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Late Roman Philosopher Portraits from Aphrodisias*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

R. R. R. Smith
R. R. R. Smith
Affiliation:
Institute of Fine Arts, New York University
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Extract

The rich finds of statues and inscriptions from Aphrodisias in Caria have done much in recent years to illuminate the world of the late Roman politician, the world of governors and local magnates. Aphrodisias has also recently provided important new evidence for the philosophical image of late antiquity. In 1981–2, the excavations under Professor K. T. Erim recovered a remarkable group of marble shield portraits and busts that represent both contemporary late antique philosophers and ‘classic’ figures of the hellenic past. These portraits add a new dimension to our knowledge of Aphrodisias as an intellectual centre and provide a vivid insight into the pagan culture and education of late antiquity. We are in the world of Eunapius’ Lives of the Sophists. We are probably in the context of a philosophical school, perhaps the philosophical school of late Roman Aphrodisias.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 80 , November 1990 , pp. 127 - 155
Copyright
Copyright © R. R. R. Smith 1990. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

I thank them all warmly The following abbreviations are used: Aphrodisias Papers: Roueché, C. and Erim, K. T. (eds), Aphrodisias Papers: Recent Work on Architecture and Sculpture (1990)Google Scholar

Erim: Erim, K. T., Aphrodisias: City of Venus Aphrodite (1982)Google Scholar. Figs are cited by page number and by letter (a-d).

IR I: Inan, J. and Rosenbaum, E., Roman and Early Byzantine Portrait Sculpture in Asia Minor(1966)Google Scholar.

IR II: Inan, J. and Alföldi-Rosenbaum, E., Romische und frühbyzantinische Porträtplastik aus der Türkei: Neue Funde(1979)Google Scholar.

POG: G. Richter, M. A., Portraits of the Greeks I–III (1965)Google Scholar.

Richter-Smith: Richter, G. M. A., Portraits of the Greeks (abr. and rev. Smith, R., 1984)Google Scholar.

Roueché: Roueché, C., Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (1989)Google Scholar.

Winkes: Winkes, R., Clipeata Imago: Studien zu einer römischen Bildnisform (1969)Google Scholar.

Measurements for the sculptures are given in centimetres. H = Height, W = Width, D = Depth. Dimensions in brackets give actual measurements which are not the full original dimension.

1 The statues: IR I, nos 242–6 and IR II, nos 196–209 (entries by K. T. Erim). The inscriptions: Roueché, with an excellent general account of late Roman Aphrodisias.

2 For what follows and for background: Cameron, Alan, ‘The Last Days of the Academy at Athens’, Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc. 195 (1969), 7–29Google Scholar; Fowden, G., ‘The Platonist Philosopher and his Circle in Late Antiquity’, Philosophia (Athens) 7 (1977), 359–83Google Scholar and ‘The Pagan Holy Man in Late Antique Society’, FHS 102 (1982), 33–59Google Scholar; Brown, P., ‘The Philosopher and Society in Late Antiquity’, Center for Hermeneutic Studies in Hellenistic and Modern Culture (Berkeley, Colloq. no. 34) (1980), 1–17Google Scholar; Athanassiadi-Fowden, P., Julian and Hellenism: An Intellectual Biography (1981)Google Scholar; Matthews, J. F., The Roman Empire of Ammianus (1989), ch. VIIGoogle Scholar, ‘Julian and the Philosophers’; G. W. Bowersock, Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Jerome Lectures, forthcoming)—I thank the author for a copy of his text.

3 Discussed below, in Section in.

4 G. Lippold, in P. Arndt, W. Amelung, Photographische Einzelaufnahmen antiker Skulpturen (1983 f) Nos 3204–8, with text cols 46–52.

5 For the Sebasteion, most recently: Smith, R., JRS 77 (1987), 88–138Google Scholar and JRS 78 (1988), 50–77.

6 The following is based on a combination of the excavation notebooks, study of the remains, and the published reports, chiefly Erim, Anat. Stud. 33 (1983), 233 and Aphrodisias Papers, 15–18.

7 Erim, , Aphrodisias Papers, 15Google Scholar, fig. 10.

8 ibid., 18, fig. 9.

9 One of three small altars of blue-black marble decorated with garlands that were found in the north-east part of the excavation was positioned at the entrance to this room.

