¹ Address: http://www.uni-heidelberg.de/institute/sonst/adw/edh/recherchen.html. Since September 2002 the databank has been ported on IBM DB2 (version 7.2) so that it can be made available on the internet in its entirety. Each text can be presented either with resolutions and supplements or as a majuscule text, much as it appears on the original surface. All the words in each inscription can also be listed alphabetically. At present the data-base contains around 33,000 texts.

² Dafferner, A. et al. in Hainzmann, M. and Schäfer, C. (eds), Alte Geschichte u. neue Medien. Zum EDV-Einsatz in der Altertumsforschung = Computer u. Antike 5 (2000), 45–65Google Scholar. The link to the Spanish office of CIL at the University of Alcalá is no longer available. Agnati, U., Epigraphica 60 (1998), 207–22,Google Scholar provides useful tips for the creation of a personal data-bank; cf. Bresson, A. in Bohec, Y. Le and Roman, Y. (eds), Actes du Congrès de la Société des Professeurs d'Histoire Ancienne, 1993, Collection d'études romaines et gallo-romaines n.s. 18 (1998), 13–31,Google Scholar on the creation of indices by means of the PETRAE programme; criticism of this programme by Drinkwater, J. F., Britannia 27 (1996), 479CrossRefGoogle Scholarf.

³ E. Marin et al. (eds) (1999). Address: http://www.rz.uni-frankfurt.de/∼clauss, which now links directly to Eichstätt: www-db.ku-eichstaett.de:8080/pls/epigr/epigraphik. A CD-Rom is available from Prof. Dr M. Clauss. Jürgen Malitz’ searchable database also at Eichstätt — www.ilateyst.de or www.gnomon.ku-eichstätt.de/gnomon — which contains ILS, most of AE and much of CIL as well as useful collections such as Ehrenberg & Jones (now c. 135,000 texts) is aiming soon to be able to present the Greek and bi-lingual texts of AE. The Packard Humanities Institute CD-Rom Documentary #7, containing 160,000 Greek inscriptions from the Cornell Greek Epigraphy Project, together with numerous papyrus texts, was finally issued in 1996 and updated in 2000. Despite the lack of apparatus and commentary, for rapid word-searches it is quite invaluable, cf. Guide de l'épigraphiste ³ (see n. 31 below), 84. The prices for a five-year personal lease have been reduced.

⁴ Further information available under www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ifa/altg/eck. The report of the sub-committee ‘Epigraphy and Computers’ at the XII Epigraphic Congress in 2002 was rather subdued: lack of funding is a major problem. A CD-Rom of IRT with digitized images is being produced jointly by M. Greenhalgh of the ANU and J. Reynolds for the British School at Rome: see http://rubens.anu.edu.au/new/IRT/. The issues of ZPE since 1995 are available on-line under: www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ ifa/zpe/downloads/index.html.

⁵ Linderski, J., JRA 11 (1998), 480,Google Scholar raises the ‘modest proposal’, which we endorse, that the office of Supplementa Italica or the AIEGL should develop software specifically for epigraphical publication, above all to make the Krummrey-Panciera diacritics available to the ordinary user of a p.c.

⁶ cf. the plans in relation to the Pompeian wall graffiti outlined by A. Varone in the context of the supplement to CIL IV now under way, in Atti del XI Congresso Internazionale di Epigrafia Greca e Latina (Roma 1997) (1999), 1, 609–16, at 616.

⁷ A non-technical account by A. K. Bowman in Atti del XI Congresso, op. cit. (n. 6), 1, 545–51, at 548–51; cf. idem et al., Literary and Linguistic Computing 12 (1997), 169–76.

⁸ Address: http://www.fak12.uni-muenchen.de/aegyp; cf. the work being done at Leeds by D. Agius on the Arabic texts from Quseir in Egypt: www.reporter.leeds.ac.uk/486/s2.htm. CSAD in Oxford has created a website to present a searchable version of the texts of Tab. Vindolandenses II together with digital images, www.vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk. Edmondson, J., JRA 12 (1999), 666Google Scholar airs internet publication for local corpora which need constantly to be brought up to date; cf. Drinkwater, J. F., CR 50 (2000), 638Google Scholarf.

⁹ Alföldy, G. (ed.), CIL VI.8.2 (1996)Google Scholar: Tituli imperatorum domusque eorum (nos 40301–40889), including addenda and corrigenda to CIL VI nos 773–37038, and the terminus-inscriptions (nos 40852–40889); thirty-one of these texts also appear in S. Panciera, Iscrizioni greche e latine del Foro Romano e del Palatino (1996) noted in our previous survey (listed at AE 1996: 75). Alföldy, G. (ed.) CIL VI.8.3.1 (2000)Google Scholar: Tituli magistratuum p.R. ordinum senatorii equestrisque (2000) nos 40890–41264; and VI.8.3.2 (2000): nos 41265–41434, with the indices to the two volumes, preceded by addenda and corrigenda to nos 1270–37136. Here can be found the restored version of VI. 1574, Alföldy's already celebrated re-invention of a text in honour of the historian Cornelius Tacitus on the basis of a mere six and a half words.

¹⁰ CIL VI.8.2 no. 40454a is Alföldy's bold reconstruction, on the basis of the letter-holes surviving beneath the text of the restoration of A.D. 443–4, of the original version of the four identical texts above the interior portals of the Colosseum recording Vespasian's construction of the amphitheatre, I[mp] Caes. Vespasi[anus Aug.] amphitheatru[m novum?] ex manubis [fieri iussit?], which would thus allude to the use of the spoils from the sack of Jerusalem (cf. ZPE 109 (1995), 195–226Google Scholar = AE 1995: 11 ib). CIL VI.8.3.1 is perhaps the most important to look through: note esp. nos 40890, re-edition of ILLRP no. 513 = IGRRP I. 118 = IGUR 1 (SC de Asclepiade Clazomenio, 78 B.C.); 41062: Laudatio Turiae, based upon D. Flach, Die sogenn. Laudatio Turiae (1991) and Horsfall, N., BICS 30 (1983), 85–98;Google Scholar 41142= CIL VI. 1377 = ILS 1098 (M. Claudius Fronto, cos. A.D. 165); also 41443 = CIL VI.1937^* = ILS 9002 (T. Furius Victorinus,praef. praet. A.D. 160: this is an inscription that, because of Ligorio's fanciful supplements, was believed until 1907 to be a falsa).

¹¹ Excellent photographs of some 2,300 inscriptions in the Capitoline Museums and published in CIL VI are now available in G. L. Gregori and M. Mattei (eds), Roma, 1: Musei Capitolini (1999), the first volume of a new series, Supplementa Italica – Imagines, that aims to provide in due course images of all Italian texts in CIL. On the progress of the supplement to CIL IX (regio IV): Buonocore, M., Epigraphica 60 (1998), 45–70;Google ScholarCIL X (regiones I, III, Sicily): H. Solin in Epigrafi e studi epigrafi in Finlandia (1998), 81–117.

¹² Felle, A. E., ICUR n.s. Concordantiae verborum, nominum et imaginum, ICI Subsidia 4 (1997)Google Scholar, including a concordance to other editions; cf. Duval, N., AntTard 6 (1998), 400–3Google Scholar and Felle's reply, 403–6. A. Bertolino et al. in N. Cambi and E. Mann (eds), Acta XIII congressus internationalis archeologiae christianae (1998) ( = Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, Suppl. 87–89), 3, 115–24, outline a project to create an electronic index of the complete ICUR n.s. Note also, di Stefano Manzella, I. (ed.), Le iscrizioni dei Cristiani in Vaticano. Materiali … per una mostra epigrafica, Inscriptiones Sanctae Sedis 2 (1997)Google Scholar, with excellent photos; the second volume of the prosopography of Christian Italy: C.† and L. Pietri (eds), Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire, 2: Prosopographie de l'ltalie chrétienne (313–604) 2: L–Z (2000); and the brief general survey of Christian epigraphy by D. Mazzoleni and D. Feissel in J.-C. Fredouille and R.-M. Roberge (eds), La documentation patristique (1995), 107–25. See also our Section ix below.

¹³ Suppl. Italica n.s. 13 (1996)Google Scholar: Nursia, S. Severino (Marche), Casale Monferrato/Terruggia; 15 (1997): Ateste; 16 (1998): Aletrium, Rusellae, Forum Iulii, Bergomum; 17 (1999): Forum Fulvii-Valentia, Alba Pompeia, Ferrara. Vol. 14 (1997) contains the Indices to vols 8–13 by C. Lega, unfortunately without an accompanying CD-Rom though it was compiled by means of electronic processing; on vols 4–8 and 9–12, see the reviews by Linderski, J., JRA 11 (1998), 458–84Google Scholar and J. Bodel, ibid., 485–98; the latter contains a map (p. 486) and an interim index (p. 498) of the towns and regions covered up to 1995; on vols 13–14, 16–17: Linderski, , JRA 13 (2000), 562–7;Google Scholar 14 (2001), 513–35; Bodel on vol. 15 was supposed to appear in JRA 15 (2002)Google Scholar but did not. In the new series devoted to local history: Genti e province d'Italia, which combines epigraphy with literary sources, note A. Trevisiol, Fonti letterarie ed epigrafiche per la storia romana della provincia di Pesaro e Urbino (1998). Also the (re-)publication of the inscriptions from Italy now in Austrian collections: Kränzl, F. and Weber, E. (eds), Die römerzeitlichen Inschriften aus Rom u. Italien, Althistorisch-epigraphische Studien 4 (1997)Google Scholar; of the Canonry of S. Maria in Novara: Biancolini, D. et al. , Epigrafia Novara. Il Lapidario della Canonica di S. Maria, Quaderni della Soprintendenza archaeologica di Piemonte 7 (1999)Google Scholar; and the first volume of the projected catalogue of the inscriptions of the Palazzo Borbonico in Naples: G. Camodeca et al., Catalogo delle iscrizioni latine del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, 1: Roma e Latium (2000). A handy re-edition of the Fasti Ostienses, based on Vidman, with one new fragment belonging to the years A.D. 74–81: Bargaglia, B. and Grosso, C., I Fasti Ostienses, Itinerari Ostiensi 8 (1997)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ CIL II², s, Conventus Astigitanus, A.U. Stylow et al. (1998); a fine review of the parts already published (nos 7, 14.1) by Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 8), 649–66, emphasizing the stimulus given to Spanish epigraphy as a whole by the decision to revise Hübner's edition de novo. Other Spanish texts: J. M. Iglesias and A. Ruiz, Epigrafia romana de Cantabria (ERCan), PETRAE Hispaniarum 2 (1998); Fabre, G. et al. , IRCatalogne 4 (1997) and 5:Google ScholarSuppléments aux vols. I–IV et instrumentum inscriptum (2002) (not always very satisfactory), and two further volumes of Hispania Epigraphica (whose financial basis now seems secure under the editorship of I. Velázquez) with much improved indices modelled on those of AE: 6 (1996) [2000]Google Scholar (covering 1994–96); 7 (1997) [2001] (covering 1996–97). The Spanish epigraphy archive at the University of Madrid (Universidad Complutense, Archivo Epigráfico de Hispania), which publishes HE, contains information on more than 24,000 texts and is freely open to all foreign scholars and visitors. It is planned to make this material available in due course on the internet; some of it can indeed already be viewed on www.ucm.es/info/archiepi.

