vi 4, 3, (237).

³⁷ As R. Syme has noted, it happened more than once that legati took charge of the province when a governor died or departed: Cn. Pompeius Collega, a legatus in Syria, was apparently in charge there until the arrival of the consular legate L. Caesennius Paetus, late in 70, Jos., BJ vii, 3, 4 (58–60); see P-W xxi 2, cols. 2269–70. For a legatus leg. IIII Scythicae, pro legato consulare provinc. Syriae in 97/8, see AE 1908, 237, CIL viii 17891 = ILS 1055, cf. Syme, R., JRS 48 (1958), 6–7Google Scholar, and Tacitus (1958), App. 3. Later C. Julius Severus took over the administration of Syria as praetorian legatus while at the same time retaining command of his legion, when the governor, Publicius Marcellus, had to leave his province for Judaea at the time of the revolt of Bar Kochba (132–5), cf. IGR iii 174–5; see also Schürer, op. cit. (n. 30), 518–19, and 549, n. 151. For the significance of names of officials on milestones, see Pekáry, Th., Untersuchungen zu den römischen Reichsstrassen (1968), 77Google Scholar ff.

³⁸ For Titus' march see Jos., BJ iv, 11, 5 (658); v, 1, 6 (41). He encamped before the walls of Jerusalem at Passover, on the 14th of the month Xanthicus, BJ v, 3, 1 (98–9) and 13, 7 (567).

³⁹ See Jos., BJ v, 1, 6 (46) and vi, 4, 3 (237); cf. Schürer, op. cit. (n. 30), 502, n. 85.

⁴⁰ Jos., BJ vi, 4, 3 (237); CIL x 6659 = ILS 987; see PIR ² L 94.

⁴¹ See Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (1950), 1441, n. 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Morris, J., JRS 43 (1953), 79–80Google Scholar. Lepidus was decorated in the Jewish War and was afterwards governor of Bithynia-Pontus. It should be noted that the terminus post quem of the milestone proves the presence of Traianus in Judaea after 1 July 69. It furnishes no proof that he actually stayed there until the supreme command of Titus. This is, however, more than likely as Lepidus, a relatively inexperienced officer—cf. the rout of his legion described by Josephus, BJ v 2, 4 (75 ff.)—would hardly have been left in charge of × Fretensis without a senior officer responsible for the army as a whole.

⁴² Jos., BJ vi, 4, 3 (237). For Tittius Frugi, see PIR ¹ T 208.

⁴³ Professor S. Applebaum notes that the legate of XII Fulminate is almost certainly not mentioned because the legion had disgraced itself at Beth Horon under Cestius Gallus, Jos., BJ vii, 1, 3 (18).

⁴⁴ Traianus may have held a consulate in absence, cf. Syme, R., JRS 48 (1958), 6–7Google Scholar. The date of the suffect consulate is not quite certain. June/July 70 was proposed by Morris, J., JRS 43 (1953), 79–80Google Scholar. The relevant fragment of the Fasti Ostienses has been re-discussed by Zevi, F., Akten des VI. Internationalen Kongresses für griechische und lateinische Epigraphik, München 1972, (1973), 438–9Google Scholar, and thence by Vidman, L. in Listy Filologické 98 (1975), 66 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ Syme, R., Tacitus, p. 31, n. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Syme, op. cit., p. 31, supported by Bowersock, G. W., JRS 63 (1973), 133 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁷ Pliny, Pan. 9, 2.

⁴⁸ Bowersock, op. cit. (n. 25), 134–5, proposed a restoration of the inscription from Miletus, containing Traianus' cursus honorum, which would make him a legatus of Titus, as well as of Vespasian, in the Jewish War (cf. Wiegand, Th., Milet i. 5Google Scholar (1919), 53, a corrected version of ILS 8970; see also Syme, loc. cit. (n. 35); Alföldy, G., Fasti Hispanienses (1969), 157, with n. 49Google Scholar). The following should be observed: (1) In 69, as argued above, Titus certainly was not higher in rank than Traianus. Accordingly, Titus is not named on the milestone of that year. (2) There is no reason to assume that Traianus remained in Judaea after Titus took over command of the army. (3) Other inscriptions relating to the Jewish War name only Vespasian as commander, e.g. ILS 2544 = CIL v 7007; ILS 987 = CIL × 6659, describing someone who is probably Lepidus as legate of Vespasian only. On official inscriptions in general Vespasian and Titus do not appear as colleagues before 73 (AÉ 1903, 256). (4) In 70 Titus was indeed hailed as Imperator, gained a triumph which he celebrated in 71, and was awarded decorations (ILS 988; CIL iii 2917; AE 1903, 386). Significantly, there is no record of Traianus ever having received such decorations.

⁴⁹ The emperor Trajan later deified his natural father at the same time as his father by adoption, which did not, however, lead to his enrolment among the established divi, see BMC iii, 498–508; Pliny, Pan. 89. The honours of Divus Pater Traianus may have stressed the fact that he, as much as Divus Nerva, was responsible for the present fortune of the emperor Trajan. In a similar vein Pliny insists that Nerva's sole claim to deification was based on his adoption of Trajan, cf. Pan. 6–10, esp. 10, 5. See also Oliver, J. H., Harv. Theol. Rev. 42 (1949), 36–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.