10 This platform or terrace was either built or exten-sively re-modelled in the late Roman period.

11 Erim, Anat. Stud. 33 (1983), 233. Other sculpture found in the excavation of the complex included: fragments of a Herakles relief, fragments of a small, finely worked Hanging Marsyas, a small torso of the ‘Seneca’ fisherman type, and fragments from a further three or four shield portraits of similar or the same format as those published here.

12 Such pediments appear on sarcophagi, silverware, ivories, mosaics. Cf. Dillig, E., Spátantike Architekturdarstellungen 1 (1977)Google Scholar.

13 Erim, figs. 135, 144a.

14 cf. Eunapius, V. Soph. 483 (= Loeb edn, p. 467 —a private lecture hall in a sophist's house in Athens.

15 Frantz, A., The Athenian Agora xxiv: Late An quity AD 267–700 (1988), 34–48, esp. 42–7.Google Scholar

16 Pliny, NH 35. 9.

17 Blanck, H., ‘Porträt-Gemälde als Ehrendenkmäler’, BonnJb 168 (1968), 1–12Google Scholar.

18 cf. Pliny, NH 35. 4–14.

19 For heroes at Calydon: Dyggve, E. et al. , Das Heroon von Kalydon (1934), 361 ff.Google Scholar For kings (Mithridates VI and friends) on Delos: Chapoutier, F., Délos VXI (1935), 32 ff.Google Scholar

20 Good collection of evidence: Winkes, with testimonia on shield portraits in other media (bronze, silver, gilded). Also useful on shield portraits in general: Vermeule, C. C., Proc. Am. Phil. Soc. 109/6 (1965), 361–97.Rare extant bronze example: IR I no. 286 (Ankara).Google Scholar

21 Gods: Hoffman, H., Fhb. Hamb. Kunst. 8 (1963), 205–7—Apollo in HamburgGoogle Scholar; Scrinari, V. S. M., Mus.Arch. Aquileia: Catalogo delle sculture romane (1972)Google Scholar, nos 606–13—cycle of gods. Emperors: Vermeule, C. C., Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor (1968), 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, fig. 12B—Marcus at Eleusis. The dead: Winkes, 81 ff., with testimonia XXXVII-LIII. Writer-thinkers: POG, figs 512 (Albani Sokrates), 1382 (Doria Pamphili Aeschines), 1528 (Ex-Marbury Menander); cf. Tac, Ann. 2. 83—honours for the dead Germanicus.

22 Gods: Winkes, 158, pl. IIa-b—Ares-Mars in Dresden, surely fourth- to fifth-century (rather than Hadrianic, so Winkes); it is close in scale, format and technique to the new Aphrodisias medallions, especially No. 9. Goddess and woman: de Chaisemartin, N. and Örgen, E., Les documents sculptés de Silahtarağa (1984), 71–6Google Scholar, pls 46–8. Philosopher: Winkes, 138, pl. V a and c—long-bearded thinker in tondo, probably fifth century, from Athens, now lost, Evangelist tondi, in Istanbul: Mendel, G., Musées Impériaux Ottomans: Catalogue des sculptures grecques, romaines et byzantines(1912–1914), 11. 661–4Google Scholar; Brenk, B., Spátantike und frühes Christentum (PKG 1977)Google Scholar, pl. 117.

23 The Anatolian Civilisations (Exhib. Istanbul, 1983), 11. 118, B 317; Richter-Smith, 177, fig. 139; Erim, 148, fig. 148b.

24 POG, 100, nos 1–5, with Sande, S., Acta ad Arch. et Art. Hist. Pert. 2nd Ser. 8 II (1982), 55–75Google Scholar, considering POG, nos 2 and 4 not ancient.

25 POG Supplement (1972), figs 42Ia-b.

26 Hafner, G., ‘Verwirrung um Namen—Alkibiades und Pindaros’, Riv. di Arch II (1987), 5–10Google Scholar, identifies the subject here rather as one Pindar of Ephesus, a little known tyrant of that city in the mid-sixth century B.C. recorded by Polyaen. 6.50 and Aelian, Var. Hist. 3. 26 The position occupied by this figure in the historica imagination of later centuries, however, was probably fragile. Cf. below, n. 42.

27 Richter-Smith, 65, 210, figs 29, 173; Fittschen, K., Griechische Porträts (1988), 18–19Google Scholar, pls 9–12, 34–5.

