^{page 19 note 2} CIL i, p. 304.

^{page 19 note 3} CIL i, p. 324.

^{page 19 note 4} All dates unless otherwise stated are of the uncorrected Roman calendar.

^{page 19 note 5} Greatness and Decline of Rome, ii, 2, 294.

^{page 19 note 6} CAH, ix, 674.

^{page 19 note 7} Carcopino, Jérôme, Histoire ancienne, Part 3, ii, 879Google Scholar and ‘César et Cléopâtre,’ Études d'archéologie romain, i (1937), 46Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 8} Briefwechsel des Cicero, 224.

^{page 19 note 9} The Roman Republic, iii, 509.

^{page 19 note 10} Caesar im Orient, 106.

^{page 19 note 11} Caesars Monarchies 514, n. 4.

^{page 19 note 12} The Roman Republic, iii, 316.

^{page 19 note 13} Life and Times of Cleopatra, 139.

^{page 19 note 14} Mommsen, (History of Rome, v, 282Google Scholar) says, ‘The Alexandrian insurrection compelled the man (Caesar) … to leave his proper tasks in abeyance from October, 48 B.C. up to March, 47 B.C. …’ This, I think, must be understood to mean up to March 27th, the date of the battle of the Nile, not of Caesar's departure.

^{page 19 note 15} Following the enumeration of the Ptolemies given in the Cambridge Ancient History, ix, and in Bevan's History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty. There is no doubt of Caesar's relation to Cleopatra. He was her lover, almost certainly the father of her child, Caesarion. Plutarch, Caesar, 49, 4; Suet. Div. Jul. 52, 1–2Google Scholar; Cicero, Att. xiv, 20Google Scholar, 2.

^{page 19 note 16} Conquest of Civilization, 587.

^{page 20 note 17} According to BG viii, praef. 8, Hirtius was not present at Alexandria. He was, however, in Caesar's company at Antioch, soon after, in the summer of this year: Cic. Att. xi, 20Google Scholar.

^{page 20 note 18} BA 33, 4.

^{page 20 note 19} As has been noted, Judeich makes paucis diebus mean five days in BA 66, 1. In BC 3, 106, 1, he reckons it at 21 days (op. cit. p. 60). Here he has lengthened it to 85 days. Ferrero and Adcock would make it here equivalent to 60 days, Schmidt and Rice Holmes to 72, and Heitland to 100.

^{page 21 note 20} Sometimes twice a day, Att. xi, 12, 1.

^{page 21 note 21} Att. xi, 25, 2. The assumption that Cicero wrote to Atticus immediately after receiving the news is, of course, open to criticism.

^{page 21 note 22} In the following calculations it is assumed that news comes directly to Brindisi. If the news went first to Atticus at Rome and was relayed to Cicero the elapsed time would be six days to a week longer Att. xi, 21, 1).

^{page 21 note 23} Att. xi, 15, 1.

^{page 21 note 24} In the following computations the unreformed calendar is used.

^{page 21 note 25} Att. xi, 16, 1–2. The ‘check’ was probably the defeat and death of the Rhodian admiral, Euphranor, which occurred shortly before the arrival of Mithradates (BA 25, 3–6). In this same letter of June 3rd Cicero speaks of a letter from Caesar, a forgery, he thinks, which was written on February 9th (Att. xi, 17, 3). But since the source of this letter is doubtful and since it had been in the possession of Atticus for some time before it was finally received by Cicero on June 3rd (Att. xi, 16, 1), the interval of 113 days indicated is not significant.

^{page 21 note 26} Att. xi, 17, 3.

^{page 21 note 27} Ibid. xi, 18, 1.

^{page 21 note 28} Ibid xi, 25.

^{page 22 note 29} Vegetius, , Epitoma Rei Militaris, iv, 39Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 30} Sir William Ramsay, who knows the conditions of travel in this region by personal experience, in an excellent article, ‘Travel in New Testament Times,’ in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible (Extra Volume, 375), emphasises the difference in time between the journeys from Rome to Alexandria and from Alexandria to Rome, and between travel in summer and in winter. The news of the accession of Pertinax in January took 64 days to reach Alexandria, going by land; the news of Galba's accession going by water in June took 27 days. He gives (p. 387b) 50 days as the time in summer for the journey from Alexandria to Rome by water, 65 (p. 378b) by courier overland.

^{page 22 note 31} Navis, 254 fin.

^{page 23 note 32} Att. xi, 6, 5.

