Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-vdxz6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T04:53:39.014Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Atticus, Legate of Judaea Under Trajan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

E. Mary Smallwood
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Eusebius, quoting Hegesippus, records that during Trajan's reign Symeon son of Cleopas, a cousin of Christ, was martyred in Judaea as a Christian ἐπὶ … Άττικοῦ τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ —which at first sight appears to mean ‘when Atticus was consular legate’. Atticus was clearly the legate of Judaea at the time. The suggestion that he was legate of the consular province of Syria can be disregarded, as there is no reason why an event in Judaea should be dated by the governor of another province. Two problems arise—the date of Atticus' command, and his rank as legate.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 52 , Issue 1-2 , November 1962 , pp. 131 - 133
Copyright
Copyright © E. Mary Smallwood 1962. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 I wish to record my thanks to Professor Sir Ronald Syme for his helpful criticism of an early draft of this paper.

2 HE III, 32.

3 Groag in P-W III col. 2677. PIR 1, C 654; PIR 2, A 1338.

4 Syme suggests (JRS XLVIII (1958), 4, and Tacitus 1, 222, n. 5) that Pompeius Falco's abnormal tenure of two successive praetorian governorships, in Lycia-Pamphylia and Judaea (cf. below), was dus to the annexation of Arabia and may indicate disturbances in Judaea then. But he was still a praetorian, not a consular, legate.

5 Stein, A., Die Reichsbeamten von Dazien (1944), 54.Google Scholar

6 Lightfoot, J. B., The Apostolic Fathers II: S. Ignatius, S. Polycarp (1889), 449.Google Scholar

7 Migne, PG XCII, col. 609.

8 Lightfoot, o.c. 480, 492–3, 496–8.

9 o.c. 472.

10 ILS 1035 and 1036 give his cursus. There has been some discussion of the phrase et leg. pr. pr. [pr]ovinciae ludaeae consularis in 1036, where consularis appears to be both illogical and ungrammatical: e.g. Hicks, E. L. in JHS XI (1890), 253–4Google Scholar, and Oliver, J. H. in Hesperia x (1941), 255–8.Google Scholar But Dessau's suggestion (note in ILS ad loc.), that the word is the mason's erroneous resolution of the abbreviation cos. (here in its chronological position, instead of, as frequently, heading the list) on his copy, seems to be the only satisfactory one. Cf. Syme, in JRS XLVIII (1958), 4.Google Scholar

11 First published by Wiegand, T. in Abhandl. d preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, phil.-hist. Kl., 1932, 40–2Google Scholar, with a commentary by W. Weber on PP. 57–95. Discussed by Herzog, R. in Sitzungsb. d. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, phil.-hist. Kl., 1933, 408–415.Google Scholar Re-published with different supplements by A. von Premerstein in Sitzungsb. d. bayer. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu München, 1934, Heft 3.

12 Stein, o.c. (n. 5), 11–12. Syme in JRS XXXVI 1946), 162–3.

13 Syme in JRS XLIV (1954), 82.

14 For the consulships see A. Degrassi, I Fasti Consolari (1952).

15 F. Ost. The suggestion, made by Syme, in JRS XLIV (1954), 81–2Google Scholar, is cited in PIR2, H 143.

16 Lucilius Bassus—Jos. BJ VII, 163 and 252. Salvidenus— Madden, F. W., Coins of the Jews (1881), 218Google Scholar, no. 6. Tiberianus—Malalas Chron. XI, p. 273 = Migne PG XCVII, col. 413.

17 PIR1, C 654 (p. 353), ‘…vulgo pro certo statuitur.’ PIR2, A 1338 ‘quidam docti statuerunt.’ Groag in P–W III col. 2677. Schürer, , Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes 13,4 (1901), 645.Google ScholarGraindor, P., Herodes Atticus et sa Famille (1930), 26.Google ScholarAbel, F.-M., Histoire de la Palestine (1952) II, 61.Google Scholar

18 AE 1919, no. 8. SIG 859A. IG VII, 88 (unless this inscription honours his son). The second consulship which is attributed to him by Suidas (s.v. ‘Ηρώδης), and which Philostratus’ statement that the sophist ἐτέλει μὲν ἐκ πατέρων ἐς τοὺς διουπάτους (VS II, i, I; Loeb p. 138) is usually interpreted to imply, is dubious, but does not concern the present discussion.

19 He died at the age of about 76, having outlived the revolt of Avidius cassius in 175 and the death of Faustina later that year or early in 176 (Philos. VS II i, 31–2 and 37 (562–3 and 565; Loeb pp. 174–6and 180).

20 The only other sibling known is a youngerof brother, who evidently died prematurely. The terms the father's will presuppose that the sole heir (Philos. VS II, i, 5–6 (549); Loeb pp. 144–6).

21 cf. Hammond, M., The Antonine Monarchy (1959), 291Google Scholar: ‘Only men very highly placed attained the consulship at anything like the minimum age of thirty-three …most men attained the office only in their forties’.

22 This gives him an average span of life. He was still alive when the sophist was corrector Asiae during the proconsulship of the future Emperor Antoninus Pius (Philos. VS II, i, 4 and 17 (548 and 554–5); Loeb pp. 142 and 156), which is variously dated between 132 and 136. But in a letter dated soon after 140 Fronto mentions the sophist's singular method of executing his father's will (Ep. III, 3; Naber, 41–2; Loeb 1, p. 64). Cf. Graindor, o.c. (n. 17) 37 and 73–4 on the date of his death.

23 A. Degrassi, o.c. (n. 14), supplemented by fragments of the F. Ost. found subsequently and published by Barbieri, G. in Studi Romani I (1953), 365–75Google Scholar, and by additions and modifications suggested by Syme, in JRS XLIII (1953), 148–61.Google Scholar

24 Inscriptiones Italiae XIII (1947), i, 152, and ii, pl. lx.