28 From many examples: IR I, no. 134, IR II, nos. 199–201.

29 See especially IR II, no. 204 and below, No. 8.

30 See especially the fine Getty head: Jucker, H. and Willers, D., Gesichter: griechische und römische Bildnisse aus der Schweizer Besitz (1982)Google Scholar, no. 95A—surely from western Asia Minor.

31 Julian uses Pindaric phrases quite freely (e.g., Or. III.116A; Ep. 25. 428B and Ep. 63. 387A). Libanius knows him a little (e.g., Or. 20. 1 and 22; 21. 8). And he is cited once in Macrobius, 5. 17. 7–14—a comparison with Virgil.

32 Lippold, op. cit. (n. 4), 3204–6. On late Menan ders: see further below, nn. 109–10.

33 ‘Magistrates’: IR I, nos 242–3. Brussels head: IR II, no. 204. Several important portraits that belong here have been found since IR II.

34 Stratonicea: Özgan, R. and Stutzinger, D., ‘Untersuchungen zur Porträtplastik des 5. Jhs. n. Chr. Anhand zweier neugefundener Porträts aus Stratonikea’, 1st Mitt 35 (1985), 237–74Google Scholar, pl. 50. Two other Aphrodisian heads of the same period have similar eye technique: IR II, nos. 199 and 200 (the latter is re-worked).

35 Examples. (1) Theodosius’ missorium, A.D. 388: Bandinelli, R. Bianchi, Rome: The Late Empire (1971), 358Google Scholar, pl. 338; Brenk, op. cit. (n. 22), pl. 115. (2) Theodosius’ obelisk base, c. A.D. 390: Bianchi Bandinelli, 355, pls 335–6; Brenk, pl. 108. (3) Early ivories, c. A.D. 400: Volbach, W. F., Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spätantike und frühen Mittelalters (3rd edn, 1976)Google Scholar nos. 1 and 55—Nicomachi (c. A.D. 400) and Probus (A.D. 406).

36 (i) Valentinian II (A.D. 388–92). Statue: IR I, no. 66. Inscribed bases: Roueché, nos 25–7. Another togate statue from this imperial group was recovered in later excavations, and recently (1989) a fragment of its diademed head. (2) Oikoumenios (end fourth to early fifth century). Statue: K. Erim, DOP 21 (1967), 285–6. Inscribed base: Ševčenko, I., Synthronon (1968), 29–41Google Scholar; Roueché, no. 31. (3) Flavius Palmatus (late fifth to early sixth century). Statue: IR II, no. 208. Inscribed base: Roueché, no. 62.

37 The headless Oikoumenios dates the Elder and Younger Magistrates who date a series of heads of related technique and self-presentation, like the Brussels head and more recent finds. These form a loose but distinct group of say the early to mid-fifth century, that is, they seem later than the Valentinian (especially in eye technique) and earlier than the pieces grouped closely round Palmatus later in the fifth century which have again a distinct eye technique, hairstyle and selfpresentation. Cf. in general, W. von Sydow, Zur Kunstgeschichte des spätantiken Porträts im 4. Fhd. n. Chr. (1969), 120–30; Severin, H. G., Zur Porträtplastik des 5. Fhds. n. Chr. (1967), 35–7, 56–66Google Scholar; IR II, pp. 24–38: Ozgan and Stutzinger, op. cit. (n. 34), 242–74.

38 Erim, 148, fig. 148a.

39 The pupils of the Getty head (n. 30) and the Elder magistrate (IR I, no. 243) are perhaps closest.

40 Bieber, M., Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art (1964), 72–81Google Scholar. Contorniates: Alföldi, A. and E., Die Kontorniat-Medallions 1 (1976)Google Scholar, 1 ff., pls 1–22—Alexander is the most popular of the Greek figures on these tokens.

41 Early Alexanders: Smith, R., Hellenistic Royal Portraits (1988), 58–62Google Scholar, cat. no. 1 (Azara type).

42 Hafner, op. cit. (n. 26), 5–7, would identify the subject of both this tondo and the mosaic (n. 43) as one Alcibiades of Sparta, a figure active in local politics there in c. 200–180 B.C. (Livy 39. 35: Paus. 7.9). To the late antique eye, this person was probably of analogous interest to that of Pindar of Ephesus: see above n. 26

43 Richter-Smith, 83, fig. 46. Futher, n. 100.

44 Two early hellenistic sculptors, Phyromachos and Nikeratos, each made an Alcibiades: Pliny, NH 34. 80 and 88.

45 cf. Christodorus' excited characterization of an Alcibiades’ portrait in the Zeuxippus at Constantinople: “… glistening with glory … he had interwoven with the bronze the rays of his beauty’ (AP II 83).