^{page 23 note 33} Ibid. xi, 6, 7. The letter promising amnesty to Cicero which he was so anxious to receive was sent by Caesar from Alexandria (pro Ligario 3, 7) apparently after March 27th. It did not reach Cicero till August 12th (Fam. xiv, 23, 1) about 136 days later. But Philotimus, the bearer, was travelling leisurely.

^{page 23 note 34} Cassius Dio, li, 19, 4. Cicero began his term as consul suffectus with Octavian in September 13th, 30 B.C.

^{page 23 note 35} Att. xi, 20, 1.

^{page 23 note 36} Ramsay, op. cit. p. 387b. The distance from Alexandria to Antioch is 800 miles. Ramsay calculates a courier's time as 15 days, 53⅓ miles per day. The battle of Munda was fought March 17th. The news reached Rome on April 20th (Dio xliii, 42, 3), a distance of about 1,800 miles, i.e. 53 miles per day (Holmes, op. cit. iii, 375 ffGoogle Scholar.).

^{page 23 note 37} Att. xi, 10, 1.

^{page 23 note 38} Ibid. xi, 7, 7.

^{page 23 note 39} Ibid. xi, 10, 1.

^{page 23 note 40} Ibid. xi, 23, 2.

^{page 23 note 41} Ibid. xi, 20, 1.

^{page 24 note 42} Ibid. xi, 23, 2.

^{page 24 note 43} CIL i, pp. 304 and 324.

^{page 24 note 44} Suet. Div. Jul. 35, 2Google Scholar. It should be noted that Suetonius does not say, ‘the frontier of Pontus’ as is frequently quoted, but quite vaguely, ‘within five days after his arrival.’ ‘Ab Alexandria in Syriam et inde Pontura transiit urgentibus de Pharnace nuntiis quem … intra quintum quam adfuerat diem, quattuor quibus in conspectu venit horis, una profligavit acie.’

^{page 24 note 45} In the unreformed calendar of 47 B.C., April and June had each 29 days.

^{page 25 note 46} BA 33, 6.

^{page 25 note 47} Edition of Caesar's works and continuing treatises, 1847, p. 195.

^{page 25 note 48} BA 66, 2, ‘ipse, eadem classe qua venerat, proficiscitur in Ciliciam.’

^{page 25 note 49} Vegetius, , Epit. Rei Milit. iv, 38Google Scholar ‘ex die, igitur, tertio Idus Novembres (Nov. 11th ) usque in diem sextum Idus Manias (March 10th) maria clauduntur.’

^{page 25 note 50} Veget. l.c.

^{page 25 note 51} The Mediterranean Pilot, v, first edition, 1915, 8 and 10.

^{page 25 note 52} Bc iii, 107, 1.

^{page 25 note 53} It might be noted that in Ant. xiv, 137, Josephus uses ἀποπλεύσας of Caesar's crossing to Syria, and in Jewish Wars i, 194, ἐπανῆκεν. Plutarch (Caes. xlix) uses ὥρμησεν and (1) ἐπιών of his journey through Asia.

^{page 25 note 54} BA 65–66, 1.

^{page 26 note 55} Ibid. 65, 4, ‘commoratus fere in omnibus civitatibus quae maiore sunt dignitate.’

^{page 26 note 56} The latter doubtless refers to the permission given the Jews to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem destroyed by Pompey: Josephus, Ant. xiv, 144Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 57} E.g. the contest over the high-priesthood of the Jews, Ibid.

^{page 26 note 58} It would seem at first that Hirtius' expression, ‘paucis diebus, in ea provincia consumptis’ (BA 66, 1), must refer to the time between Caesar's departure from Alexandria and his arrival at Tarsus, but a careful reading will show that the author is thinking of the period after Caesar's reception of the news from Rome. The problem of a permanent and immediate settlement is there presented to Caesar, and from this point haste became imperative. I might add that Schmidt, Judeich and Rice Holmes interpret the passage thus.

^{page 26 note 59} Josephus, Ant. xiv, 190Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 60} Att. xi, 20, 1.

^{page 26 note 61} In spite of what Holmes says of it (op. cit. 509).

^{page 26 note 62} BA 33, 3.

^{page 26 note 63} Ibid. 69, 1.

^{page 26 note 64} Ibid. 26, 2 Mithridates, ‘itinere pedestri quo coniungitur Aegyptus Syriae Pelusium adducit.’

^{page 26 note 65} This route led south of Lake Serbonis (Gardiner, , Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, vi, 1920, 114Google Scholar). Hirtius' account (‘commoratus fere in omnibus civitatibus’) makes it impossible to believe, as Judeich (o.c. 112) and Schmidt (o.c. 225) seem to imply, that Caesar visited only Ace Ptolemais and Antioch in Syria.