¹⁵ B. Rémy, ILAquitaine – Arvernes (1996), with a good introduction to the area; Gascou, J. et al. , ILNarbonnaise 4: Apt, Gallia Suppl. 44.4 (1997)Google Scholar. The most noteworthy recent series in France however is the excellent Carte archéologique de Gaule, directed with great energy by M. Provost since 1993, and now amounting to over sixty volumes, each with an epigraphic component.

¹⁶ To date the international project (ILGB), to include c. 3,000 texts, has only been announced: Burnand, Y., Prolegomena ad editionem novam inscriptionum Latinarum Galliae Belgicae pertinentia, Gallia Romana 2 (1998)Google Scholar. The core is, of course, provided by A. Deman and M.-Th. Raepsaet-Charlier, Les inscriptions latines de Belgique (1985), now revised as Nouveau recueil des inscriptions latines de Belgique (2002).

¹⁷ R. Wedenig et al., Testimonia Epigraphica Norica (TENOR), series A, part 1.1–3 (Oberösterreich) (1997–2000) on the instrumentum domesticum of Noricum; texts from the Prähistorisches Museum Hallstadt and other collections, from the Oberösterreichisches Landesmuseum, and the Museum Lauriacum. Further volumes, including the instrumenta in the Wels and Salzburg museums, are planned.

¹⁸ J. Fitz et al., Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns, VI: Aquincum, civitas Eraviscorum etc. (2001), with some comments by Alföldy, G., ZPE 140 (2002), 263–77Google Scholar. A useful index to the official inscriptions of Pannonia: B. Fehér, Lexikon Epigraphicum Pannonicum (1957).

¹⁹ Kos, M. Sašel (ed.), The Roman Inscriptions of the National Museum of Slovenia/Lapidarij Narodnega muzeja Slovenije, Situla 35 (1997)Google Scholar (mainly from Emona); also the first volume of IL Sloveniae, 1: Neviodunum (ed. Lovenjak, M.), Situla 37 (1998)Google Scholar. Other volumes, on the documents from Poetovio (c. 700 texts), Celeia (c. 400), and Emona (c. 300) are foreseen. Supplements to ILIug: for Croatia, by M. Šegvić (1996); for Bosnien-Herzegowina, by A. Škegro (1997); a supplement to CIL III for Croatia is planned: Šegvić, M., Opuscula archaeologica 20 (1996), 131–9Google Scholar. Note also the survey of recent finds by Wilkes, J. J. in Atti del XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 2, 451–60Google Scholar (unfortunately without footnotes).

²⁰ Lower Macedonia: territory of Veria (Beroia), including the texts from the temple of Leucopetra: L. Gounaropoulou and M. B. Hatzopoulos, Inscriptiones Macedoniae Inferioris, 1: Inscriptiones Beroeae (1998, 2000); Northern Macedonia (mainly now in the modern state of Macedonia): Papazoglu, F. et al. , IG X.2.2.1 (1999)Google Scholar, Lyncestidis and Pelagonia (almost all of imperial date). The only important new text is a civic resolution by Herakleia in honour of Aurelian, presumably during the Gothic campaign of A.D. 272: AE 1999: 1415; Illyria: Cabanes, P. (ed.), Inscriptions d'Epidamne-Dyrrhachion et d'Apollonie, 2: Inscriptions d'Apollonie d'lllyrie, CIIllyrie mérid. et d'Epire 1.2 (1997)Google Scholar (Greek texts only).

²¹ C. L. Băluţă, I.Daciae Romanae 3.6, Apulum: instrumentum domesticum (1999); Avram, A., I.Scythie Mineure, 3: Callatis et son territoire (IScM III) (1999)Google Scholar. Note also the epigraphic surveys for Romania by Petolescu, C. C. in SCIVA 47 (1996)Google Scholar ff. and the same author's Inscriptions de la Dacie romaine: Inscriptions concernant l'histoire de la Dacie (I ^er-III ^esiècles), I: Italie et les provinces occidentales (1996).

²² K. Banev et al., IGBulgaria V: Inscriptiones novae, addenda et corrigenda (1999), excluding the instrumenta domestica; the volume unfortunately lacks the promised index to the series.

²³ A complete epigraphic dossier for the modern state of Tunisia, based on the Archaeological Atlas, and deliberately designed to include the smaller sites, has been inaugurated: Sotgiu, G. and Corda, A. M. in Atti del XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 1, 843–6Google Scholar. The volumes for Oudna and Tebourba appeared in 2000, with an index of words and an innovative index of external data: typology, location, provenance, dimensions etc. An excellent survey of epigraphic-archaeological work in 1995 and 1996 on North Africa by Lasserre, J.-M. and Le Bohec, Y., Bibliographie analytique de l'Afrique antique 29 (1995) [2000]Google Scholar; 30 (1996) [2001]. For Britain, the preparation of RIB III by R. S. O. Tomlin, assisted by R. Häuβler, based on the texts published in JRS and Britannia since RIB, and the records kept by R. Tomlin and M. Hassall; the tradition of line drawings is to be continued, complemented by photographs where available. See already for the Hunterian Museum collection: Keppie, L., Roman Inscribed and Sculptured Stones in the Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow, Britannia Monograph 13 (1998)Google Scholar. Note also an electronic index RIB I–II: M. Hainzmann and P. Schubert, Auxilia epigraphica, I: Inscriptiones Britanniae, CD-Rom (1999).

²⁴ Hagel, S. and Tomaschitz, K., Repertoriutn der westkilikischen Inschriften nach den Scheden der kleinasiatischen Kommission der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Ergänzungsbande zu den TAM 22 (1998)Google Scholar, a collection of published texts from MAMA III and many other sources without commentary, but including a glossary and index of personal names. Cilicia was chosen because of T. Mitford's work on the relevant TAM fascicle and the number of gaps in the coverage of SEG; Tomaschitz, K., Unpublizierten Inschriften Westkilikiens aus dem Nachlass Terence B. Mitford, Ergänzungsbände zu den TAM 21 (1998)Google Scholar. Note also Malay, H., Researches in Lydia, Mysia and Aiolis, Denkschr. der Österr. Akad. derWiss., phil.-hist. Kl. 279 = Ergänzungsb. TAM 23 (1999)Google Scholar (219 texts, mainly funeraries of imperial date). Note too Cotton, H. M. et al. , ZPE 127 (1999), 307Google Scholarf. on the plan to publish a Corpus Inscriptionum ludaeae/Palestinae.

²⁵ Bernard, E., ZPE 139 (2002), 119–26,Google Scholar worth comparing with the same author's survey of the corpus, ZPE 26 (1977), 95–117Google Scholar.

²⁶ J. Bodel and S. V. Tracy, Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the USA (1997); Thomassen, B. E., A Survey of Greek and Latin Inscriptions on Stone in Swedish Collections, Acta Inst. Rom. Regn. Sueciae, ser. in 8°, 22 (1997)Google Scholar. Re-edition of the incriptions of the DAI in the Via Sardegna, Rome: M. G. Granino Cecere in R. Neudecker et al. (eds), Antike Skulpturen und Inschriften im Institutum Archaeologicum Germanicum (1997), 139–96.

²⁷ Huyse, P., Royal Inscriptions with their Parthian and Greek Versions, 1: Die dreisprachige Inschrift Šabuhrs I. an der Ka'ba-i Zardušt, Persepolis. Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum 3: Pahlavi inscriptions, vol. 1 (1999)Google Scholar; D. R. Hillers and E. Cussini, Palmyrene Aramaic Texts (1996). Huyse's commentary is heavily philological and the historical information must be dug out; because it is part of the Aramaic Lexicon project, Hillers and Cussini's volume contains no translations but an excellent glossary, so that a reader who knows some Hebrew can find his or her way about. Note also the survey of Aramaic texts on the periphery of the Achaemenid empire by Graf, D. F., Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan 32 (2000), 75–92,Google Scholar concluding that Aramaic only achieved the status of a lingua franca in the Hellenistic period.

²⁸ A good orientation by Schmidt, M. G., s.v. Lateinische Inschriften, in Der Neue Pauly 15/1 (2001), 53–64;Google Scholar cf. T. Corsten, s.v. Inschriftenkunde, Griechische, II, ibid. 14 (2000), 599–602. Most recently on the Codex, with a list of inscriptions: L. Sensi in G. Paci (ed.), Epigrafia romana in area adriatica: Actes de la IX rencontre franco-italienne, 1995 (1998), 453–69; on the Corpus Laureshamense (Vat. pal. lat. 833, fols. 26–84), of the ninth century, see now C. Vircillo Franklin in J. Hamesse (ed.), Mélanges L.E. Boyle (1998), 2, 975–90. Note too M. Handley in A. Cooley (ed.), The Afterlife of Inscriptions (2000), 47–56 on the intended function of one such sylloge, contained in the ninth-century codex known as BN 2832 Lat., fols. 111–124, as a source of model texts.

²⁹ Buonocore, M., Epigraphica 57 (1995), 187–93;Google Scholar 58 (1996), 115–30; 59 (1997), 301–10; 60 (1998), 223–33; 61 (1999), 137–60 (for the full list to 1998, see Guide de l'épigraphiste (n. 31 below), no. 1159); Paci, G. and Sconocchia, S. (eds), Ciriaco di Ancona e la cultura antiquaria dell'Umanesimo. Atti del convegno, Ancona 1992 (1998)Google Scholar; Pomponio Leto: Magister, S., Xenia 7 (1998), 167–96;Google Scholar Conde de Guimerá: H. Gimeno Pascual, Histona de la investigación epigráfica en Espana en los sighs XVI y XVII (1997); M. Buonocore (ed.), Camillo Massimo, collezionista di antichità (1996). On seventeenth-century epigraphy in Spain, see also Pascual, H. Gimeno and Stylow, A. U., Polis 10 (1998), 89–156;Google Scholar for the Slovenian local-patriot and public notary, Janez Dolničar/Ioannes Thalnitscher of Ljubljana (1655–1719), see Kos, M. Sašel, Arheološki vestnik 49 (1998), 329–53,Google Scholar at 345.

³⁰ We noted in our previous survey the excellent account of the emergence of printed books devoted to epigraphy by Limentani, I. Calabi, Epigraphica 58 (1996), 9–34Google Scholar.

³¹ J. Bodel (ed.), Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History from Inscriptions (2001). Note also the brief accounts by Panciera, S., ArchClass 50 (1998), 313–30;Google Scholar W. Eck in F. Graf (ed.), Einführung in die lateinische Philologie (1997), 87–114. New and re-edited manuals: J. d'Encarnação, Introdução ao estudo da epigrafia latina ³ (1997) (basic); P. Corbier, L'épigraphie latine (1998). R. Cagnat, Cours de l'épigraphie latine ⁴ (1914), in many ways, notably in its list of abbreviations, still the most thorough and complete handbook, has been reissued (July 2002: [email protected] or http://www.calepinus.com). Also: M. J. C. Miller, Abbreviations in Latin (1998) (needs care in use. For a review, see BMCR 01.03.98). F. Bérard et al., Guide de l'épigraphiste (2000). Just five fascicules of the revived Dizionario epigrafico (V 13–17 (Magnentius–Mamma) have appeared during the quinquennium.

³² cf. Millar, F., JRA 11 (1998), 431Google Scholar.