46 POG, 112–6, figs 483 ff.; Richter-Smith, 199–202, figs 161–2. Known in about thirty copies.

47 Selĉuk Mus, inv. 745, from the Scholastikia baths: Erdemgil, S. et al. , Ephesus Museum Catalogue (1989) 34–5Google Scholar.

47 Selĉuk Mus, inv. 745, from the Scholastikia baths: Erdemgil, S. et al. , Ephesus Museum Catalogue (1989) 34–5Google Scholar.

48 Baratte, F. and Metzger, C., Musée du Louvre:Catalogue des sarcophages (1985)Google Scholar, no. 84.

49 Apamea and Baalbek: below, nn. 97–8. Athens: n. 106. Ephesus: above, n. 47.

50 Head from the ‘Bishop's Palace’: IR II, no. 205. Head from the ‘Water-Channel area’: K. Erim, AFA 71 (1967), 238, pl. 70, figs 17–18, noting similarity to Socrates’ image.

51 POG, 172–4, figs 976–1010: Richter-Smith, 95–9, figs 61–3. Known in about twenty copies

52 Delos: above, n. 19. Silahtaragǎ: n. 22. Bust from Atalante: G. Neumann, AM 103 (1988), 221–38.

53 Joyce Reynolds kindly informs me.

54 Testimonia on the local Aristotelians Adrastos, Alexander, , and Xenokrates, : Antiquities of Ionia III (1840), 52 ff.Google Scholar —still useful account of intellectual life of the city. See also Roueché, 85–6.

55 Chéhab, M. H., Mosaiques du Liban (Bull. Mus. Beyrouth 14–15, 1957–9), 43–50Google Scholar pls 22–5—with an interesting inscription boasting of the owner's Platonic credentials and adherence to ancient piety. Late fourth century.

56 Oikoumenios is a good dated example: n. 36.

57 POG, 79, figs 302–3. Mosaic portrait: n. 99. No other identifications are sure: cf. J. C. Balty, BMusArt 48 (1976), 5–34.

58 cf. POG, 242.

59 Macrobius, 5. 17. 4–5 (on Medea and Dido).

60 Speyer, W., Jhb. Ant. u. Chr. 17 (1974), 47–63Google Scholar; E. L. Bowie, ANRW 11. 16. 2 (1978), 1652–99; Dzielska, M., Apollonius of Tyana: Legend and History (1986), ch. 5Google Scholar.

61 Note the epigram on Apollonius from Cilicia: C. P. Jones, JHS 100 (1980), 190–4; Dagron, G. and Feissel, D., Inscriptions de Cilicie (1987), no. 88Google Scholar; D. Potter, JRA 2 (1989), 309–10.

62 Bust: Settis, S., Athenaeum 50 (1972), 234–51Google Scholar. Contorniates: Alföldi, op. cit. (n. 40), 32, pl. 38. 1–4. Apollonius was also included in a series of shield portraits in stucco relief (fragmentary when discovered, now lost) in a private building in Rome (on Via dello Statute): Lanciani, R., BullComm 12 (1884), 48–9Google Scholar. The inscription of only one was legible: [AP]OLONIUS THYANEUS ( = ILS 2918). Nothing survived of the portrait. Lanciani thought the building a library: cf. idem, Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries (1898), 191 ff.—on libraries. (Refs G. Fowden.)

63 Dodds, E. R., ‘Theurgy and its relationship to Neoplatonism’, JRS 37 (1947), 55–69Google Scholar = Greeks and the Irrational (1951, 1966), App. 11; Sheppard, A., ‘Proclus’ approach to theurgy’, CQ 31 (1982), 212–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fowden, G., The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the Late Pagan Mind (1986), 126–34Google Scholar.

64 Eunapius, V. Soph. 454 and 500 ( = Loeb, pp. 347 and 543); Ammianus, 21. 14. 1; 23. 6. 19.

65 Nicomachus: Sidonius, Epist. 8. 3. 1. The Historia Augusta writer (Aur 24. 9) also promises his own account. Cf. Jones op. cit. (n. 61), 193–4.

