¹ Ant. Class. XVIII (1948), 317–9.

² Latomus VIII (1949), 97–108.

³ ibid. 109.

⁴ Passages from poetry are cited by Herrmann and Goossens. Jordan, L. Preller-H., Römische Mythologie³ I (Berlin, 1881), 328–9Google Scholar; also G. Gundel, De Stellarum Appellatione et Religione Romana ( = Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche u. Vorarbeiten III, 2, Giessen 1907), 13 (= 105).

⁵ See Rehm in P-W VIII, 1251–2.

⁶ ibid. 1251.

⁷ Wissowa, G., Religion u. Kultus d. Römer ² (Munich, 1912), 135Google Scholar; the identification had been suggested earlier by Merkel, R. ed., Ovidii Fastorum Libri Sex (Berlin, 1841)Google Scholar CCVII f.

⁸ See Frazer, J. G., The Fasti of Ovid IV (London, 1929), ad VI, 731Google Scholar; Weinstock in P-W IV A, 897–8.

⁹ Ant. Class. IV (1935), 5–43.

¹⁰ See W. and H. Gundel in P-W XX, 2025–2034.

¹¹ As an epithet it appears only, so far as I have been able to determine, in Pausanias (1, 40, 6), in Plutarch (De E apud Delph. 389A), in the anonymous hymn giving alphabetically all epithets of Dionysos (Anth. Pal. IX, 524, 14), frequently, like most epithets of Dionysos, in Nonnus (VII, 349, IX, 114, XXII, s, XXVII, 173, XLIV, 203), and in Schol. ad Soph. Antig. 1147. It appears as an adjective describing or naming rites or festivals in Plutarch (Q. Rom. 291A, Q. Gr. 299D, De Is. et Os. 364F [by emendation]). In the Orphic Hymns it seems to be replaced by νυκτέριος (as noted by Herrmann, G., Orphica (Leipzig, 1805)Google Scholar, ad Hymn XLIX, 3). See below, note 14.

¹² This important fact is often neglected in accounts of Greek influence at Rome. For at least 50 years after 240 B.C. the most frequent (and for many people the only) popular contact with Greek literature was through drama. Themes and interpretations found there are therefore of primary importance in judging the knowledge and outlook of the Roman public in matters of Greek mythology. See, on similar lines, Tolivar, H. M., Cl. Journ. XLIX (1953–1954), 303–6Google Scholar.

¹³ See J. Schmidt in Roscher's Lexicon VI, 532–5.

¹⁴ Plutarch 389A, Pausanias 1, 40, 6. On the festival(s) and the likelihood that they were Boeotian see Halliday, W. R., The Greek Questions of Plutarch (Oxford, 1928), 162Google Scholar (ad 299D), 167 (ad 299F), and Ziehen in P-W XVII, 1510.

¹⁵ In describing the person who began all the trouble Livy calls him ‘nocturnorum antistes sacrorum’ (XXXIX, 8, 4), then continues: ‘cum … et nox et mixti feminis mares … discrimen omne pudoris exstinxissent’ (8, 6), ‘in sacro nocturno’ (12, 4), ‘nocturnum sacrum’ (13, 9), ‘noctis licentia’ (13, 10), ‘coetus nocturni’ (14, 4), ‘quaestionem de Bacchanalibus sacrisque nocturnis’ (14, 6), ‘nocturni coetus’ (14, 10), ‘Bacchanalia … crepitibus etiam ululatibusque nocturnis’ (15, 6), ‘strepitibus clamoribusque nocturnis’ (15, 9), ‘nocturnus coetus’ (15, 12), ‘nocturna contio’ (16, 4), ‘ex occultis tenebris’ (16, 11). The massing of these words within a few chapters is itself testimony to the basis of the popular feeling, although the most important phrase is of course that in 14, 6. In the Consular letter regarding the Senatus-consultum (CIL I², 581) the expression is merely ‘sacra in <o>quoltod’ (line 15). Those who have seen in Livy's account, however, nothing but a theme of New Comedy and a stock description of secret rites have not taken sufficient notice of Cicero's similar phraseology (see below, note 17).

¹⁶ See below, note 19.

¹⁷ ‘nocturnis sacrifices’ (II, 14, 35), ‘sacra nocturna’ (ibid.), ‘in nocturnis’ (14, 36), ‘omnia nocturna’ (15, 37), ‘nocturnas peruigilationes’ (ibid.). It seems to me likely that in the third and fourth phrases, which refer to Greek celebrations, he is actually translating νυκτέλια. cf. ibid. II, 9, 21: ‘nocturna mulierum sacrificia’.