³³ Merkelbach, R. and Stauber, J. (eds), Steinepigramme aus dem griechischen Osten (1998–2002), 4 vols,Google Scholar from west coast (vol. 1) to Lycia-Pamphylia, Cilicia, Syria-Palestine-Arabia (vol. 4). Indices to follow in vol. 5. The texts, which have not been checked against the stone or ms, but assembled from published editions, are translated, annotated with ‘rather haphazard commentary’, and mostly illustrated. There are numerous blemishes (cf. Jones, C. P., CR 50 (2000), 171–2;Google ScholarHabicht, C., Tyche 14 (1999), 93–9)Google Scholar but Merkelbach observes that haste was imperative: he is eighty-four and Stauber has no permanent position. The attack (1, vii) is mainly levelled at the editorial Committee of IG, but note also G. Alföldy's position, expressed in Latin, as regards CIL, in Epigraphica 57 (1995), 292–5Google Scholar. On the plans to re-edit Bücheler's Carmina Latina epigraphica for CIL XVIII, see Schmidt, M. G., Chiron 28 (1998), 163–77Google Scholar.

³⁴ Note especially the fascinating account of forgers' methods and motives by M. Mayer, L'art de la falsifició. Falsae inscriptiones a l'epigrafia romana de Catalunya (1998); also the absolution (wrongly) accorded to CIL II. 1086 by Zelazowski, J., Epigraphica 59 (1997), 173–202,Google Scholar mainly because he can think of no reasonable answer to the question cui bono? Inversely, H. Solin some years ago defended Pirro Ligorio against the hypercriticism of Henzen and Mommsen: R. Günther and S. Rebenich (eds), E fontibus haurire: Beiträge zur römische Geschichte und zu ihren Hilfswissenschaften (1994), 335–51.

³⁵ Eck, W., Chiron 27 (1997), 195–207.Google Scholar See the comment of P. Le Roux at AE 1997: 766.

³⁶ A. Grafton, Forgeries and Critics (1990). Colmenero, A. Rodríguez, ZPE 117 (1997), 213–26Google Scholar has developed the arguments of Alicia Canto against those who believe that the Tabula is itself a forgery. The question remains open however.

³⁷ Adapted from H. Solin in Atti del XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 1, 379–404, at 391–4, who employs more discriminating categories. The 443 texts on instrumenta domestica from the second to first century B.C. are not included in our table. Solin counts 4,327 Republican texts in total, of which just 667 can be dated prior to 200 B.C., no less than 3,660 to the final 160 years. Of the 667 pre-200 B.C. texts, only 376 are on stone, the others mainly on ceramic or bronze objects. Solin notes some 67 new Republican inscriptions since the appearance of Krummrey's, CIL I2.4 (1986)Google Scholar and the 153 texts published in Epigrafia … en mémoire de A. Degrassi (1991), 241–491.

³⁸ Alföldy, G., Gymnasium 98 (1991), 289–324,Google Scholar the starting-point of Woolf's, G. account of ‘monumental writing’ in JRS 86 (1996), 74–96,Google Scholar both noted in our last survey.

³⁹ There are 58 Republican texts in Latin from Spain, 17 from Illyricum and the Danube area, 94 from Delos and other Greek islands, 21 from Asia. For a preliminary but important exploration of the almost totally neglected question of the epigraphic workshops of the Republic, see Panciera, S. in Solin, H. et al. (eds), Acta colloquii epigraphici Latini Helsingiae 3.–6. sept. 1991 habiti, Comm. Hum. Lit. 104 (1995), 319–42;Google Scholar on the development of interpuncts in Republican inscriptions: Zucca, R., MGR 18 (1994), 123–50Google Scholar. A useful detailed survey of new finds in Italy over the decade to 1997, with a bibliography of 228 items, in Gasperini, L. in Atti del XI Congresso (n. 6 above), I, 406–34Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Waarsenburg, D. J., MNIR 56 (1997), 198–200;Google Scholar other views: Prosdocimi, A. L., StEtr 59 (1993), 323–7;Google Scholarde Simone, C., StEtr 61 (1996), 247–53;Google ScholarSanti, C., SMSR 21 (1997), 256–61Google Scholar. Versnel, H. S., MNIR 56 (1997), 177–97,Google Scholar has deployed new arguments in favour of his conjecture [Iun]IEI, with the sense iuvenes, identified as the sodales of Publius Valerius. In our view, Versnel's position is the most plausible interpretation yet presented.

⁴¹ H. Solin in idem (ed.), Studi storico-epigrafici sul Lazio antico, Acta Inst. Rom. Finland. 15 (1996), 1–22, at 9, notwithstanding the possible equivalence of the city with the Greek Pometia. On the Marrucine-Oscan sacral law from Rapino (Vetter no. 208: third/ second century B.C.), see Martínez-Pinna, J., ZPE 120 (1998), 203–14;Google Scholar in our view, the most satisfactory linguistic interpretation remains that of A. Morandi, Epigrafia italica (1982), 148 no. 40. There are now two greatly divergent editions of the longish Etruscan text found near Arezzo in a clandestine dig in 1992: de Simone, C., AnnScNormPisa ⁴ 3 (1998) [1999], 1–122Google Scholar and Agostiniani, L. and Nicosia, F., Tabula Cortonensis, Studia Archaeologica 105 (2000)Google Scholar.

⁴² Flower, H., JRA 11 (1998), 224–32Google Scholar on AE 1991: 313. A new computer-enhanced drawing of the dotted text will be found on p. 226 fig. 5; good colour photos facing p. 160. The cuirass is no longer in the Paul Getty Museum in Malibu but has been returned to its anonymous private owner.

⁴³ Solin, op. cit. (n. 37), 397–400, photos: 403–4 = AE 1999: 424–30. The finds derive from a clandestine dig, and nothing is known of the context. There is a seventh text, dedicated by L. Albius L.f. to Hercules (‘Hercole’). On the (partly contemporary) laminette associated with the cult of Juno Lucina (e.g. ILS 3100f., 9230, 9230^a), see Gigli, S. Quilici, RendPontAccadArch 66 (1993–1994), 290–6Google Scholar = AE 1997: 284.

⁴⁴ A. Arnaldi, Ricerche storico-epigrafiche sul culto di ‘Neptunus’ nell'Italia romana (1997), 70f. = AE 1999: 568. A brief text from the Lucus Angitiae near the Fucine Lake attests freedmen of the familia Aebutia fulfilling vows they made before acquiring, or in order to acquire, this status: Letta, C., Epigraphica 61 (1999), 9–15,Google Scholar no. 1 (at latest mid-second century B.C., but from the archaisms doubtless earlier).

⁴⁵ Martina, M., Athenaeum 86 (1998), 85–108,Google Scholar suggests that we should read the SC de Bacchanalibus (186 B.C.) (most recent text: J.-M. Paillier, Bacchanalia (1988), 57–60) as an aural text intended to intimidate those who heard it recited. Calderazzo, L., Rivista di studi liguri 62 (1996), 25–46,Google Scholar has used the epigraphic evidence for Roman magistrates adjudicating boundary-disputes between Cisalpine cities (e.g. ILS 5944–55) as part of a reconsideration of Roman interventionism in this area.

⁴⁶ Zaccaria, C., Aquileia nostra 67 (1996), 173–94,Google Scholar at 179–84 (AE 1996: 685). The original foundation is remarkable in that for the first time centurions, like equites, received a larger assignment of land than ordinary pedites.

⁴⁷ This last is said to have been done three times (senatum ter coptavit), either annually between 169 and 167 B.C., or in accordance with the three censuses at Rome (169/168, 164/163, 159/158 B.C.).

⁴⁸ Camodeca, G., ZPE 115 (1997), 263–70Google Scholar (= AE 1999: 401); the map in Radke, G., s.v. ‘Viae publicae Romanae’, RE Suppl. 13 (1973), 1507,Google Scholar fig. 11, is of some help in locating its course; Flúmeri is c. 12 km north-east of Monte Trevico. A second cippus recording the road-building activities of the plebeian aedile, P. Menates P.f., during the second half of the second century B.C., has turned up at Lucus Feroniae (southern Ager Capenas), permitting an improvement of the reading of ILS 5802: Stanco, E. A., Epigraphica 61 (1999), 191–6Google Scholar no. 2; cf. Broughton, , MRR 2, 467Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ A new fragment, probably of the Fasti Amiternini but with deviations, listing the consuls between 139 and 127 B.C., has now been found in an Austrian museum: Kränkl and Weber, op. cit. (n. 13), 13 no. 1 = AE 1997: 177. It is one among several finds (e.g. Alfieri, N., Athenaeum 26 (1948), 110–34Google Scholar = Scritti di topografia antica sulle Marche (= Picus Suppl. 7) (2000), 59–82,Google Scholar Potentia; Ruck, B., ZPE 111 (1996), 271–80:Google Scholar Taormina) which suggest that it was usual for cities to possess their own independent version of the fasti, cf. Marengo, S. M., Picus 18 (1998), 63–88,Google Scholar on the fasti of Septempeda in the Marche — here, as at Ostia, the damnatio of Domitian evidently raised the pragmatic issue of how to deal with the topic in the civic list. On the use of consular and other datings: J. M. de Francisco Olmos, La datación por magistrados en la epigrafía y numismática de la república romana (2001).

⁵⁰ Grelle, F., Ostraka 3 (1994), 245–58Google Scholar (= AE 1994: 533). As in the case of CIL I².2933, the name of the third commissioner is missing, so that they are to be dated between the death of Crassus and the appointment of C. Papirius Carbo.

⁵¹ Arce, J. et al. , Chiron 27 (1997), 287–96Google Scholar (= AE 1997: 260). Although this Domitius did not assume the name Arvernicus, he famously toured his provincia on an elephant, and gave his name to the main route through Narbonensis to Spain; he was also honoured by a namesake on his coins of 41 B.C. (RRC nos 519/1,2).

⁵² Gasperini, L., MGR 21 (1997), 269–74Google Scholar with pl. III and the pull-out A, on AE 1990: 132, published by Volpe, R., Suppl. It. 6 (1990), 20Google Scholar no. 3 = eadem, Epigrafía: Actes … A. Degrassi (1990), 20f. L. The sanctuary, comparable perhaps in its functions to the famous fons Aponi near Patavium (Linderski, J., Ktema 17 (1992)[1996], 55–76,Google Scholar at 67) was dedicated to Iuno Regina, perhaps also to (rural) Mars and Minerva. Ferrea, L., BullCom 99 (1998), 51–72,Google Scholar has argued that the tomb of Ser. Sulpicius Galba near Monte Testaccio (ILS 863 = ILLRP 339) is that of cos. 144 B.C. and not his son, cos. 108 B.C., on the grounds that its alignment is different from that of the Horrea Sulpicia ( = Horrea Galbae) behind, and must be earlier. But this fact had already been recognized by those who have taken the tomb to be the son's; the truth is that we do not know who first built the horrea — the surviving brickwork is no guide to the dating.

⁵³ Gonzalez, J., Athenaeum 84 (1996), 143–57Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni in A. Gallina Zevi et al. (eds), Roman Ostia Revisited ….in Memory of R. Meiggs (1996), 91–101, revising the reading PRA (-efect) in AE 1983: 174 in favour of PR (aetorum); cf. R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia ² (1973), 173.

