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Asia Minor, 1924.: I.–Monuments from Iconium, Lycaonia and Isauria
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 September 2012
Extract
The antiquities described below were seen by us during a visit to Konia and the Isaurian hill-country in June, 1924. One of us (Buckler) spent ten days at Konia while the other two were travelling in the south; after this we were together in Konia for four days. As a result of the instructions kindly given by the Ministers of the Interior and of Public Instruction, we were extremely well treated by the local authorities, and desire particularly to thank the Director of the Konia Museum for his courtesy. We would also express our gratitude to H.E. Halil Edhem Bey, Director of the Museum of Antiquities in Constantinople, to Professor Reisch and Dr. Josef Keil of the Austrian Archaeological Institute who have given invaluable help, and to Sir W. M. Ramsay for his kind aid and criticism.
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- Copyright ©W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder and C. W. M. Cox 1924. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies
References
page 24 note 1 For the blocks used to illustrate this article the Society is indebted to the authors.‐Ed.
page 24 note 2 The drawings are not to scale. The following abbreviations are used :
B., C., Co., within brackets, show which of the three authors was the copyist.
A.E.M.O. = Archaeol.-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Oesterreich.
K.P. = J. Keil-A. von Premerstein, Reise in Lydien (ite, 2te, 3te); Denkschriften der k. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, 1908–1914.
Stud. = Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, edited by W. M. Ramsay, 1906.
Sundwall = Joh. Sundwall, Die einheimischen Namen der Lykier u.s.w., Klio. Beiheft xi, 1913.
page 25 note 1 The two are hard to distinguish; in this case the nearness of Ouindia to Pessinus suggests that Attis is the deity represented. On coins of Pessinus Attis, with crescent behind his shoulders, is sometimes wrongly taken to be Mên; Roscher, , Lex. ii, 2727-2728, 2896Google Scholar. At Pisidian Antioch Mên was ‘probably a variation of the Anatolian Attis’ J.R.S. iii, 1913, p. 276Google Scholar (Anderson).
page 26 note 1 This reference we owe to Professor A. S. Hunt.
page 29 note 1 Like that of Κάβρων for Κάρβων at Laodicea Combusta: I.G.R. iii, 258 (more complete in C.I.G. 3990, i).
page 31 note 1 M. Cumont kindly informs us that the admission of women as ‘lionesses,’ which Clermont-Ganneau had inferred from the decoration and texts in a Tripolitan tomb (C. r. Acad., 1903, p. 357 f.), is questioned by Romanelli in his publication of the paintings in that tomb, Notiziario archeologico del ministero delle Colonie, iii, 1922, p. 21 fGoogle Scholar.
page 32 note 1 Sterrett, Wolfe Exp., nos. 26, 154 = Cumont, , op. cit. ii, p. 172, nos. 549, 550Google Scholar.
page 33 note 1 Owing to an obstruction, the r. side of the lion could not be photographed.
page 37 note 1 In the first example (kindly pointed out to us by M. Henri Grégoire) found in Asia Minor, the present subjunctive, not (as here and in the texts cited below, p. 85 f.) the future indicative, is used: ἔχη |δὲ πρ|ὸς τὸν|Θεὸν ὁ| ἀνύγω|ν χωρὶ|ς τῶ κυ|ρίω (sic); text from Pessinus, Sitzungsber. bayer. Akad., 1860, p. 193, no. 3 = A.E.M.O. vii, 1883, p. 184, no. 54.
page 38 note 1 Can it be the accusative of the Egyptian name Πνας (Preisigke, Namenbuch, col. 334)?
page 39 note 1 Professor H. Stuart Jones kindly refers us to P. mag. Berol. i, 5 (Abhandl. Berl. Akad. 1865) and to P. Lond. 121 (i. p. 104), 1. 629.
page 47 note 1 B.C.H. x, 1886, p. 503Google Scholar, n. 6; xxvi, 1902, p. 217, no. 8.
page 51 note 1 Cf. the Φ in no. 49.
page 51 note 2 Or καὶ δ' αὑτὸς for καὶ αὐτὐς δἐ This hardly accords with Lycaonian village epigraphical style, and Γης in feminine elsewhere.