66 Stages of education: Eunapius, V. Soph. 500 ( = Loeb, pp. 541–3)—on Chrysanthius.

67 Athanassiadi-Fowden, op. cit. (n. 2), 5.

68 Vita Ambrosiana in Scholia Vetera in Pindari Carmina (Ed. A. B. Drachmann, Teubner, 1903) 1, pp. 1–2. Ref. C. P. Jones, who writes (personal letter): ‘If we had more of Pindar's Hymns and Paeans we would no doubt have more of what impressed the people who put him in the collection at Aphrodisias’.

69 Erim, 148, fig. 148c.

70 Other important sculptured portraits of late antique philosophers. (1) Acropolis head: G. Dontas, AM 69/70 (1954–5), 47–52. (2) Istanbul ‘priest’: IR II, no 274. (3) Athens tondo: Winkes, 138, pl. V a, c. (4) ‘S. Paul’ head in Boston, from Athens: Comstock, M. B. and Vermeule, C. C., Sculpture in Stone (1976), no. 381Google Scholar. (5) ‘Plotinus’ type (four copies): L'Orange, H. P., Byzantion 25–7 (1955–7), 473–85Google Scholar = Likeness and Icon (1973), 32–42; POG, 289, figs 2056–8 (6) ‘Iamblichus’ type and related heads: Harrison, E. B., The Athenian Agora I: Portrait Sculpture (1953), 101–5Google Scholar; Sturgeon, M. C., Isthmia IV: The Sculpture (1988), no. 85Google Scholar. None are externally dated or identified. Nos 1–4 are probably later fourth to fifth century. No. 5, ‘Plotinus’, is earlier. The ‘Iamblichus’ heads seem to range in date: the subject of the core group may have been an earlier Master reinterpreted, rather than a contemporary fourth-century figure. Further, n. 72.

71 The long solemn face, knitted brows, and severity of expression derive ultimately from portraits like those of Zeno and Epicurus: POG, 188–9, 195–7.

72 Of the portraits listed above, n. 70, the Acropolis and Istanbul portraits (nos 1–2) are the most genetically similar to our portrait, in their long-haired, long-bearded visionary aspect. The Athens tondo (no. 3) was also similar but short-haired and more restrained.

73 Damascius’ Life of Isidore is cited by the sections of the epitome by Photius, in Henry, R., Photius: Bibliothéque VI (Budé, 1971)Google Scholar, which contains the main fragments. The full fragments are translated by Asmus, R, Das Leben des Philosopher Isidoros von Damask ios (1911)Google Scholar and collected without translation by C. Zintzen (ed., 1967).

74 Eunapius, V. Soph. 487 and 492 (= Loeb, pp. 485 and 507). Cf. ibid., 481 ( = Loeb, p. 461)—Priscus’ size; Damascius Epit. 49—Isidore's size.

75 Beard: Eunapius, V. Soph. 473 ( = Loeb, p. 427)—Maximus’ beard, long and grey. Hair to shoulders: Damascius, Epit. 114—Heraiscus. Cf. Eunapius, V. Soph. 502 ( = Loeb, p. 551)—Chrysanthius’ hair stands on end in debate.

76 “Fine, handsome appearance is standard: Porphyry, V. Plotini 13; Eunapius, V. Soph. 473, 481, and 487 ( = Loeb, pp. 427, 461, and 48s)—Maximus, Priscus, and Prohairesius; Marinus, V. Prodi 3; Damascius, Epit. 16—Isidore.

77 Damascius, Epit. 80 and 248.

78 Visions: Damascius, Epit. 12, 117, and 140. Seeing in dark: ibid., 139 and 270. Cf. ibid., 92: a philosopher (Cynic) tells the future from peoples’ eyes.

79 Eunapius, V. Soph. 473 and 502 ( = Loeb, pp. 427 and 551)—eyes of Maximus and Chrysanthius. Cf. ibid., 472 ( = Loeb, p. 421)—Antoninus’ eyes raised to sky, like a statue.

80 Damascius, Epit. 16—Isidore's eyes. Cf. ibid., 43: Isidore's teaching gives sight to his students’ souls; and ibid., 80: eyes reflect the mobility of his thoughts.

81 Especially Damascius, Epit. 31 (sharp dynamis and eras for the beautiful and good), 40 (unswerving pothos for the divine); Eunapius, V. Soph. 473 and 474 ( = Loeb, pp. 427 and 429)—impulses and vigour of soul (akmē tēs psychēs). Bacchic: Eunapius, V. Soph,. 470 ( = Loeb, p. 415). Passionate (synenthotision) for working miracles: ibid., 474 ( = Loeb, p. 431). Deinos pothos: Julian, IV, I30c-d.