⁵⁵ de Ligt, L., Mnemosyne 54 (2001), 182–217,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 214–16, compare M. Crawford, Roman Statutes (1996), 118f.; also CIL I.2.4² p. 910f. Camodeca, G., REA 100 (1998), 533–54,Google Scholar at 542, has argued that ager compascuus in 1.14 is a technical term for ager publicus used for grazing, subject to a levy by the publicani, and opposed to other types of grazing land; this seems to accord better with the law than Crawford's account, RS 161 on H.14–15; 165 on 11.24–5. Lintott, A., Labeo 44 (1998), 68–76Google Scholar is a useful résumé of Judicial Reform and Land Reform (1992). We deliberately refrained in our last survey from reporting the disagreements between M. Crawford and some contributors to Roman Statutes (cf. Athenaeum 84 (1996), 604–6)Google Scholar; in the meantime there has been sharp discussion between him and U. Laffi over the fragment from Ateste (no. 16); cf. Laffi, , Athenaeum 85 (1997), 119–38;Google ScholarStud-ClassOr 46 (1996) [1998], 153–61;Google Scholar Crawford in M. M. Austin et al. (eds), Modus Operandi: Essays for G. Rickman (1998), 31–46, at 43–5. In our view, four points can be made: the fragment is so small that very little can be deduced with certainty about its scope or contents; it does not seem to belong to the lex de Gallia Cisalpina; there is no reason to believe that Ateste received citizenship earlier than 49 B.C.; and no conclusion about dating can be drawn from the absence of the actio de dolo from the list of actions normally excluded from local jurisdiction. Again: non liquet.

⁵⁶ Erskine, A., ZPE 117 (1997) 133–6Google Scholar on IG XI.4.756. Though Erskine believes that subtle distinctions existed in Hellenistic diplomatic language between, say, oikeiotês and syngeneia, others believe that they are virtual synonyms, oikeiotês stressing simply the consciousness of a connection that leads, or ought to lead, to sincerity and mutual warmth in political intercourse between two states: Günther, W., Chiron 28 (1998), 21–34,Google Scholar at 30f.

⁵⁷ Baslez, M.-F. in Rizakis, A. D. (ed.), Roman Onomastics in the Greek East, Meletemata 21 (1996), 215–24;Google Scholar R. Hamilton, Treasure Map: a Guide to the Delian Inventories (2000) is a well-organized translation of these texts, mainly intended as a contribution to Listenwissenschaft, the immanent logic of listing. Erskine has also suggested that it is its unfamiliarity within Greek constitutional terms which explains the absence of a Greek cult of the Senate in the Republican period: Phoenix 51 (1997), 25–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁸ L., and Hallof, K., Chiron 28 (1998), 105–9 no. 6Google Scholar (= AE 1998: 1299; SEG 48. 1101);cf. F. Münzer, s.v. Octavius, no. 17, RE 17 (1931), 1810–14,Google Scholar at 1812.30–4. The decree invokes, predictably enough, a hitherto unknown mythico-historical ‘kinship’ between Thessaly and Kos. The names of two tribes at Kaunos in the Rhodian Peraia (second to first century B.C.), Rhadamanthis and Kranais, suggest an appeal in that city both to Crete and to Athens, via Carian Kranaos, in pursuit of mythic ancestry: N. Ehrhardt, ArchAnz (1997), 45–50.

⁵⁹ The dossier (SEG 47.604) regarding the Romans' delimitation of the territory of the Ambraciots, their most important ally in the war, and in particular the SC obtained for them by P. Cornelius Blasio (praet. ?165 B.C: Broughton, MRR 1, 438 n. 1: SEG 3.451 and IG IX. 1.690), has been recapitulated by C. D. Hatzis in Ἀϕιέρωμα στον N.G.L. Hammond (1997), 169–97 (cf. AE 1997: 1232a,b). Inter-city arbitrations in the Hellenistic period: S. L. Ager, Interstate Arbitrations in the Greek World (337–98 BC) (1997).

⁶⁰ Wörrle, M., Chiron 30 (2000), 543–76Google Scholar. D. W. Baronowski in E. Hermon (ed.), Pouvoir et imperium (III^e av. J.-C.-I^e ap. J.-C). Actes du colloque de la FIEC, 1994 (1996), 241–8, has shown that the part of Caria that lies between the Maeander and the Lykos (Caria Hydrela) was already incorporated into Asia around 129 B.C., presumably during the course of M'. Aquillius' road-building programme. The remainder however was only annexed after the first Mithradatic War; Samos too lost its freedom by command of Sulla, and by 82 B.C. was part of Asia (Cicero, Verr. 2.1.23; 50): Dreher, M., EpigAnat 26 (1996), 111–27,Google Scholar at 126.

⁶¹ The surviving text of this SC, based partly on G. Petzl's in ISmyrna no. 589, has been re-edited by G. di Stefano, RendAccadLinc ser 9, 9 (1998), 707–48 and reprinted in AE 1998: 1304. Di Stefano favours a date in 101 B.C. For the claim that Diodoros Pasparos is once again to be dated to the period of Aristonikos, which depends on an impossible account of the chronology of the Pergamene Nikephoria, see Musti, D., RFIC 126 (1998), 5–40;Google Scholar 127 (1999), 325–33. The arguments are extremely technical and their force hard to judge: some of the weaknesses are pointed out by Jones, C. P., Chiron 30 (2000), 1–14,Google Scholar at 1–12. The entire Pasparos dossier is discussed at length by Chankowski, A. S., BCH 122 (1998), 159–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar (JGR IV.294 is however to be excluded: di Rossi, F. Canali, EpigAnat 31 (1999), 83–6)Google Scholar, but the criteria employed to establish ‘early’ and ‘late’ features are not always easy to grasp.

⁶² Lehmann, G. A., ‘Römischer Tod’ in Kolophon/Klaros. Neue Quellen zum Status der ‘freien’ Polisstaaten an der Westküste Kleinasiens im späten 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Nachr. Akad. Wiss. Göttingen, phil.-hist. Kl. 1998, 3 (1998)Google Scholar, on the texts (last quarter of the second century B.C.) originally published by J., and Robert, L., Claros I (1989)Google Scholar (= SEG 39.1243–4), noted in our last survey; the correction regarding ‘Heliopolis’ had already been made by de Rossi, F. Canali, Athenaeum 79 (1991), 646–8Google Scholar. The title refers to Lehmann's interpretation of the phrase ἐπὶ ῥωμαικῷ θανάτωι (I, 45), which he plausibly takes to refer to Menippos having saved a citizen of Kolophon from execution by the atrocious method of Roman capital punishment, beating followed by decapitation with the axe, which had been ordered by the consuls.

⁶³ Le Guen, B., Pallas 47 (1997), 73–96,CrossRefGoogle Scholar on IGR IV. 1692; note also her thèse d'habilitation, Les associations de technites dionysiaques à l'époque hellénistique (2001), 2 vols,Google Scholar which likewise adopts an interestingly ‘political’ reading of these performers. In the Hellenistic world, the only surviving arena by means of which prestige and status could be won by the cities was education, in the double form of the theatre (the location of performances by actors and musicians) and the gymnasium. On the one hand, this stimulated the civic creation or reinvention of new festivals, isopythic, isolympic, or isonemean; on the other, culture seemed to the kings, whether of Pergamon, Cappadocia, or Bithynia, too important to be left to the cities. The technitai were the beneficiaries of this double competition, ready to disseminate civic and royal claims and ideology, but at the same time able at least potentially to encode resistance.

⁶⁴ Jones, op. cit. (n. 61), at 12–14, against Rigsby, K. J., TAPhA 118 (1988), 123–53,Google Scholar at 147–51.

⁶⁵ Clinton, K., Chiron 31 (2001), 27–35Google Scholar. In veiw of the proximity between Katana and Aitne/Aetna, one is tempted to speculate whether this ‘Artemidoros of Katana’ is not to be identified with the Artemidorus who led the Aetnaean delegation that gave evidence against Verres in 70 B.C. (Cicero, 2Verr. 3.105) — Aitne, 12 miles from Katana, was founded by that city. One wonders at any rate what he was doing in such high company in Samothrace.

⁶⁶ This expedition seems to have marked the effective creation of a second province in Asia Minor – Cilicia: Ferrary, J. L., Chiron 30 (2000), 161–93,Google Scholar at 167–70. The early governors of both provinces were all of praetorian, not consular, rank, though they may have enjoyed proconsular imperium. This necessitates a laborious, but probably correct, argument to show that Q. Mucius Scaevola governed Asia in 99, 98 or 97 B.C., but not in 95 as consul.

⁶⁷ On the way to Cilicia, on account of the weather, they had stopped off at Athens and listened to orators: Cicero, De orat. 1.82.

⁶⁸ Clinton seems unduly cautious about this inference, in deference to E. Badian's view that he is more likely to have hurried on to Rome to prepare for the consular elections.

⁶⁹ J.-L. Ferrary and S. Verger, CRAI (1999), 811–50 (archaeology of the street); Ferrary, J.-L., BCH 124 (2000), 331–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar (texts). They were excavated by J. and L. Robert and other scholars; some have been noted in Bullép. Those noted here, beginning with C. Flaccus, are respectively Ferrary's nos 1, 2, 5, 3,6,4.

⁷⁰ C.'s governorship is not entered in Broughton, , MRR 3 (1986), 211Google Scholar. Note the useful overview of the recorded titles of Roman governors of Asia between Sulla and Q. Minucius Thermus (?S2–50 B.C.) in Ferrary, op. cit. (n. 69), 348f.; and of hereditary patrons in idem, Chiron 30 (2000), i89f. This latter article contains a careful evaluation of the epigraphic and other evidence for the fasti of Asia (and Cilicia) from 126–88 B.C. (pp. 170–93).

⁷¹ ILS 9459 = Schwertheim, E., IKyzikos 2 (1983), no. 24,Google Scholar cf. Momigliano, A., JRS 32 (1942), 53–64Google Scholar. This formula was later used for Augustus and other Julio-Claudians at Pergamon: IGR IV.309, 315. Winter, E. in Die Troas: Neue Forschungen zu Neandria und Alexandria Troas II, Asia Minor Studien 22 (1996), 175–94,Google Scholar has written a detailed commentary on the interesting text dedicated by the Demos and Neoi of Ilion in honour of Pompey's having saved humanity ‘from wars with the barbarians and the danger of the pirates’ (AE 1990: 940). The dossier from Mytilene relating to Theophanes and Pompey is discussed by Labarre, G., Les cités de Lesbos aux époques hellénistique et impériale, Coll. Inst. arch, et hist, de l'Ant., Université Lumière, 1 (1996), 92–9Google Scholar nos 15–19. The new reading of PHerc 1018 col. 72 by T. Dorandi, Filodemo (1994), implies that Panaetius played a role similar to Theophanes’ at Mytilene in saving his native city of Rhodes, and for that reason was granted the title δεύτερος κτίστης (p. 171); cf. Ferrary, J.-L. in Cartledge, P. et al. (eds), Hellenistic Constructs, Hellenistic Culture and Society 26 (1997), 105–19,Google Scholar at 119 n. 57.

⁷² Herrmann, P., Arkeoloji Dergisi 4 (1996), 175–87,Google Scholar at 184–6 ( = AE 1996: 1453).

⁷³ The epigraphic evidence for the pro-Roman views of the city élites at this time is collected by Campanile, M. D. in Virgilio, B. (ed.), Studi ellenistici 8 (1996), 145–73Google Scholar. de Rossi, F. Canali, Epigraphica 61 (1999), 37–46,Google Scholar argues that the king phil]opator kai philadelphos responsible for the dedication CIL VI.30922 = ILLRP 180 (S. Omobono) is Mithradates the Great, at a time, around 101 B.C., when he conjecturally still called himself Philopator (cf. Diod. Sic. 36.15.1–3). It seems at any rate impossible that the text should be as early as the mid-second century B.C.