^{page 26 note 66} It was re-named by Herod the Great in 13 B.C. when he rebuilt the place and constructed the harbour works. Caesar could not have re-embarked here in 46 B.C., though he might have done so at Joppa.

^{page 28 note 67} Att. viii, 14, 1, and ix, 13 A, 1.

^{page 28 note 68} Basil of Caesarea, Ep. 215.

^{page 28 note 69} Rice Holmes, Caesar's Conquest of Gaul,² 63. Vegetius, , Epit. Rei Mil. i, 9Google Scholar, says that each month a Roman soldier was compelled to do a 20-mile (Roman) march. This, as Rice Holmes points out, was not an ordinary, but a forced march. He estimates that the average day's march was much less than 18 miles (30 km.), more nearly 12 (20 km.) though 16½ miles a day for a week was possible. In a foot-note he quotes Lord Wolseley (Soldiers' Pocket Book,⁵ 322) as authority for the statement that an ordinary day's march for a small detachment on a single road is, ‘Twelve to sixteen miles a day for five out of six or at most six days out of seven.’ This is confirmed by the accomplished military critic of the London Times who writes, ‘With large forces it is not safe to reckon more than ten miles a day, but with a legion or a modern division one can reckon from fifteen to twenty.’

It has been found convenient to keep the distances in English miles, and to use one kilometre as equivalent to six-tenths of a mile. Where accuracy is desired the kilometre is taken as 3,280.8 feet. The Roman foot is. 296 metres, the English foot,. 301 metres. The Roman mile, 5,000 Roman feet, is thus 4,855.6 feet, 141.5 yards shorter than the English mile (not, ‘nearly 95 yards less,’ Sandys Companion to Roman Studies,³ 437).

^{page 28 note 70} The average speed of an ancient vessel is not easy to estimate. Caesar, with the help of the etesian winds, arrived in Alexandria from Rhodes on the third day according to Appian (ii, 375), 320 miles. Lucan says the seventh day (ix, 1004–5), but he may have meant from Ephesus, as Rice Holmes suggests (op. cit. 180, n. 5). Apollonius of Rhodes says (i. 601 ff.) that a merchantman could cover thirty nautical miles between dawn and mid-day, i.e. seven or eight hours, about four knots. Thucydides (ii, 97) says that with favourable winds all the way, sailing day and night, the shortest possible passage from Abdera to the mouth of the Ister (460 knots) is four days, i.e. 115 miles per day, about five knots. Lycurgus (in Leocr. 60) gives four days as the duration of a voyage from Athens to Rhodes, 264 miles, sixty-six knots per day or two and three-fourths knots per hour.

Pliny (NH xix, Proem.) gives, among others, the following remarkably rapid passages:

A London marine superintendent suggests three knots as a reasonable maximum speed.

^{page 29 note 71} Phil. ii, 11, 26.

^{page 29 note 72} BA 66, 2.

^{page 29 note 73} Op. cit. 225.

^{page 29 note 74} Op. cit. 509.

^{page 29 note 75} Stoffel, , Hist. de Jules César, ii, 272Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 76} BA 69, 1 ‘quam (legio vi) … partim difficultate itinerum ac navigationum … diminutam.’ Disability from sea-sickness was nothing new for Roman soldiers. Scipio's soldiers were in capacitated—at least in the opinion of that dilatory general—by their voyage to Marseilles (Livy, xxi, 26 init.).

^{page 29 note 77} M. P. Charlesworth; Trade Routes and Commerce of the Roman Empire,² 79; C. A. J. Skeel, Travel in the First Century, 124 f.

^{page 29 note 78} For an excellent and accurate description of the road from Tarsus through the Cilician Gates see Ramsay, W. M., The Geographical Journal, xxii 1903, 357 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 30 note 79} One difficulty in tracing Caesar's route—especially after leaving Mazaca—is the irresponsibility of most maps. On most of them the route goeth where the cartographer listeth, regardless of physical obstructions. They have the faith that not only can but does remove mountains. In one case I found Mt. Argaeus, the loftiest peak in Asia Minor, located on no more firm a foundation than the salt marsh of Sultan Sazy. In the following discussion I have been able to use a recent Turkish military map. I have supplemented it by a very slight personal experience and by diligent inquiry of men who have lived long in that country and are familiar with the roads and the trails.

^{page 30 note 80} Where ancient names exist for the places mentioned I have used them. The spelling of Turkish names is a matter of temperament. I have often given several variants so that in the morass of Turkish orthography identification may be easier.