82 Damascius, Epit. 31 (philoponia) and 54 (hypsēlophrosynē)

83 Eunapius, V. Soph. 483 (= Loeb, p. 467)—Julian of Cappadocia.

84 See, for example, (1) head from the Athenian agora: Harrison, op. cit. (n. 70), no. 51, and (2) late ephebe herm among the Athenian kosmetai: Lattanzi, E., I ritratti dei cosmeti (1968), no. 33Google Scholar. Cf. E. B Harrison, DOP 21 (1968), 87–8, figs 30, 32.

85 Eunapius, V. Soph. 504 ( = Loeb, p. 559). Cf. also Damascius, Epit. 76: the prodigious son of the philoso pher Hermeias who dies aged seven.

86 Noted for example in the appearance of Oribasius (a doctor) by Eunapius, V. Soph. 499 ( = Loeb, p. 537).

87 87 Above n. 70, no. 5

88 Among undated late heads from Aphrodisias, closest in the handling of the beard and sensitive features is IR II, no. 199 (cf. also no. 196). The male bust from Stratonicea (n. 34) also has a very similar beard treatment.

89 On togati: Foss, C., Okeanos: Essays I. Ševčenko (1983), 196–217Google Scholar. Few public figures in this period in fact wear the himation in surviving statues (e.g. Pompeiopolis priest: IR I, no. 282, with IR II, pi. 273.1; priest bust, above n.8). Local figures should be as sunned in some of the many late heads now without bodies. These can have various hairstyles but not long flowing locks. On dress codes, cf. Cod. Theod. 14.10 (military and civilian) and 13. 3. 7 (philosophers' dress).

90 Stubble: IR I, nos 199, 242, IR II, nos 202, 208.Short beard: IR I, no. 243; IR II, nos 199, 304; and the Stratonicea bust (n. 34).

91 Bowersock, G. W., Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (1969)Google Scholar; Bowie, E. L., ‘The Greeks and their past in the Second Sophistic’, Past and Present 46 (1970), 3–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and ‘The Importance of Sophists’, Yale Class. Stud. 27 (1982), 29–59Google Scholar. On sophists v.philosophers, cf. J. L. Moles, JHS 98 (1978), 88–93—on Dio Chrysostom.

92 On the continued importance of sophistic education in late antiquity: Norman, A. F., Libanius' Autobiography 1 (1965), xx–xxxi.Google Scholar

93 Important local figures styled ‘sophist’ in inscriptions of second and third centuries: CIG 2785 ( = MAMA VIII. 501), 2798, 2812, and 2845 (MAMA VIII. 564). Rhetor: CIG 2797. Later sophists: Roueché, no. 33 and p. 85.

94 IR I, nos 150 and 151.

95 Above, n. 51.

96 This feature is even included in the crude and simplified figure of Aristotle in the fourth-century Education of Alexander mosaic from Baalbek (n.55), which may indicate that it was a well-recognized Aristotle ‘sign’.

97 POG, 118 (o), fig. 569. Cf. G. M. A. Hanfmann, HSCP 60 (1951), 205–33; J- C. Baity, CRAJ (1972), 103–27; J. and Baity, J. C., Dialogues d'histoire ancienne I (1974).267–304Google Scholar.

98 Chéhab, op. cit. (n.55), 31–43, pls 15–20.

99 Antalya Museum. Unpublished.

100 Sparta: Ch. Christou, ADelt 19 (1964), Chron II. 1. 138–41, pis. 138–40; G. Daux, BCH 90 (1966), 793, figs. 1–3; Richter-Smith, 83, 196, figs 46 and 157.Sappho appears again with Apollo and Muses in fifth-century wall-paintings at Ephesus: Strocka, V. M., Die Wandmalerei der Hanghäuser (Forsch. Ephesos vm. 1, 1977), 126–37Google Scholar, figs 312–41. Menander at Antioch: Antioch-on-the-Orontes in (1941), 248–51; POG, 228, nos 8–9, fig. 1514. Menander at Mytilene: Charitonides, S. and Ginouvès, R., Les mosaïques de la Maison de Ménandre à Mytilène (AntK Beiheft 6, 1970), 27–31Google Scholar, pls 2. 1 and 15. 1—dating c. A.D. 300; L. Berczelly, BICS 35 (1988), 119–26—dating c. A.D. 400.