⁷⁴ J.-L. Ferrary in M. Christol et al. (eds), Actes du X^e Congrès d'épigraphie grecque et latine, Nîmes 1992 (1997), 199–225, which overlaps with, but is more substantial than, his essay in Cartledge, op. cit. (n. 71). In particular, pp. 213–24 list the Romans known to have been proxenoi or patrons of cities in the Greek East, and the cult-honours offered to nineteen of them.

⁷⁵ Bernhardt, R., Mediterraneo Antico: economie, società, culture 2 (1999), 49–68,Google Scholar at 49, points out that these texts, together with the lex agraria of 111 B.C., are the first references to civitates liberae; he insists once again on the absence of a legal blue-print for this status and the sheer variety of privileges, and obligations or duties, it might encompass; cf. his research report, Rom u. die Städte des hellenistischen Ostens (3–1. Jhdt. v. Chr.): Literaturebericht 1965–95 (1998).

⁷⁶ To be officially acknowledged as a city's patron perhaps enabled the Roman to act with less embarrassment on its behalf even against the interests of other members of the élite. Ferrary also suggests that the Roman notions of fides, beneficium, and officium were easily translatable into the Greek understanding of the permanently asymmetrical relation between euergetes and recipient, cf. Strabo 9.2.40, 415C.

⁷⁷ This document was the subject of a two-day conference in Oxford in October 1999, as a preliminary to the publication of a full text, translation, and commentary.

⁷⁸ Lewis, N., ZPE 107 (1995), 248;Google Scholar idem, ScrClasshrael 15 (1996), 208–11.

⁷⁹ On the text's ghostly Attalid structures, see S. Carelli in Virgilio, op. cit. (n.73), 175–89, who provides a clear analysis of the law's different sections.

⁸⁰ T. Spagnuolo Vigorita in AAVV., I rapporti contrattuali con la pubblica amministrazione nell'esperienza storico-giuridica. Congresso intern., Torino 1994 (1997), 115–90, an almost book-length study which ably resumes the status quaestionis.

⁸¹ Dreher, M., EpigAnat 26 (1996), 111–27Google Scholar.

⁸² Merola, G., MEFRA 108 (1) (1996), 263–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The regulations concerning exemptions from customs levies in §§72–4 have been understood to imply that the publicani were able to use their advantages to concentrate the bulk movement of grain and other naturalia in their own hands: Nicolet, C., MEFRA III (I) (1999), 191–215CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ IScM 2,1 nos 67–8 = AE 1919: iof., cf. Bounegru, O. in Scherrer, P. et al. (eds), Steine und Wege: Festschrift D. Knibbe, Österr. Arch. Inst, Sonderschr. 32 (1999), 87–91Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ See particularly the essays assembled by Rizakis, op. cit. (n. 57).

⁸⁵ Zoumbaki, S., Tekmeria 4 (1998/1999), 112–73,CrossRefGoogle Scholar with a prosopographical appendix comparing the gentilicia with those known from Delos; cf. eadem in Rizakis, op. cit. (n. 57), 191–206.

⁸⁶ E. Bispham in A. Cooley (ed.), The Epigraphic Landscape of Roman Italy (2000), 39–75, with a rather curious revised reading of CIL X.1572 = ILS 6345 (P-43–7).

⁸⁷ Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin, Electrum 5 (2001), 31–72,Google Scholar with a prosopography of seventy-seven names. Her nominal aim is to test for predisposing contexts for Pompey's recruitment of around 4,000 men before the battle of Pharsalus, but the search is inconclusive.

⁸⁸ cf. C. Müller in Rizakis, op. cit. (n. 57), 157–66; W. V. Harris in A. Chaniotis (ed.), From Minoan Farmers to Roman Traders: Sidelights on the Economy of Ancient Crete (1999), 353–8. Jones, C. P., ZPE 124 (1999), 89–94,Google Scholar has suggested that the Q. Caecilius Atticus of the inscription, reported in our last survey, set up by the users of the gymnasium in Ephesos (SEG 41.964 = AE 1991: 1503), is to be identified with Cicero's friend Atticus, or possibly an adoptive son. His arguments however seem to us to confirm the intuition of the first editor that, if anything, we have to do with the homonymous man from Tuder (ILS 2230). Jones, however, rightly calls attention to the interest of Atticus' rank, as praefectus both of Caesar and Octavian.

⁸⁹ M. Crawford in Austin, op. cit. (n. 55), 38f.; S. Panciera in Christol, op. cit. (n. 74), 249–90, lists 410 Republican euergetic inscriptions from Italy including Cisalpina, showing that Greek-style private gestures by the wealthy were relatively unimportant compared with public or semi-public expenditure originated by the Roman or local senate.

⁹⁰ M. Pobjoy in Cooley, op. cit. (n. 86), 77–92. One must however protest at his coinage of the word ‘euergetistic’ in place of ‘euergetic’.

⁹¹ Wickert, L., SB Akad. Berlin, phil.-hist. Kl. 1928 (1928), 46,Google Scholar on AE 1910: 186 (a Domitianicor Trajanic re-inscription of an earlier text), resumed in the commentary to CIL XIV.4707.

⁹² Meiggs, op. cit. (n. 54), 34–7, 128f.

⁹³ T. P. Wiseman, New Men in the Roman Senate, 139 BC–14 AD (1971), 150 n. 4 = RE Claudius no. 291 (E. Groag); Meiggs, op. cit. (n. 54), 594 ad p. 208. Meiggs does however here mention the crucial fragment shown him by F. Zevi.

⁹⁴ Zevi, F., RivIstNazArch ser. 3, 19–20 (1996–1997), 61–112Google Scholar = AE 1997: 253. The new hypothesis involves extending the width of the text by 7–10 letters, thus making it possible to eradicate the objectionable abbreviation in l.I, populu[sque R.]. There seems to be another reference to this affair in ad fam. 1.9.15 (54 B.C.).

⁹⁵ The building work will have occupied the period 63–59/58 B.C.; the de harusp. resp. was delivered in 57 di Rossi, B.C. F. Canali, MGR 19 (1995), 147–59,Google Scholar has re-edited the Thessalian famine-text SEG 34.558, which records the despatch of some 3,000 tonnes of grain to Rome at the request of the aedile Q. Caecilius Metellus, and suggested that it should be dated to the acute grain-shortage of 57 B.C. (when Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio Nasica cos. 52 B.C. may have been aedile) and seen as part of Clodius' programme to distribute free grain. However, Gruen's date of 129 B.C. has probably — on balance — the better circumstantial arguments in its favour (cf. P. Garnsey, Famine and Food-supply (1988), 187), despite the fact that we hear of a famine in that year from no other source. J. Linderski, in idem (ed.), Imperium sine fine: T.R.S. Broughton and the Roman Republic, Historia Einzelschrift 105 (1996), 145–85, comments with his customary wit and learning on a hitherto unpublished gem inscribed with Scipio's name (cos. 52 B.C.) as imperator; note especially his account of the rules of adoption, pp. 148–54, a minefield for the unwary.

⁹⁶ On Pompey and Burebista (in relation to JGBulg. I². 13, 11.22f.), see Suceveanu, A., Tyche 13 (1998), 229–47Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ M. Šašel Kos in Paci, op. cit. (n. 28), 101–12 on ILLRP 33–4, with eadem in J. Horvat (ed.), Nauportus (1990), 22–8; ZPE 109 (1995), 227–44;Google Scholar G. Dobesch in R. Göbi, Die Hexadrachmenprägung der Groβ-Boier: Ablauf, Chronologie und historische Relevanz für Noricum u. Nachbargebiete (1994), 51–68. On the ‘pre-municipal’ status of Narbonensis in the late Republic prior to Caesar's settlements, M. Christol in M. Dondin-Payre and M.-Th. Raepsaet-Charlier (eds), Cités, municipes, colonies: les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haute-Empire romain (1999), 1–27, at 2–16.

⁹⁸ Paci, G., Picus 16–17 (1996–1997), 115–48Google Scholar = AE 1997: 497a–b, 498a–b. The cippi themselves seem to date from the mid-first entury A.D., and were presumably either replacements for the original ones or put into position after a dispute.

⁹⁹ cf. L. Keppie, Colonisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy, 47–14 BC (1983), 13 and 63.

¹⁰⁰ If incolae could be used to refer to such colonists in an exclave: on the category in general, see Rizakis, A., REA 100 (1998), 599–617,CrossRefGoogle Scholar preferable to Poma, G., RivStorAnt 28 (1998), 135–47Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Ferrary, op. cit. (n. 69), 357 no. 8.

¹⁰² Diodoros: MDAI(A) 32 (1907), 243Google Scholar no. 4 = Chankowski, op. cit. (n. 61), no. 5 with S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power (1984), 48; Pompey: I Side i,no. 55; Artemidoros: IKnidos 1 no. 46; cf. Ferrary in Christol, op. cit. (n. 74), 204. ‘Quasi-divine’ was to have a future: Price, p. 51, aptly cites the case of Labeo of Kyme late in the reign of Augustus, who declined a temple on the grounds that τὰν ἑαύτω τύχαν … ὑπερβάρεα καὶ θέοισι καὶ τοῖς ἰσσοθέοισι ἁρμόζοισαν, ‘his good fortune was excessive and (only) fitting for gods and the god-like’: IGR IV. 1302 = IKyme no. 27.

¹⁰³ The discussion by C. J. Simpson, Athenaeum 86 (1998), 419–37 of Octavian's name Imp. Caesar Divi filius, though a convenient collection of evidence, adds nothing to the conclusions long since established.

¹⁰⁴ G. Alföldy in Christol, op. cit. (n. 74), 293–304.

¹⁰⁵ Another complete example of the standard inscription, ‘lussu imp. Caesaris Augusti …’, marking the course of the aqueduct of Venafrum has been published, corresponding to the well-known Augustan edict (ILS 5743 = FIRA ² 1 no. 67): S. Capini, Molise, Repertorio VII: Venafrum (1999), 31 no. 2 = AE 1999: 460.

¹⁰⁶ cf. W. Kuhoff in W. Weber (ed.), Der Fürst: Ideen und Wirklichkeiten in der europäischen Geschichte (1998), 27–66, at 50, citing Suet., Aug. 31.5.

¹⁰⁷ Bosworth, B., JRS 89 (1999), 1–18,Google Scholar stressing the importance of Vergil, Aen. 6.756–853. Gabba, E. in Marino, A. Storchi (ed.), L'incidenza dell'Antico: Studi E. Lepore I (1995), 223–9,Google Scholar had already argued that the intended audience of RG was the Roman élite, but on quite different grounds.

¹⁰⁸ Jacoby, F., RE 6 (1907), 952–72,Google Scholar at 971 (written 1904). Jacoby also points out (967L) that Euhemerus' historical-political conception of divinity was itself founded upon knowledge of the divine monarchies of the Fertile Crescent — to say nothing of Alexander.