page 56 note 1 Cf. ll. 9, 11, 12, 17, in which stop-marks are clear on the impression.
page 58 note 1 Cf. J.H.S. xviii, 1898, p. 126, no. 88 (Anderson):
page 59 note 1 The lower rosettes (see the photograph, Pl. x, 60) are nearer the lower edge of the stone than they are shown in the sketch. The shape of the figure inside the garland is shown there (Pl. xi, 60), but not in the photograph.
page 69 note 1 On the different meanings of ίππϵύς in inscriptions of Asia Minor, , see Class. R. xxiv, 1910Google Scholar, p. 11 ff.; xxvii, 1913, p. 12.
page 69 note 2 In 1910, C. copied part of the Κ of Κέλ]ϵρα (1. 4), and added, after πατέρα αὐτῶν (1. 8):
The form ϵὔνοα for ϵὔνοια occurs (unpubl.) at Isaura Vetus. With the concluding formula cf. the common ἓγϵκαν μνήμης χάρια.
page 72 note 1 Or Κα … may be the name of the village; but the frequency of dedication by order of a god, conveyed in dream or vision, makes κα[τ' ὄναρ probable: see the many instances of such divine command collected by Nock, , J.H.S. xlv, 1925, pp. 95, 96Google Scholar. Κα[θιέρωσαν would not fit.
page 72 note 2 Is Poloxou indeclinable and to be translated as a dative?
Since [ when partly effaced sometimes resembles Γ, Γπουρωξα (Rev. Univ. Midi. i, 1895, p. 359Google Scholar, no. 6) may represent Σπουρωξα; this and Σλπουρωξα (ibid. no. 8) are possibly the dative of Σπουρωξα or Σλπουρωξας, which may have been Pisidian forms of the god's name. That the stelae nos. 6 and 8 were offered to a god equated with Zeus is suggested by the eagle's head at the top of no. 6 (cf. Ramsay in Stud. p. 277, no. 12); here Μουσητος is probably the nominative (cf. Μωσητος, Sundwall, p. 158), and we may translate : ‘To (S)pouroxas Mousetos (gave this).’ In no. 8 the effigies of the donor, a woman, and of her wheatsheaf are carved; the only inscription is: ‘To Slpouroxas.’ In no. 2 ΛΙΡΜΟΥС ΗΤΟС seems to stand for ΑΥΡ(ήλιος) Μουητος (third century?).
page 73 note 1 The last word is therefore not to be read as Αθήν[ην (for which there is just room, assuming ligature, on the stone), implying the dedication of a figure of Athene.
page 73 note 2 Ll. 5, 6:
The speaker is the dead man.
page 75 note 1 To the examples in the index of I.G.R. vol. III, add J.R.S. x, 1920, p. 44Google Scholar. The index (p. 626) quotes an example of στρατϵύσας (active) from Arabia.
page 75 note 2 The name was detected by Prof. Dessau, who compares, for the corruption into Ἀττϵκτόρων, Inscr. sel. 1174: see also 2531, 2537, and Cichorius, Realenc. I, 1231. For Prof. Dessau's valuable help with this difficult inscription we are deeply grateful.
page 78 note 1 Θϵᾶς κ(ὲ) Βαδητος θυγάτηρ is, however, an impossible transcription.
page 79 note 1 In one case the dead is expressly called θϵός: J.H.S. xix, 1899, p. 127Google Scholar; cf. R. de phil. xxxvi, 1912, p. 52Google Scholar.
page 81 note 1 On the date and vogue of the Fish, see Northcote, and Brownlow, , Roma Sotterranea, 2nd ed. 1879, ii, p. 57Google Scholar ff., where De Rossi's results are conveniently summarized.
page 82 note 1 C.B. p. 723, 1. 13 ff., analysed and discussed by Dölger, , op. cit. ii (1922), p. 486Google Scholar f.; cf. J.R.S. ii, 1912, p. 247Google Scholar. Tombstone D dates ca. A.D. 400.
page 82 note 2 In view of no. 120, the fish motif on pagan tombstones of this area need no longer be regarded as influenced by the legend of Perseus and the Ketos represented on coins of Coropissus.
page 82 note 3 See Northcote, and Brownlow, , op. cit. ii, pp. 65–74Google Scholar.
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