101 L. Ibrahim et al., Kenchreai II: The Panels of Opus Sectile in Glass (1976), 164–85, nos 27–32. Probably from Alexandria: Ibrahim, L., The ARCE Newsletter 121 (Spring, 1983), 19–22Google Scholar.

102 Parlasca, K., Die römischen Mosaiken in Deutschland (1959), 80–2Google Scholar, pls 80–2—dating to later third century.

103 ibid., 41–3, pls 42–7. Of these Latin authors, Virgil appears again in this period, in the well-known mosaic from Hadrumetum (Sousse): Dunbabin, K. M. D., The Mosaics of Roman North Africa (1978)Google Scholar, App. IV, fig. 130.

104 Alfoldi, op. cit. (n. 40).105 See above, n. 70.

106 G. Daux, BCH 85 (1961), 63, pls 19–23.

107 Wrede, H., Die spätantike Hermengalerie von Welschbillig (1972), 46–54Google Scholar —Socrates, an orator (Aeschines?), Demosthenes (?), a strategos (‘Philip II'), Menander (?).

108 Plato in Athens: H. von Heintze, RM 71 (1964), 81–103, Pl.- 22. I-2. Socrates at Ephesos: above, n. 47.

109 (I)Aphrodisias (lost): above, n. 3 and POG, 227, no. 3, figs 1522–3. (2) Rome, Capitoline: POG, 230, no.9, figs 1553–5. (3) Konya: POG, 233, no. 46, fig. 1637. (4) Ephesos: POG, 233, no. 47, fig. 1636 = IR I, no. 187.

110 In late antiquity sententious remarks were gathered from his plays, and a collection of over 800 oneline gnomai were attributed to him: OCD s.v. Menander, citing Görler, W., Menandrou Gnomai (1963)Google Scholar. Sidonius Apollinaris was still reading Menander to his son in mid-fifth-century Gaul: Epist. 4. 12.

111 Lippold, op. cit. (n. 4), 3204–8.

112 Pairing seen also by Sande, op. cit. (n. 24).

113 Christodorus, Gk. Anth. II. 16 (Aristotle), 82 (Alcibiades), 120 (Pythagoras), and 382 (Pindar) Socrates, Alexander, and Apollonius were absent.

114 See n. 73.

115 PLRE11 Asclepiodotus 3, with Robert, L., Hellenica IV (1948), 115–26Google Scholar and BCH 101 (1977), 86–8 = Documents d'Asie Mineure (1987), 44–6; G. Fowden, JHS 102 (1982), 47–8; Roueché, 87–93.

116 He is PRLE II Asclepiodotus 2. Base and tomb-stone: Roueché, nos. 53–4, with Robert (n.115). Part of the epigram on the base is reproduced in Pal, Anth. 9. 704. It is perhaps significant that the tombstone is in the form of a pyramid.

117 So Roueché, 90.

118 For the following, see mainly Damascius, Epi 116–40.

119 Damascius, Epit. 126. Other ‘weak’ philosophers have the same purpose: e.g.Damascius, Epit 126—Hermeias, hard-worker but poor intellect.

120 The text, extant only in a Syriac version, is translated in Kugener, M.- A., Zacharie le Scholastique: Vie de Sévère (Patrologia Orientalia 11. 1, 1904; repr. 1980), with the relevant sections for what follows at pp. 14–44Google Scholar, esp 14–23 and 35–44. See also Robert, Hellenica IV, 120–6, with large excerpts. He is PRLE 11 Zacharias 4—originally from Gaza, later Bishop of Mytilene.

121 Priest bust: n. 8. Altars: n. 9.

122 Above, n. 11: the statue almost certainly held a cithara. Cf. Damascius, Epit. 127, on Asklepiodotos’ advanced musical interests, and Epit. 262, on the philosophical status of Isidore's wife. Female portraits as Muses: Wrede, H., Consecratio in formam deorum: Vergöttlichte Privatpersonen in der römischen Kaiserzeit (1981), 284–93Google Scholar. Muses were of course appropriate to a philosophical setting: Boyancé, P., Le culte des Muses chez les philosophes grecs (1936, 1972), esp. 294–7Google Scholar, on Proclus' hymn to the Muses.

123 See Alan Cameron (n. 2). For the archaeological evidence for the last occupation of the building, see above Part 1