¹⁰⁹ See J. Béranger, Recherches sur l'aspect idéologique du Principat (1953), 181f., aptly citing, for the horizon of expectation in the late Republic, Cicero, de fin. 3.66; de off. 3.25. The point goes back to Schilling's, R. fine article, RPh 68 (1942), 31–57Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Spannagel, M., Exemplaria Principis: Untersuchungen zu Entstehung und Ausstattung des Augustus-forums, Archäologie u. Geschichte 9 (1999)Google Scholar. Two other discussions are worth mentioning: (a) the choice of 12 May for the Ludi Martiales, which was also the date of the dedication of the temple of Mars Ultor, is unrelated to the restoration of the Carrhae standards (Dio 54.8.3; Feriale Cumanum), but its significance for the dynasty cannot be established (pp. 41–59); (b) the Fasti Capitolini were cut before 31 B.C., and the names of the Antonii thereafter martellated; the Fasti triumphales were cut for Octavian's triple triumph, 13–15 August 29, but added to until 19 B.C. (pp. 245–52). Chioffi, L., Gli Elogia augustei del Foro romano: aspetti epigrafici e topografici, Opuscula Epigraphica 7 (1966)Google Scholar laboriously locates these wretched fragments to the south end of the porticus Gaii et Lucii (though this can surely have nothing to do with the fornix Fabiorum as she suggests); cf. also Panciera, S. (ed.), Iscrizioni greche e latine del Foro Romano e del Palatino, Tituli 7 (1996), 99–139Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Respectively CIL VI.8.3.40936 = Spannagel, op. cit. (n. no), 294f.; 31605 = 8.3.40945 = Spannagel p. 32if.

¹¹² Rich, J. W. and Williams, J. H. C., NumChron 159 (1999), 169–213;Google Scholar its appearance is generally familiar, since reverse and obverse adorn the dust-jacket of M. Crawford, RRS (1996) — thanks to Crawford, it is now in the British Museum.

¹¹³ Malay, H., Researches in Lydia, Mysia and Aiolis, Denkschriften der Österr. Akad. der Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. 279 = Ergänzungsb. zu TAM 23 (1999), 40Google Scholarf. no. 24 = AE 1999: 1530.

¹¹⁴ C. Panella (ed.), Meta Sudans, I: Un'area sacra in Palatio e la valle del Colosseo prima e dopo Nerone (1996), 201f. = CIL VI.8.2.40307; p. 115–31 = 40334 ( = AE 1996: 246–7).

¹¹⁵ W. D. Lebek in XI Congresso internaz.diepigrafia greca e romana: Preatti (1997), 385–95; somewhat differently, Atti del XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 239–48. According to Lebek, parts I–11 of the L. Caesar text (ILS 139) are based on a special senatorial decree in answer to questions about the original SC raised by the Pisans. He reconstructs the hypothetical original SC on pp. 243–5. A new resolution in honour of the dead C. Caesar, from Aeclanum, through which the cortège may have passed on its way from Limyra in Lycia: Silvestrini, M., MEFRA 109 (1997), 14–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1997: 400.

¹¹⁶ A. Sanchez-Ostiz Gutiérrez, Tabula Siarensis: edición, traducción y comentario (1999); the original edition is AE 1984: 508. Note also: A. Fraschetti (ed.), La commemorazione di Germanico nella documentazione epigrafica: Convegno Cassino 1991 (2000).

¹¹⁷ Hurlet, F., De la légitimité républicaine à la légitimité dynastique, CEFR 227 (1997)Google Scholar, with a good, but not exhaustive, assemblage of honorific texts in their favour, pp. 573–600. A puzzling monument from the forum of vicus Augustanus Laurentium (Castèl Porziano, between Rome and Castèl Fusano) has been published, with at least three columns bearing the names, and total tribunicial years, of Agrippa, Tiberius, and his son Drusus. These were almost certainly part of an imperial cycle including at least Augustus and Claudius, and bearing some analogy to the imperial fasti known from Brixia: Thomas, E. V. in Lauro, M. G. (ed.), Castelporziano [sic], 3 (1999), 137–49Google Scholar = AE 1999: 278a–e.

¹¹⁸ S. Panciera in Panella, op. cit. (n. 114), 133–7 = CIL VI.8.2.40417 = AE 1999: 248; idem in Y. Burnand et al. (eds), Claude de Lyon, empereur romain: Actes du colloque Paris-Nancy-Lyon, 1992 (1998), 137–60 (list of parallels). Horster (n. 202 below), 67–72, argues that it was usual in such cases to distinguish between patrimonium and fiscus.

¹¹⁹ ILS 6049–52: de Angeli, S., NumAntClass 28 (1999), 235–73;Google Scholar cf. Rausa, F., NumAntClass 26 (1997), 287–310Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Alföldy, G., REA 100 (1998), 367–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1999: 1576 (cf. IMilet 6.1. no. 1). For Trajan's own stress upon the primacy of Italy, note Eck, W. in Schallmayer, E. (ed.), Traian in Germanien/Traian im Reich, Saalburg-Schriften 5 (1999), 13–16Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Haalebos, J. K. and Willems, W. J. H., JRA 12 (1999), 247–62;Google ScholarHaalebos, J. K., Saalbjb 50 (2000), 31–72Google Scholar.

¹²² Eck, W. and Foerster, G., JRA 12 (1999), 294–313Google Scholar (with an appendix listing all the evidence for Hadrian's titulature A.D. 135–8, p. 312f.); cf. Eck, W., JRS 89 (1999), 76–89Google Scholar.

¹²³ W. Eck, ‘Der angebliche Krieg des Aelius Caesar in Pannonien und die ornamenta triumphalia des Haterius Nepos’, in L. Borhy (ed.), Von der Entstehung Roms bis zur Auflösung des Römerreiches: Konferenz zum Gedenken … von A. Alföldi (1895–1981), Diss. Pann. Ser. Ill, 5 (1999), 28–31.

¹²⁴ Even if we allow his imp I]I in 1.3, the monument could have been erected at any time between A.D. 136 and July 138, for example on the occasion of the vicennalia in December 137. Højte, J. M., ZPE 127 (1999), 217–38,Google Scholar has assembled all the known inscriptions associated with statues of the ill-fated L. Aelius Caesar (L. Ceionius Commodus), and shown that they continued to be erected well after his death in A.D. 138. P. Le Roux in Schallmayer op. cit. (n. 120), 55–65 (list of texts at the end), has expressed doubts about the date of renewal of the tribunician power in the first half of the second century A.D.: since Mommsen, it has been believed that this date was conventionalized to 10 December from Trajan, trib. pot. II; he argues that this does not in fact hold good either for Trajan or Hadrian, and that the renewal date of 10 December is only firmly established with the adoption of M. Aurelius in A.D. 147.

¹²⁵ Kovács, P. in Atti del XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 2, 521–31Google Scholar. The titulature (trib.pot. II, imp. III) firmly dates the text to January–April A.D. 194. Kovács argues that praesidium in this area must mean a fortlet, or still more likely, a watch-tower (p. 526f.). On the Via Egnatia at this time, see É. Deniaux, , MEFRA III (1999), 167–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lovotti, F., AttiAccadLigur ⁵ 54 (1997), 497–526,Google Scholar carefully lists the titulature of the Severans in the contexts of their triumphal arches.

¹²⁶ Gimeno, H. and Stylow, A. U. in Sylloge Epigraphica Barcinonensis, 3, Cornucopia 6 (1999), 100–3 no. 7,Google Scholar on CIL II².5, 1027 ( = AE 1999: 895), though none of the parallel texts so far known, such as ILAfr 564f. or CIL XIV.4392, legitimate as lengthy a gap as here between ‘necessarius’ and ‘socer et [consocer]’. This seems to be the first text for Plautian in Spain. The two final lines given by Accursius remain enigmatic.

¹²⁷ Alföldy, G. in Bonamente, G. and Mayer, M. (eds), Historiae Augustae Colloquium Barcinonense 1993 (1996), 9–36,Google Scholar against Palmer, R. E. A. in ANRW II. 16.2 (1978), 1085–1115Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ A lead-pipe from Ostia marked for the unfortunate Cornificia Aug. n. fil., the sister of Commodus who was forced by Caracalla to commit suicide some time after A.D. 211, seems to indicate that her house-hold was a member of a syndicate for running a public baths: Nucci, R. Geremia, ArchClass 51 (1999/2000), 383–409,Google Scholar at 391. On Caecilia Paulina, whom Maximinus Thrax married c. A.D. 215, see Liggi, I. in Frei-Stolba, R. and Bielman, A. (eds), Femmes et vie publique dans l'antiquité gréco-romaine = Études de Lettres (1998), I, 131–58Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Birley, A. R. in Frézouls, E. and Jouffroy, Hélène (eds), Les empereurs illyriens: Actes du Colloque, Strasbourg, 1990 (1998), 57–80,Google Scholar at 69, continuing his remarks in W. Eck (ed.), Prosopographie u. Sozialgeschichte (1993), 50; cf. D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle ² (1996), 204. This is a generally useful collection of essays.

¹³⁰ AE 1993: 1231a–b; Schallmayer, E. (ed.), Der Augsburger Siegesaltar: Zeugnis einer unruhigen Zeit, Saalburg Schriften 2 (1995)Google Scholar, a special exhibition catalogue, provides an excellent contextualization. König, I., Historia 46 (1997), 341–54,Google Scholar thinks Semnones and Iuthungi were not alternative names for the same people but denoted distinct fractions of a still larger group, the Alamanni; Stickler, T., Bay-VorgBl 60 (1995), 231–49,Google Scholar more plausibly sees all three as ‘Suebic’ peoples (originally) from southern Mecklenburg; Le Roux, P., ZPE 115 (1997), 281–90Google Scholar seems to think that the Iuthungi had come gradually to infiltrate the Semnones, who were traditionally settled between the Elbe and the Oder-Neiϐe.

¹³¹ Jehne, M., BayVorgBl 61 (1996), 185–205;Google ScholarHiernard, J. in Christol, M. and Loriot, X. (eds), ap. CCGlotz 8 (1997), 255–60,Google Scholar adduces, amid much other destruction further north and east into Rhaetia, the hoards at Hagenbach and Neupotz, respectively south and east of Rheinzabern, which seem to point to extensive devastation in the Rhine valley at this very time. We still incline to H. Lavagne's scenario, CRAI (1994), 431–46 with minor adjustments.

¹³² Christol and Loriot, op. cit. (n. 131), 223–7; König, op. cit. (n. 130). This was the conclusion argued in the editio princeps by L. Bakker, Germania 71 (1993), 369–86. A new milestone of Postumus p.f. Aug., without acclamations, from the mouth of the Vilaire (north of St Nazaire): Le Cornec, J., BullSoc-PolymMorbihan 124 (1998), 54Google Scholar = AE 1999: 1074.

¹³³ Tomaschitz, op. cit. (n. 24), 33–8 no. 16 (from Kasai [Asar Tepe]) = SEG 48.1774.

¹³⁴ cf. S. Mitchell, Anatolia (1993), 1, 234f. In his commentary, Tomaschitz discusses the alternative hypotheses concerning the politico-social situation in Isauria, mafia-type sottogoverno in the service of the city élites (K. Hopwood) versus more traditional conceptions of brigandage as a reaction to socioeconomic marginality (J. Matthews), and concludes that neither is wholly satisfactory.

¹³⁵ Tantillo, I., RFIC 127 (1999), 73–95Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ AE 1999: 1123. Kaufmann-Heinimann, A., JRA 12 (1999), 333–41,Google Scholar at 339 no. 114; Fellmann, R., AntWelt 31 (2000), 41–56;Google ScholarWachter, R., Tyche 16 (2001), 211–15,Google Scholar all taking the ter with ominibus faustis in the second hexameter, and translating: ‘promising solemnly, after having enjoyed auspicious omens three times, to celebrate his decennalia’. Heinen, H., ZPE 132 (2000), 291–4,Google Scholar takes ter with trecennalia to mean ‘a very long time’. We take the ter, on the analogy of Ovid's ego ter felix (Met. 8.51 with Bömer's commentary), with spondens — it comes just after the caesura — to mean ‘emphatically’.

