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‘Lustrum Condere’

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

R. M. Ogilvie
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Extract

In any reconsideration of the meaning of the phrase ‘lustrum condere’ the first stage must be to decide its approximate antiquity. If it were shown to be an antiquarian imposture, it would have to be regarded in a very different light from a genuine survival of religious language. Three passages are relevant to this first point.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 51 , Issue 1-2 , November 1961 , pp. 31 - 39
Copyright
Copyright © R. M. Ogilvie 1961. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Scullard, H. H., JRS L, 1960, 68 and n. 38.Google Scholar

2 For this use of et see Hofmann, Thes. Ling. Lat., s.v. ‘et’, col. 895, 59 ff.

3 Altheim, F., History of Roman Religion (tr. Mattingly, ), 1938, 196–7Google Scholar; Wissowa, , Religion u. Kultus, 1912, 201 ff.Google Scholar

4 See Thes. Ling. Lot., s.v. ‘condo’, col. 153, 75 where Cicero, de Rep. 4, 12 and Lucretius 5, 2 are listed as the first examples of this use, but Plautus, Rudens 1374 ‘iusiurandum condere’ clearly belongs to the same class: the parts of an oath have to be assembled.

5 Handbuch der mathematischen u. technischen Chronologie, 1825, 2, 81.

6 Cicero, de Oratore (1862 ed.), Index s.v. ‘lustrum’.

7 Jahrb. f. Phil. CXL, 1875, 488 ff.

8 Staatsrecht 2, 332 n. 1.

9 P-W, ‘lustrum’.

10 Zur Geschichte der röm. Censur, 1912, 71–9.

11 Zeitschr. f. vergleich. Sprachforschung XXIII, 1877, 313–4

12 Etym. Wörterbuch 254; see Walde-Hofmann, Lat. Etym. Wörterbuch, ‘lustrum’.

13 Archiv f. Relig.-Wissenschaft XVI, 1913, 127–36; cf. also Hartmann, , Glotta IV, 1913, 164–5.Google Scholar

14 Rh. Mus. LXXI, 1916, 17–40.

15 Gestirnverehrung im alten Italien 1933, 23–6.

16 Archiv f. Relig.-Wissenschaft XXVI, 1939, 135 ff.

17 JRS L, 1960, 117.

18 cf. 111, 15; 222, 25; 355, 3; 407, 23; 467, 23; 469, 25; 489, 29; 490, 6; 504, 30; 510, 32; 511, 8; 518, 3. See the discussions by F. Leo, Geschichte d. röm. Literatur I, 193 n. 1; E. H. Warmington, Remains of Old Latin (Loeb Classical Library), 1, 272–90; Terzaghi, N., Studi Italiani di Fil. Class. VI, 1928, 190Google Scholar; B. Riposati, Studi in onore L. Castiglioni, 2, 789–800.

19 This hypothesis was commended to me by Mr. G. W. Williams whose kind help and that of Dr. S. Weinstock I gladly acknowledge, although I would not wish them to be saddled with any responsibility for the heterodoxies (and the errors) contained in this paper. I am also grateful to Mr. M. S. Ballance for help in obtaining photographs.

20 Rh. Mus. XXX, 1875, 204 ff.

21 Römische Religionsgeschichte 2 1960, 119.

22 This is uncontroversial. See Last, , JRS XXXV, 1945, 35 ff.Google Scholar; Staveley, , Historia V, 1956, 75–84.Google Scholar

23 Wien. Studien XXIV, 1902, 352 ff.

24 Warde-Fowler, The Roman Festivals 71–2.

25 Published by E. Ferrero, L'Arc d'Auguste à Suse (1902). See Studniczka, , Jahrbuch d. Deutsch. Arch. Instit. XVIII, 1903, 1–24Google Scholar; Ryberg, I. S., ‘Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art’ (Mem. Am. Acad. Rome XXII, 1955), 103 ff.Google Scholar (cited below as ‘Rites’). No satisfactory reproduction of the frieze is available, but a photograph is reproduced by Ryberg, ‘Rites’, pl. XXXIV.

26 SirMacDonald, George, The Roman Wall in Scotland 2 1934, 363 ff.Google Scholar

27 See Ryberg, ‘Rites’, 34–5, with pl. IX, but the publication by Fuhrmann, H. (Mitteilungen des Deutsch. Arch. Instit. II, 1949, 45–65Google Scholar) is primary.

28 See Ryberg, ‘Rites,’ 27 ff., with pl. VIII.

29 See Domaszewski, von, Archiv f. Relig.-Wissenschaft XII, 1909, 67–82Google Scholar; Sieveking, Jahreshefte Oest. Arch. Instit. XII, 1910, 95–101Google Scholar; F. Goethert, Zur Kunst d. röm. Republik, 7–18; Löwy, E., Jahrb. Kunsthist. Samml. Wien, 1928, 35–9Google Scholar; Schober, , Jahreshefte Oest. Arch. Instit. XXVII, 1931, 57–8Google Scholar; Castagnoli, F., Arte Figurative I, 1945, 181–96Google Scholar with bibliography.

30 I am deeply indebted to Professor J. M. C. Toynbee for her valuable advice on this point.

31 See Ryberg, ‘Rites,’ 117–9, with pl. XLI; L'Orange, H. P., Mitteilungen des Deutsch. Arch. Instit. LIII, 1938, 1–34Google Scholar with earlier bibliography.

32 The claims of a third relief, the suovetaurilia from the Louvre (pl. 1, 2; see Ryberg, ‘Rites’, 106–8, pl. XXXV, with references to previous discussions), to depict the census ceremony must be rejected. The twin altars, implying two celebrants, would be improper and unprecedented for that ritual in which only one of the censors ‘lustrum condidit’. The pair of laurel trees behind the altar signifies that the sacrifice is being made near the sacrarium of Mars in the Regia (Julius Obsequens 19; cf., perhaps, the aureus of L. Caninius Gallus (12 B.C.; Mattingly-Sydenham, Roman Imperial College 1, p. 78) commemorating the election of Augustus as Pontifex Maximus and showing a doorway (the Regia) flanked by two laurels), but the census ceremony was enacted in the Campus Martius. The relief may be concerned with the Ambarvalia. Two trees, as a background to the suovetaurilia, figure in the Lyons frieze of the Ambarvalia (Ryberg, ‘Rites’, 116 ff.) and the Fratres Arvales used the Regia as their headquarters (CIL 6.2023.9).

33 Tabulae Iguvinae (Rome 1940).

34 The Bronze Tables of Iguvium (1959).

35 Psyche (tr. Hillis), 1925, 49 n. 41; 334 n. 127.

36 Opferritus u. Voropfer der Griechen u. Römer 1915, 133–97. After the battle of Plataea the Greeks purified the sacred places polluted by the Persians by putting out the fires and rekindling them from Delphi.