¹⁸ The relation of the suppression of the Bacchanalia to references in Plautus' plays has often been misstated or misused. There is a discussion of the chronological problem, with some citation of the literature, in Schutter, K. H. E., Quibus annis comoediae Plautinae primum actae sint quaeritur (Groningen, 1952)Google Scholar XXVIII–XXX. The relation works, in strict logic, only one way. One cannot assume that any given Plautine reference to Bacchants springs directly from knowledge of or interest in the actual situation at Rome, since it is conceivable in each case that the source was a literary one. What one can assume is that such a reference in any late play (and perhaps in any play) struck a special chord of interest in his audience, since we know that in fact the situation did exist and had undoubtedly been a matter of knowledge and perhaps concern for some time; see Jeanmaire, H., Dionysos (Paris, 1951), 454Google Scholar; Bruhl, A., Liber Pater (Paris, 1953), 86–7Google Scholar. I personally believe that the Amphitruo was written within the decade before the suppression.

¹⁹ [Virgil], Culex III: ‘uenit Nyctelium fugiens Cadmeis Agaue’; Ovid, Ars Amat. I, 567: ‘Nycteliumque patrem nocturnaque sacra precare’; Metamorph. IV, 15 (in a list of epithets of Liber): ‘Nycteliusque Eleleusque parens et Iacchus et Euhans’; Seneca, Oed. 491–2: ‘pumice ex sicco fluxit Nyctelius latex’; Servius ad Aen. IV, 303 (on ‘nocturnus’ in ‘nocturnusque uocat clamore Cithaeron’): ‘nocte celebratus; unde ipsa sacra nyctelia dicebantur; quae populus Romanus exclusit causa tnrpitudinis’.

²⁰ e.g., CIL III, 3478 (Aquincum); VI, 725 (Rome). Sentinum: CIL XI, 5735.

²¹ Arba: CIL III, 10120. Potaissa: ibid. 879 (Inuicto), 877–8 (Herculi Inuicto). It is therefore misleading in the first case and inaccurate in the second for the editors to index the simple Invictus under Mithra.

²² Nocturnus: CIL III, 1956, 9753, 14243²; V, 4287. Liber: CIL III, 1951, 2730, 9752, 14241¹.

²³ The three occurrences of Bromios at Epidaurus are typical: IG IV², 129 (line 3), 436, 509—in a hymn, in elegiac couplets, in a single hexameter.

²⁴ Exact results in a study of this matter are unattainable, since what is sometimes and in some places an epithet is at other times and places the name of an independent deity. One must use common sense and rule out, for example, Despoina at Lykosura and elsewhere in Arcadia, Hekate in Caria (Stratonikeia and Lagina), and Kore probably entirely. A classic example of the problem is found in the doubts regarding the identity of Eubouleus (or Euboulos) at Eleusis: see Dittenberger ad. SIG 83 (line 39), and Jessen in P-W VI, 864–5, comparing ibid. 861–4.

²⁵ See, for the former, Weinreich, O. in Ath. Mitt. XXXVII (1912), 1–68Google Scholar; for the latter, Cumont in P-W v, 564 and Malten in P-W VIII, 2492.

²⁶ The phrase is that of Nock, A. D., Harv. Theol. Rev. XXIX (1936), 65Google Scholar. I am greatly indebted to Professor A. D.Nock for his suggestions and criticisms.

²⁷ Roussel-Launey, Inscrip. de Délos, no. 2448, as against nos. 442B (lines 45 and 176), 1417B II (line 22), 2375.

²⁸ IG IV², 417, 438, 478, 570. There appears to be a single example of Theoi Soteres (ibid. 512).

²⁹ SEG XI (1954), no. 1272. See Cook, A. B., Zeus II, 2 (Cambridge, 1925), 1090–1160Google Scholar; Pfister in P-W xv, 340–5; add those described by Plassart, A., BCH L (1926), 422–4Google Scholar.

³⁰ Merlat, P., Répertoire des Inscriptions et Monuments figurés du culte de Jupiter Dolichenus (Paris, 1951)Google Scholar no. 157 (Mauer a.d. Url); ILS 9286 (Mainz, not in Merlat).

³¹ See Wissowa in P-W VII, 121–2 and Thulin in P-W II A, 222–3. Additional evidence was published by E. Albertini, C. R. Acad. Inscrip. (1943), 376–81 and discussed by Leglay, M., Libyca I (1953), 75Google Scholar. I am grateful to the latter for calling my attention to this example.