¹³⁷ PIR² vol. 6: P, Peterson, L. et al. (eds) (1998)Google Scholar; vol. 7/1: Q–R, K. Wachtel et al. (eds) (1999); 7/2: S is expected shortly.

¹³⁸ On the value of the prosopographical method, note W. Eck in A. K. Bowman et al. (eds), Representations of Empire: Rome and the Mediterranean World (2002), 131–52; idem in K. Vössing (ed.), Biographie u. Prosopographie: Festschrift A. R. Birley (2003); critically, M. Beard in W. W. Ehters, La biographie antique (1998), 83–114. Note too A. R. Birley, Onomasticon to the Younger Pliny: Letters and Panegyric (2000).

¹³⁹ Eck, W., SCIsrael 16 (1997), 162–90Google Scholar (= Studies in Memory of A. Wasserstein, 2); on the elite's representative function (in the German sense) in the High Empire: idem in J. Dummer and M. Vielberg (eds), Leitbilder der Spätantike — Eliten- und Leitbilder (1999), 31–55.

¹⁴⁰ W. Eck in B. Rawson and P. Weaver (eds), The Roman Family in Italy: Status, Sentiment, Space (1997), 73–99. On the virtues of patrons of municipalities: Guerrero, M. D. Saavedra, AntCl 68 (1999), 191–209,Google Scholar unfortunately without distinguishing between senators, equestrians, and others.

¹⁴¹ cf. Krieckhaus, A. in de Blois, L. (ed.), Administration, Prosopography and Appointment Policies in the Roman Empire. Proceedings of 1st Workshop of International Network ‘Impact of Empire’, Leiden 2000 (2001), 230–45Google Scholar.

¹⁴² Andermahr, A.-M., ‘Totus in praediis’. Senatorischer Grundbesitz in Italien in der frühen und hohen Kaiserzeit, Antiquitas Reihe 3, 37 (1998)Google Scholar. Numerous tables present the results in digestible form.

¹⁴³ Prosopographical catalogue: pp. 126–496. There are however some problems with the use of fistulae-marks: Bruun, C., JRA 13 (2000), 498–506Google Scholar. Note too his remark, ‘there really is no way of knowing how many senatorial women there were’ (p. 499 n. 6).

¹⁴⁴ Campania: some 30/40 senators in the Julio-Claudian period, 53/60 equestrians; 2 senators and 7 equestrians in the Flavian period: Camodeca, G. in Cébeillac-Gervasoni, M. (ed.), Les élites municipales de l'ltalie péninsulaire de la mort de César à la mort de Domitien: classes sociales dirigeantes et pouvoir sociales, CEFR 271 (2000), 99–119Google Scholar. Sicily: Eck, W., ZPE 113 (1996), 109–28Google Scholar. Prosopography of the 12 senators and 30 equites known to have careers in public administration under Augustus: Schäfer, N., Die Einbeziehung der Provinzen in den Reichsdienst in augusteischer Zeit, HABES 33 (2000), 84–150Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ Dardaigne, S. in Caballero, M. Navarro and Demougin, S. (eds), Élites hispaniques, Ausonius Etudes 6 (2001), 23–44Google Scholar. Compare Rufino, A. Caballos in Keay, S. (ed.), The Archaeology of Early Roman Baetica, JRA Suppl. 29 (1998), 123–46,Google Scholar on the 39 equestrians known to have originated from Baetica, concluding that the numbers reached a peak under Trajan. F. des Boscs-Plateaux, in Élites hispaniques, 203–15, takes senators with upper equites together in tracing the ‘Spanish connection’ in the Empire as a whole between Augustus and Trajan.

¹⁴⁶ Burgess, R. W., ZPE 132 (2000), 259–90Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ It contains the names of three new suffects, and the rare expression Caesar Domit (ianus) under A.D. 80; but of course is only a fragment, and we have no means of knowing how far it went back. Two new suffects for A.D. 159, M. Pisibanius Lepidus and L. Matuccius Fuscinus (who was known to have been leg.leg.Aug. III in Numidia in 158; the Pisibanii came from South Etruria), occur in the fragment CIL VI.32321, which involves considerable changes to current hypotheses about the coss. for that year: Weiϐ, P., Chiron 29 (1999), 147–82,Google Scholar at 157–67.

¹⁴⁸ M. Calpurnius Longus and D. Velius Fidus, who can be fitted into the final bimester of A.D. 148: Camodeca, G., ZPE 112 (1996), 235–40Google Scholar. Iunius Qua[dratus?, unknown suffect c. A.D. 120: Piso, I., ZPE 126 (1999), 245Google Scholarf. M. Calpurnius Longus = in fact L. Marcius Celer M. Calpurnius Longus (PIR ² M 221), recently allocated to the reign of Hadrian (Eck, W., ZPE 86 (1991), 97Google Scholarf.), who came from a Roman family long settled in Attaleia in Pamphylia (AE 1972: 620f.) and became procos. of Achaea (AE 1986: 635), according to Eck between A.D. 124/7 and 135; Camodeca argues for between c. A.D. 143 and 145/6. See now d'Arms, J. H., JRS 90 (2000), 128 and 140Google Scholar (his text B l.50). M. Valerius Iunianus, known as an Arval, is now attested as suffect in A.D. 143, with Q. Iunius Calamus: Roxan, M. M., ZPE 127 (1999), 25–67 no. 2Google Scholar (= AE 1999: 1353). Cn. Papirius Aelianus, cos. between A.D. 155 and 159, son and father of consuls: Roxan, M. M. and Weiϐ, P., Chiron 28 (1998), 409–20 no. 7Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 1627).

¹⁴⁹ e.g.: L. Trebius Germanus, governor of Britain in A.D. 127 (known from ILS 7912 and Dig. 29.5.14, which reports that he executed a slave who was impubes): Nollé, J., ZPE 117 (1997), 269–74Google Scholar with Birley, A. R., ZPE 124 (1998), 243–9;Google Scholar Iulius Crassipes, unattested governor of Thrace, A.D. 138: P. Pferdehirt, ArchKorrBl, 445–50. Tusidiujs Campester redated: Eck, W. and Weiϐ, P., ZPE 134 (2001), 251–60;Google Scholar Iulius Modestus (perhaps = the cos prior of CIL X.I 574 1.8), unattested governor of Lycia/Pamphylia in A.D. 165/6: Weiϐ, P., EpigAnat 31 (1999), 77–82;Google Scholar M. Gavius Crispus Numisius Iunior, likewise: Eck, W., ZPE 131 (2000), 251–7;Google Scholar M. Nonius Macrinus now attested in Pannonia Superior in A.D. 159: Weiϐ, op. cit. (n. 147), 167f. (= AE 1999: 1351). A. R. Birley and A.Krieckhaus have been preparing a new edition of the Fasti of Roman Britain, extended to the end of the Roman occupation, and with an emphasis on origins and entire careers.

¹⁵⁰ Eck, W., SCIsrael 18 (1999), 109–20;Google Scholar he suggests too (p. 119f.) that Lucilius Bassus' name is to be read instead of Syme's L.[Antonio Saturnino on the Jerusalem milestone AE 1978: 825, though this would involve the omission of his praenomen. Note also Adan-Bayewitz, D. and Aviam, M., JRA 10 (1997), 131–65,Google Scholar on the general reliability of Josephus' account of the siege of Jotapata in A.D. 67.

¹⁵¹ Eck, W., ZPE 124 (1999), 223–7,Google Scholar noting several early exceptions, even as late as Nero.

¹⁵² Jones, C. P., Chiron 29 (1999), 16–21Google Scholar.

¹⁵³ The better of the two editions is that by Eck, W., Caballos, A. and Fernández, F., Das SC de Cn. Pisone patre, Vestigia 48 (1996)Google Scholar, the basis of the report in our previous survey. The differences are well set out by Flower, Harriet, BMCR 8.8 (1997), 705–12;Google Scholar E. J. Champlin has established that chs IV–VIII of the German version = VII, V, VI, IV of the Spanish, were written single-handedly by W. Eck. A fragment, G, of a seventh version has been found: Stylow, A. U. and Pérez, S. Corzo, Chiron 29 (1999), 23–8Google Scholar (AE 1999: 899).

¹⁵⁴ Griffin, Miriam, JRS 87 (1997), 249–63;Google ScholarAJPh 120 (1999), i–vii and 1–162,Google Scholar with a revised text by D. S. Potter and transl. by Cynthia Damon (pp. 13–41), and several good papers deriving from an APA seminar in Chicago in December 1997. A further English translation by Potter appeared in JRA 11 (1998), 437–57Google Scholar. at 454–7; Meyer, E., CJ 93 (1998), 315–24Google Scholar has provided another; a provisional French translation by P. Le Roux in AE 1996: 885.

¹⁵⁵ See HEp 6 (1996) [2000], 291–325 no. 881,Google Scholar cit. from p. 305. She sets out (p. 294) the five stages of transmission, between the autograph of Aulus Plautius and the local copies that we possess, at each of which copyists' errors may have occurred — certainly did: one is at a loss to know quite which version the editors wished to present, cf. Potter, , JRA 11 (1998), 439Google Scholarf. But the editors did provide diplomatic transcripts of each of the six copies available to them (pp. 10–35).

¹⁵⁶ Well set Out by Potter, op. cit. (n. 154), 452–4 and Talbert, R. J. A., AJPh 120 (1999), 89–97Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ Lebek, W. D., ZPE 128 (1999), 183–211Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁸ Barnes, T. D., Phoenix 52 (1998), 125–48;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDamon, C., AJPh 120 (1999), 143–62,Google Scholar both with extensive and useful comparisons. Barnes notes that J. Béranger's view of the meaning of mains imperium = ‘imperium superior to that of …’ is confirmed by the SC ll. 34–6, setting out the threefold hierarchy: Tiberius – Germanicus – proconsul, cf. Hurlet, op. cit. (n. 117), 298f.; Corbier, M. in Frei-Stolba, F. R. and Gex, K. (eds), Recherches récentes sur le monde hellénistique: Mélanges P. Ducrey, Echo (Lausanne) I (2001), 309–20Google Scholar. This hierarchy corresponds to the traditional relation between consuls and proconsuls, e.g. Cic, Phil. 4.9, cf. Griffin, op. cit. (n. 154), 255.

¹⁵⁹ Potter, op. cit. (n. 154), 451; Cooley, Alison, G&R 45 (1998), 199–212Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁰ Richardson, J. S., CR 47 (1997), 510–18Google Scholar.

¹⁶¹ Flower, H., ClAnt 17 (1998), 155–86;Google ScholarSuerbaum, W., ZPE 128 (1999), 213–34Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Spain: Rufino, A. Caballos in Demougin, S. et al. (eds), L'Ordre équestre. Histoire d'une aristocratie (II^e siècle av. J.-C.–III^e siècle ap. j.-C.), CEFR 257 (1999), 463–512,Google Scholar cf. idem in J. F. Rodríguez Neila and F. J. Navarro Santana (eds), Élites y promotión social en la Hispania romana, Mundo antiguo 5 (1999), 103–44; Africa: S. Levebvre in Demougin, op. cit., 513–78; Asia: S. Demougin, op. cit., 579–612 (with a prosopography of 280 names); early Principate: Saddington, D. B., Athenaeum 84 (1996), 157–81Google Scholar. Marriage strategies: M.-Th. Raepsaet-Charlier in Demougin, op. cit., 215–36, showing that the primary mode was the marriage of the daughters of already high-status equites into senatorial families; at a lower level, municipal élites used the order in a similar fashion to rise socially.