^{page 30 note 81} BA 66, 3.

^{page 31 note 82} Op. cit. 511.

^{page 31 note 83} Caesar im Orient, 118.

^{page 31 note 84} Op. cit. 511. Klotz in his edition of 1937 omits venit and marks a considerable lacuna after Cotmana.

^{page 31 note 85} Drumann, (Gesch. Roms. iii ², 498, n. 2; 503Google Scholar) argues that Hirtius is in error—that it was the Pontic, not the Cappadocian, Comana to which Caesar appointed Lycomedes priest. So says Strabo (xii, C. 558 fin.) and Appian implies as much (Mith. 121). If this is the case, the appointment could have been made at Dazimon without any delay, and the proximity of the Pontic Comana to that point is another argument for the route via Sebastea Dazimon. Caesar certainly made no long detour to the Cappadocian Comana.

^{page 31 note 86} Hirtius is careful to emphasize Caesar's haste— ‘cupiditate proficiscendi ad bellum gerendum,’ BA 66, 3.

^{page 31 note 87} E.g. Schmidt and Judeich, op. cit. 113–5.

^{page 31 note 88} Hirtius says (BA 67, 1) ‘cum propius Pontum finesque Gallograeciae accessit, Deiotarus … ad Caesarem … venit’ The description is, as Holmes remarks (p. 510) vague; it would naturally apply best to the route approaching Zela from the south (Route 2), but as Deiotarus was coming from Galatia to see Caesar, Hirtius may have used this expression to describe a meeting which took place somewhere on the route between Mazaca and Sebastea. On this road Caesar was undoubtedly drawing nearer to Pontus and Galatia.

^{page 32 note 89} BA 69, 1.

^{page 32 note 90} Ibid. 34, 5.

^{page 32 note 91} Dio, xlii, 47.

^{page 32 note 92} From the junction west of Sebastea the railway follows a more direct route to Zela, avoiding Dazimon. Its line runs almost parallel to the wagon road to Yenihan, but then diverges, keeping to the northwest through Kizilca and Temecik. Approaching Zela from the south, it passes three miles east of the town. There is no road this way, only a mule track, impracticable for an army which was now four legions strong.

^{page 34 note 93} Stoffel (op. cit. 271) calculates the distance from Tarsus to Zela at 400 km., 240 English miles 270 Roman miles. Schmidt (op. cit. 225) makes it 515 km., 310 English miles, 350 Roman miles.

^{page 35 note 94} Hirtius' failure to mention Caesar's liaison with Cleopatra proves nothing. Thucydides does not mention Aspasia. In fact the argument from silence is the poorest of all arguments. Schliemann does not mention his unhappy first marriage in his autobiography, nor does Theodore Roosevelt in his Autobiography speak of his first marriage, though it was an ideally happy one.

^{page 35 note 95} Vol. ix, p. 935.

^{page 35 note 96} Nicolaus of Damascus, Valerius Maximus, Asconius, Frontinus.

^{page 35 note 97} Livy(Per. 112), a bare enumeration of the facts of the campaign. Velleius (ii, 54), a few facts; he is interested in showing that the death of Ptolemy was a punishment deserved for treachery to both Pompey and Caesar. Strabo (xvii, 796 fin.) says Caesar put the elder brother to death, restored Cleopatra and appointed her and her younger brother joint sovereigns. Josephus does not mention Caesar's connection with Cleopatra. Florus (ii, 13, 56) says that Cleopatra embraced Caesar's knees and that her petition for the restoration of part of the kingdom appealed to him because of her beauty and because of the unjust treatment she had received. Eutropius (vi, 22) says that Cleopatra was restored and the king slain. Malalas (Corp. Hist. Byz. viii, 216) says that Caesar came from Antioch to Alexandria and that he found Cleopatra at Thebes, fell in love with her and punished the eunuchs who were responsible for her banishment. Their son died young and Caesar returned to Rome. He says that Caesar arrived at Antioch on June 28th (according to Judeich's computation) and that the news of his arrival in Syria (Act ?) was known at Antioch on June 17th. Allowing three days for the news to come from Ace to Antioch his arrival at Ace would have taken place on June 14th. The time spent in Syria would be at least fourteen days. Judeich reduces it to five by accepting Malalas' date of June 28th and refusing to accept his date of June 17th. If these dates are correct, they are the only correct statements in Malalas' whole account. I think no credence whatever can be given them, Plutarch (Caesar 49), after stating that Cleopatra was conveyed into Caesar's presence in a rug and became his mistress, continues (Perrin's translation) ‘He (Caesar) marched against him (Ptolemy) and conquered him in a battle where many fell and the king himself disappeared. Then leaving Cleopatra on the throne of Egypt (a little later she had a son by him whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion) he set out for Syria.’

