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Ambrose's Contemporaries and the Christianization of Northern Italy*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Rita Lizzi
Rita Lizzi
Affiliation:
University of Florence
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Extract

The question of the Christianization of Italy in the late fourth century has been much discussed in the recent past, but it has rarely been approached at local level, despite the fact that focusing upon local situations, where a wealth of material is available, makes it easier to follow the interplay between paganism and Christianity.

The geographical area broadly corresponding to Northern Italy offers a vast body of material, especially from the second half of the fourth to the first half of the fifth century. There are enough archaeological and epigraphic sources for us to get an idea of the changes in urban organization brought about by Christianity. In terms of literary sources, the North of Italy is a privileged region (as are Cappadocia at the time of Basil and the two Gregories and Syria at the time of John Chrysostom and Theodoret of Cyrrhus) in that we have the sermons of a number of bishops who were very close to Ambrose, Bishop of Milan. These texts have been used to study the economy of the region but they are also basic for elucidating Christian doctrine and practice at the time of Ambrose.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 80 , November 1990 , pp. 156 - 173
Copyright
Copyright © Rita Lizzi 1990. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

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18 In his letter Ambrose asked Constantius to take over Forum Cornelii's seat temporarily (Ep 2, 27). Since Forum Cornelii has been identified with Imula, some scholars have believed that Bononia or Faventia was Constantius' bishopric. During the fourth century, however, another town, Claterna, now vanished, still existed. It was closer to Imula than Bononia. Thus Claterna might have been Constantius' seat. See F. De Ruggiero, Dizionario Epigrafico 11, 1, 280.

19 Ambr., Ep. 2, 30.

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24 Ambr., Ep. 19, 6; PL 16, 984.

25 Symm. 11, 52; VI, 72; IX, 48.

26 Many authorities had to provide for quarterings in the towns: curiales could choose the quarters, but the magister officiorum and the mensores had executive functions: see S. Roda, ‘Militaris impressio e proprietà senatoria nel tardo Impero’ in Studi in onore di S.Calderone (forthcoming).

27 Ambr., Ep. 19, 2; 7–34.

28 Below, III, 2.

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36 Zeno 1, 25, 11, p. 75, 95

37 Zeno 1, 25, 10, p. 75, 85–9

38 PL11, 335 n. 21.

39 Zeno I, 14, 8, p. 59, 74–7.

40 Ruggini, L. Cracco, ‘Milano nella circolazione monetaria del tardo impero: esigenze politiche e risposte socioeconomiche’, in La zecca di Milano, Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Milano 9–14 maggio 1983) (1984), 49Google Scholar.

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44 Zeno I, 5, 3, p. 38, 18–23; ibid. 7. P. 39. 52–6.

45 Zeno 1, 5, 17, p. 41, 120–1; 1, 14, 8, p. 59, 72–4.

46 Max. Taur., Sermones 17and18, Corpus Christiariorum Series Latina (CCSL) 23 (ed. A. Mutzenbecher, 1962), pp. 62–9.

47 For the date, see O. Maenchen-Helfen, ‘The Date of Maximus of Turin's sermo XVIII’, VC 18, 2 (1964), 114–15.

48 Max. Taur. 18, p. 69, 59–60.

49 Max. Taur. 18, p. 69, 61–6.

50 CTh v, 7, 2 (Dec. 409) = Brev v, 5, 2 (408).

51 Zeno 11, 6, 1, p. 168, 4–9.

52 Zeno II, 6, 2, p. 168, 9–11. For the African situation, see Lepelley, Les cités, 348–52.

53 Compare Zeno 1, 5, 17–18, p. 41, 125–32 and 11, 6, 5–7, P 169, 39–57.

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56 ibid. 33, 54 where a good analysis of the remains of the mosaic floor can be found.

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64 cf. Brusin, G.–Zovatto, P. L., Monumenti romani e cristiani di Iulia Concordia (1960), 143, 239, 271, 301 ff.Google Scholar; Bertacchi, L., ‘Un decennio di scavi e scoperte d'interesse paleocristiano a Aquileia’, Antichità Altoadriatiche 6 (1974), 63–91Google Scholar.

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67 Ruggini, op. cit. (n. 40), 13–58.

68 Ambr., Ep. 2, 3–4, PL 16, 880; cf. De Off. i, 101.

69 Ambr. Ep. 2, 5, 880. As for the linkage sertno purus et dilucidus, reminiscent of the typical terminology of classical rhetorical treatises, cf. Consolino, F. E., Ascesi e mondanità nella Gallia tardoantica (1979), 24, n. 2.Google Scholar

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75 Gaud. Brix., Tr. xvi, PL 20, 955–9.

76 Gaud. Brix., Praef. 831–2, CSEL 68, 9, 10, p. 4.

77 Ruf., HE 11, 16, ‘(Benivolus) tune memoriae scriniis praesidens’.

78 Gaud. Brix., Praef. 828–9, CSEL 2, p. 1: ‘nam sicut honoratorum nostrae urbis, ita etiam dominicae plebis, Domino annuente, dignissimum caput es.’

79 Gaud. Brix., Tr. 13, 939, CSEL 23, pp. 120–1.

80 Gaud. Brix., Praef. 834, CSEL 21, p. 7.

81 Gaud. Brix., Praef. 835, CSEL 22, p. 7.

82 Max. Taur. 61, 23–32, p. 244; 17, 70, p. 65; 36, 91, p. 143, 61a, 17, p. 249; 72, 23, p. 301; 81, 19, p. 332; 93, 23, p- 374; 22, 1–10, p. 83; 22a, 67–79, p. 89: ‘indulgentior est elemosina quam lavacrum. Lavacrum enim semel datur et semel veniam pollicitur, elemosinam autem quotiens feceris, totiens veniam promereris’.