³² CIL XIII, 6746 ( = ILS 3138).

³³ ibid. 6745, 6747, 11822.

³⁴ There is possibly another example from Cirta (CIL VIII, 6958 = Gsell, S. et al. , Inscriptions Latines de l'Algérie II, I, Paris, 1957, 501Google Scholar), but see Dessau ad ILS 3138; cf. Roscher in his Lexicon III, 1335.

³⁶ The use of the epithet is probably an example of that attempt at sophistication among simple people which is found elsewhere; see Nock, A. D., Harv. Theol. Rev. XXVII (1934), 100–3Google Scholar.

³⁶ See Schur in P-W XIII, 74; Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Röm. ² 303; Klotz in P-W III A, 123.

³⁷ CIL v, 4288–90.

³⁸ See Schur in P-W XIII, 73; the evidence in these matters is confirmed and unchanged by the valuable survey of C. B. Pascal, ‘The Cults of Cisalpine Gaul’ (unpublished Harvard diss. 1956), 280 and 287.

³⁹ CIL III, 13461–2.

⁴⁰ ibid. 13448, 13454, 13459–60, 13469–74.

⁴¹ Deecke, W., Etruskische Forschungen IV (Stuttgart, 1880), 19Google Scholar; Thulin, C., Die Götter des Martianus Capella (= Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche u. Vorarbeiten III, I, Giessen, 1906), 65–6Google Scholar.

⁴² Goossens, Latomus VIII, 106–7.

⁴³ Thulin, o.c. 65–6.

⁴⁴ Bruhl, Liber Pater, 87.

⁴⁵ On the especially chthonic aspect of Dionysos in southern Italy, the interest in the underworld, and the connection with Orphism see most recently Nilsson, M. P., The Dionysiac Mysteries of the Hellenistic and Roman Age (Lund, 1957) 12Google Scholar. On early exchange between Etruria and the south see the new evidence of Hencken, H., Amer. Journ. Arch. LXII (1958), 259–272CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the importance of Dionysos and his connection with the afterlife among the Etruscans see Bruhl, o.c. 70–81; on his ambiguous character in Etruscan divination see Bruhl, 74–5, and Jeanmaire, Dionysos 453–4. On Dionysos and afterlife in the Graeco-Roman world see Nilsson, M. P., Geschichte d. Griech. Rel. II (Munich, 1950), 348–350Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ e.g., Pausanias VIII, 19, 2, and the two festivals mentioned by Nilsson, Gesch. d. Griech. Rel. I² (Munich, 1954), 575–6.

⁴⁷ Above, p. 38.

⁴⁸ 341–3: ’Ἱακχ’ ὦ ’Ἱακχε, νυκτέρου τελετῆς φωσφόρος ἀστήρ.

⁴⁹ Ad 343: τὸ μυοστηριακὸν πῦρ φωσφόρον λέγουσι.

⁵⁰ 1146–8: ἰὼ πῦρ πνειόντων χοράγ’ ἄστρων, νυχίων φθεγμάτων ἐπίσκοπε. The text has been questioned, but not the meaning.

⁵¹ Ad 1146: κατά γάρ τινα μυστικὸν λόγον τῶν ἀστέρων ἐστὶ χορηγός.

⁵² 1077–1080: ὄψεται ἐννύχιος ἄυπνος ὤν, ὅτε καὶ Διὸς ἀστερωπὀς ἀνεχόρευσεν αἰθήρ, χορεύει δέ σελάνα …

⁵³ Oed. 405: lucidum caeli decus. Same phrase in Horace, Carm. Saec. 2, referring to Diana in her lunar aspect.

⁵⁴ See Strasburger in P-W VII A, 518–9; some differences will be found in the accounts of Lecrivain in Daremberg-Saglio's Dictionnaire s.v. ‘Tresuiri’ and of Cagnat, ibid. s.v. ‘Vigiles’. Their Greek equivalent in nightly duties were the νυκτοφύλακες (LSJ s.v.), to whom Mercury shortly afterwards refers apparently as uigiles nocturnos (351).

⁵⁶ See Kroll in P-W XVII, 800. To forestall misunderstanding it should be noted that one inscription related by Herrmann, L. (Ant. Class. XVII, 317Google Scholar) to the Di Nocturni is in fact in honour of these magistrates: CIL III, 12539, on which see Domaszewski, A.v., Rhein. Mus. XLVII (1892), 159–160Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ See Duckworth, G. E., The Nature of Roman Comedy (Princeton, 1952), 350–6Google Scholar.