^{page 35 note 98} Caesar gave Julia ‘brothers from an abominable mother.’

^{page 36 note 99} v, 192 ff., Duff's translation.

^{page 36 note 100} Divus Julius, xxv and lii, Rolfe's translation.

^{page 36 note 101} Appian, BC ii, 378Google Scholar (Civil Wars, ii, 90, White's translation).

^{page 36 note 102} This statement is variously interpreted. Nine months from Caesar's arrival at Alexandria on October 2, is July 2. Heitland takes this (‘the first week in July’) as the date of Caesar's departure from Alexandria—an obvious impossibility. If the battle of the Nile, on March 27th, marks the ‘end of strife,’ then the beginning, nine months previous, would be the end of June when Caesar and Pompey were engaged at Dyrrhachium. The battle of Pharsalia, August 9th, is too late to mark the beginning of the war. The suggestion that Appian means the nine months between August 9th and Caesar's departure, which would then fall on May 9th, does not accord with Appian's statement, Weigall thinks the nine months are the nine months of Cleopatra's pregnancy.

^{page 37 note 103} Dio xlii, 35–46, Cary's translation.

^{page 37 note 104} Appian, BC ii, 383Google Scholar (White's translation, ii, 91), gives the following account of the battle of Zela. ‘He (Caesar) moved forward with his army, walking in advance and chatting with the ambassadors (of Pharnaces) until he arrived at the camp of Pharnaces when he merely said, “Why should I not take instant vengeance on this parricide?” Then he sprang upon his horse and at the first shout put Pharnaces to flight and killed a large number of the enemy, although he had with him only about one thousand of his cavalry who had accompanied. him in advance.’

^{page 38 note 105} Suet. Divus Julius liii.

^{page 38 note 106} An excellent discussion of Caesar's relation to Cleopatra by Carcopino has just appeared in volume i of Études d'archéologie romaine (Ghent 1937), see especially p. 44 ff.

^{page 38 note l07} Oman, Seven Roman Statesmen, 292.

^{page 38 note 108} Antony and Cleopatra, Act ii, sc. 2.

^{page 39 note 1} See above (p. 20). Festus gives little light on the meaning of pauci. He lists only one derivative, pauciens, quoting Titianius' cryptic remark, ‘Uxorem pauciens videbo.’ A Biritish Justice, some years ago, gave a decision that seven would be the extreme limit of a ‘few.’ Baltimore Sun, Feb. 18th, 1934, section 1, p. 8, col. 3.

^{page 39 note 2} BA 13, 4.

^{page 39 note 3} Ibid. 66, 1.

^{page 39 note 4} Op. cit. 112.

^{page 39 note 5} BA 3, 3.

^{page 39 note 6} Cicero (Cat. 3, 1, 3) uses paucis diebus of an interval of twenty-four days.

^{page 39 note 7} BG 1, 18, 10.

^{page 39 note 8} Ibid. 1, 39, 1.

^{page 39 note 9} Ibid. 4, 19, 1.

^{page 39 note 10} Ibid. 4, 19, fin.

^{page 39 note 11} Ibid. 4, 7, 2.

^{page 39 note 12} Ibid. 4, 9. 1.

^{page 39 note 13} Ibid. 6, 10, 1 and 4.

^{page 39 note 14} Ibid. 6, 29, 4.

^{page 39 note 15} Ibid. 7, 5, 4.

^{page 39 note 16} Ibid. 7, 20, 9.

^{page 39 note 17} Ibid. 3, 17, 3.

^{page 40 note 18} Ibid. 3, 21, 2.

^{page 40 note 19} BC 3, 58, 2.

^{page 40 note 20} Histoire de Jules César, 428–9.

^{page 40 note 21} Op. cit. iii, 480.

^{page 40 note 22} BC 3, 66, 4.

^{page 40 note 23} Ibid. 3, 37, 5.

^{page 40 note 24} Ibid. 3, 106, 1.

^{page 40 note 25} Op. cit. 60.

^{page 40 note 26} Op. cit. 484.

^{page 40 note 27} BC 2, 16, 1.

^{page 40 note 28} Rice Holmes, op. cit. iii, 90Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 29} BC 2, 22, 2.

^{page 40 note 30} Ibid. 2, 25, 3.

^{page 40 note 31} Rice Holmes, op. cit. iii, 96Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 32} BC 1, 34, 1.