83 Max: Taur., 71, 44–54, p. 298; 56–74, p. 299.

84 Max. Taur., 26, p. 101–3 esp., 40–54.

85 Max. Taur., 30, 22–5, p. 117.

86 Max. Taur., 61c, 64–75, pp. 258–9.

87 Max. Taur., 63, 30–5, pp. 266–7.

88 Max. Taur., 98, 51–62, pp. 391–2.

89 Max. Taur., 91, 23–38, p. 369.

90 Max. Taur., 107, 23–30, p. 420; cf. 91, 33–6, p. 369.

91 Pascal, op. cit. (n. 73), 47, 150–4; Chirassi Colombo, op. cit. (n. 73), 157–91.

92 Roda, S., ‘Religiosità popolare nell'Italia nord-occidentale attraverso le epigrafi cristiane nei secoli IV–VI’, Augustinianum 21 (1981), 246–8, nn. 5, 9–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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94 Max. Taur., 107, 32–40, p. 420. The term dianaticus could refer to the cult of Diana connected with farming rituals: Dölger, J., ‘Christiche Grundbesitzer und heidnische Landarbeiter. Ein Ausschnitt aus der religiösen Auseinandersetzung des vierten und fünften Jahrhunderts’, Antike und Christentum 6 (1950), 313–19.Google Scholar

95 Max. Taur., 107, 14–21, p. 420.

96 Max. Taur., 108, 7–8, p. 423.

97 CTh 16, 10, 12, 11, 18–21.

98 Max. Taur., 106, 13–18, p. 417.

99 CTh 16, 10, 12, 11, 21–3; S. 106, 24–5, p. 417.

100 CTh 16, 2, 29; 30; 11, 16, 21 and 16, 22; 16, 2, 31.

101 Max. Taur., 106–7 esp. 106, 2, pp. 417–18. For the authenticity of these sermons, cf. A. Mutzenbecher, ‘Einleitung’, CCSL 23, xxxm ff.

102 Max. Taur., 106, 22–35, p. 417.

103 Vig., Epp. I–II, PL 13, 549–58.

104 Vig., Epp. 1, 550D; 11, 553B-C.

105 Vig., Epp. 11, 553C; 1, 551C.

106 Vig., Epp. 11, 554D; 1, 551D.

107 Vig., Epp. 11, 554B–555D; 1, 552A.

108 cf. Tabula Clesiana = CIL v, 5050 = ILS 206. The inscription was published by Mommsen, Th., ‘Edikt der Kaisers Claudius über das röm. Bürgerrecht der Anauner vom J. 46 n. Chr.’, Hermes 4 (1870), 99–120.Google Scholar Cf. U. Laffi, “Adtributio” e Contributio”. Problemi del sistema politico-amministrativo della Stato romano (1966), 32 n. 63.

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113 ibid., 66–8; 72–80.

114 ibid., 69–70.

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116 Vig., Ep. II, 556B.

117 Ep. 11, 554B: ‘ibique levitis aliquantis in ecclesia deprehensis…’

118 Sisinnius was diaconus (554C); Martyrius lector (551A); Alexander was hostarius (551D).

119 Vig., Ep. II, 553C; cf. 1, 551C.

120 Aug., Ep. 139, CSEL 44, pp. 151–2.

121 Aug., Ep. 50, CSEL 34, 143 ff. That event has been dated c. 399 after the legislation concerning the closure of pagan temples: Lepelley, op. cit. (n. 29), 355–8.

122 Aug., Epp. 90 and 103 by Nectarius to Augustine and Epp. 91–104 to Nectarius. cf. Kotula, T., ‘Deux pages relatives à la reaction paienne: les troubles à Sufes et à Calame’, in Acta Universitatis Wratislawiensis 205 (1974), 69–74Google Scholar (in Polish with a French summary).

123 Aug., Ep. 91, 433, 3–11.

124 Ep. 103, 580, 9–11; 91, 434, 10–5.

125 Ep. 91, 435, 11–5; 104, 594, 28 ff.

126 CTh 16, 2, 31 (25 April 398).

127 Aug., Epp. 97 and 100.

128 Ep. 139.

129 The constitution was addressed to Manlius Theodoras, a person closely linked with the ecclesiastical milieu of Milan, and especially with Simplicianus, to whom Vigilius sent the first letter.

130 The sites of the churches were planned strategically in order to assimilate a part of ‘folkloric’ culture within the ecclesiastical culture: see Goff, J. Le, ‘Cultura ecclesiastica e tradizione folcloristiche nella civiltà merovingia’, in Agiografia medievale (1976), 215–26Google Scholar.

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132 M. Simonetti, in CCSL 20, x.

133 Max. Goth., Contra paganos, CCSL 20, 323–8.

134 P. Courcelle, ‘Un nouveau traité d'Eutrope, prêtre aquitain vers l'an 400’, REA 56 (1954), 377–90; Fontaine, J., ‘Société et culture chrétiennes sur l'aire circumpyrénéenne au siècle de Théodose’, Bull, de Litterature ecclésiatique 75 (1974), 241–86.Google Scholar