¹⁶³ H. Devijver in Demougin, op. cit. (n. 162), 237–69. On the equestrian career in the High Empire, I. Piso, ibid., 321–50. The rationality of the system can only be discerned incrementally, by way of comparing lists of the order in which different functions were held: cf. Eck, W., ZPE 124 (1999), 228–41Google Scholar (on a variety of individual careers). For this purpose, electronic searching is indispensable. On the procuratores monetae, note Demougin, S., Revnumism 152 (1997), 41–6Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁴ P. Le Roux in Navarro Caballero and Demougin, op. cit. (n. 145), 45–61. Another modernizing account of the ‘crisis’ period: Carrie, J.-M. and Rousselle, A., L'Empire romain et ses mutations, des Sévères à Constantin, 192–337 (1999), 89–144Google Scholar. M. Christol in Demougin, op. cit. (n. 162), 613–28, argues that the decisive step in the mid-third century A.D. profited mainly the limited group of the former primipilares, who were of course professional military men. There was no general military promotion of equestrians at the expense of senators.

¹⁶⁵ C. Lepelley in Demougin, op. cit. (n. 162), 629–46, shows that in Africa it is only from the mid-fourth century A.D. that municipal élites show no further interest in an equestrian career.

¹⁶⁶ A case which had been supposed to be ‘hybrid’, the ignotus from Segermes in Byzacena (AE 1992: 1794) can be resolved without appeal to such an anomaly: Eck, W., ZPE 124 (1999), 232Google Scholarf. Revision and important discussion of Cornelius Gallus' trilingual at Philae: Costabile, F., Minima Epigraphica 4 (2001), 297–330Google Scholar. Another infant equo publico ornatus: L. Gasperini in A. Mastino and P. Ruggeri (eds), Da Olbia ad Olbia: 2.500 anni di storia (1996), 305–16, at 308–10, with other examples, p. 310 n. 6. An apparently early militiae] petit (or), a candidate for the militia equestris, at Rome: Gregori, G. L., ZPE 116 (1997). 174Google Scholarf. no. 11 (very fragmentary).

¹⁶⁷ Salway, R. W. B., Chiron 27 (1997), 127–53Google Scholar. He is to be distinguished from T. Messius Extricatus (PIR ² M 518).

¹⁶⁸ Herrmann, P., Tyche 12 (1997), 111–23,Google Scholar who also discusses briefly the other texts in honour of Rufinus at Thyateira.

¹⁶⁹ Millar, F., JRS 89 (1999), 90–108Google Scholar. Apokrima in the High Empire was one word, along with antigraphě and epistolě, for such rescripts (subscriptiones): H. J. Mason, Greek Terms for Roman Institutions (1974), 131 (on the rescript system, B. Sirks in de Blois, op. cit. (n. 141), 121–35).

¹⁷⁰ Reynolds, J. in Scherrer, P. et al. (eds), Steine und Wege: Festschrift D. Knibbe, Österr. Archäol. Inst., Sonderschr. 32 (1999), 327–34:Google Scholar improved readings of MAMA VIII 517, 474–6, and one new text that links the tomb to the procurator. Descendants of freedmen who achieved entry into the equestrian order: W. Eck in Demougin, op. cit. (n. 162), 5–29.

¹⁷¹ Eck, W., ZPE 113 (1996), 129–32 no. 1Google Scholar (on AE 1985: 829 and 830). On the other hand, Caesarea had been a Roman colony since Vespasian, and was largely resettled with veterans.

¹⁷² W. Eck in de Blois (ed.), op. cit. (n. 141), 1–23; cf. the essays collected in Eck, W., Die Verwaltung des römischen Reiches in der hohen Kaiserzeit. Ausgewählte u. erweiterte Beiträge, 2 (Frei-Stolba, R. and Speidel, M. A. (eds)) (1998)Google Scholar. Leunissen, P. M. M., Chiron 23 (1993), 101–20,Google Scholar noted in our previous survey, is an exception. Additions to the fasti of provincial governors: Thomasson, B. E., OpuscRom 24 (1999), 163–74Google Scholar.

¹⁷³ Christol in Demougin, op. cit. (n. 162), 613–28; note also his important article on the definition of imperial authority, in XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 2, 333–57. On the administrative functions of provincial procurators: Eck, W. in Mangas, M. and Alvar, J. (eds), Homenaje a J.M. Blasquez 5, ARYS 2 (1998), 105–31;Google Scholar epigraphy and administration: idem in W. Eck (ed.), Lokale Autonomie u. römische Ordnungsmacht in den kaiserzeitlichen Provmzen vom 1. bis 3. Jhdt., Kolloquien des Historischen Kollegs 42 (1999), 1–15.

¹⁷⁴ Ando, C., JRA 15 (2002), 516–24Google Scholar (an excellent review of de Blois, op. cit. (n. 141)). An example is offered by Coriat, J.-P., Le prince législateur. la technique législative des Sévères et les méthodes de création du droit impérial à la fin du Principal, BEFAR 294 (1997)Google Scholar, analysing rescripts, mainly relating to trials, from the point of view of the intentions and decision-making processes (not much epigraphy). On the character and institutionalization of the commentarii Augustorum by the a memoriis (in charge of the imperial archives), note Mourgues, J.-L. in Moatti, C. (ed.), La mémoire perdu: recherches sur l'administration romaine, CEFR 243 (1998), 123–97Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁵ Alföldy, G., ZPE 131 (2000), 177–205Google Scholar (German); slightly revised version in Italian in idem, Minima Epigraphica 4 (2001), 365–418. Alföldy's text and a brief discussion, together with a good photo and full bibliography to May 2002, can be found on www.uni-heidelberg.de/institute/sonst/adw/edh, under no. HD 033614. Other important collective works: Costabile, F. and Licandro, O., Tessera Paemeiobrigensis: un nuovo editto di Augusto dalla Transduriana provincia e l'imperium proconsulare del Princeps, Minima Epigraphica, Suppl. 1 (2000)Google Scholar, with Costabile, , Minima Epigraphica 4 (2001), 419–31;Google Scholar F.-J. Sánchez-Palencia and J. Mangas (eds), El edicto del Bierzo: Augusto y el Noroeste de Hispania (2000).

¹⁷⁶ This would, for example, be the first time that a peregrine community has appeared to be dependent (contributum/adtributum) upon another after being removed from its gens. Other questions: can a castellum receive immunity without citizenship; can a castellum that had revolted receive its freedom? Can Augustus have confused a castellum with a civitas? Why is omni munere fungi (1. 2if.) in the singular? Can we really believe that Augustus bothered himself to regulate such a matter of entirely local importance? See further: Le Roux, P., Minima Epigraphica 4 (2001), 331–63Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁷ F. Martín and J. Gómez-Pantoja in L. Grau Lobo and J. Luis Hoyas (eds), El bronze de Bembibre: un edicto del emperador del año 75 a.C. (2001), 57–66, at 58–60, though their intention is to show how ‘normal’ the text is. (This volume contains excellent close-up photos.)

¹⁷⁸ These and other points are made by A. Canto in Grau Lobo and Hoyas, op. cit. (n. 177), 153–65. Costabile in Costabile and Licandro, op. cit. (n. 175), 25–35 suggests that the texts were written on a waxed tablet in Narbonne and transferred to the bronze by an inexperienced cutter.

¹⁷⁹ T. Antelo et al. in Grau Lobo and Hoyas, op. cit. (n. 177), 189–213.

¹⁸⁰ Alföldy, op. cit. (n. 175, 2001).

¹⁸¹ Richardson, J. S., JRA 15 (2002), 411–15Google Scholar.

¹⁸² In favour of authenticity is the point that the dative in 1. 18 eorum loco restituto can be understood as an ‘inverse attraction’ from the preceding relative clause introduced by quibus: Rodger, A., ZPE 133 (2000), 266–70Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ V. I. Anastasiadis and G. A. Souris (eds), An Index to Roman Imperial Constitutions from Greek Inscriptions and Papyri, 27 BC–284 AD (2000), is in fact a glossary of the texts in J. H. Oliver, Greek Constitutions (1989), with supplements. Note however that all non-imperial utterances are excluded (the Introduction is important), since the book is intended as a preliminary to the analysis of the linguistic register of the imperial chancellery. There is a handy bibligraphy of recent publications on pp. 17–19, and lists of personal names (pp. 194–205), emperors in Oliver (pp. 217–19), and a supplement to Oliver's index of imperial titulature (pp. 220–5).

¹⁸⁴ Giovannini, A., ZPE 124 (1999), 95–106Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁵ On the Hadrianic law regulating the sale of oil (IG II/III².noo = Smallwood, Documents no. 443), Martín, F. in Martínez, J. M. Blásquez and Rodriguez, J. Remesal (eds), Estudios sobre el Monte Testaccio, II, CITA 8: Instrumenta 10 (2001), 475–86Google Scholar re-edits and analyses the text but does not add any substantial commentary.

¹⁸⁶ Büyükkolanci, M. and Engelmann, H., ZPE 120 (1998), 70 no. 7Google Scholar (= AE 1998: 1333). Since the temple of Mars Ultor in Rome is mentioned, where the decree was to be published, the fragment must come from towards the end.

¹⁸⁷ Good summary by L. Boffo, Iscrizione grechee latine per lo studio della Bibbia ² (1994), 319–33 no. 39.

¹⁸⁸ Grzybek, E. and Sordi, M., ZPE 120 (1998), 279–91Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁹ Giovannini, A. and Raj, M. Hirt, ZPE 124 (1999), 107–32,Google Scholar arguing that it is impossible that a rescript should be paraphrased by a governor: they are always cited verbatim.

¹⁹⁰ Jones, C. P., Chiron 28 (1998), 255–66:Google Scholar on SEG 28.1566 1. 26f. = Reynolds, J., JRS 68 (1978), 111–21Google Scholar.

¹⁹¹ Hauken, T., Petition and Response: an Epigraphic Study of Petitions to Roman Emperors 181–249, Monogr. Norwegian Inst. Athens 2 (1998)Google Scholar. The main texts are: ILS 6870 (Burunitanus); CIL VIII Suppl. 14428 (Gasr Mezuar); Keil and Premerstein, 1914 no. 55 (Aga Bey Köyü and Kemaliya); IGR 1.674= FIRA ² I no. 106 (Skaptopara); CIL III.14191 = MAMA X.114 (Aragua). On the cultural horizon of minor imperial officials in Egypt, whose reading of Greek literature is known to us, see Hanson, A. E., JRA 15 (2002), 551–8,Google Scholar at 554f.

¹⁹² Feissel, D., AnTard 4 (1996), 273–89:Google Scholar re-edition of the edict of Constantius Chlorus and Galerius against the Caesariani (A.D. 305/6), with new fragments from Ephesus (Latin) and revisions of the texts from Athens (Greek) and Tlos (Latin); reconstruction of the Latin text, pp. 285–7, inclining to the view that we possess most of the law, though not of the preamble. See also Section IX.

¹⁹³ Haensch, R., Capita Provinciarum. Statthaltersitze und Provinzialverwaltung in der röm. Kaiserzeit, Kölner Forschungen 7 (1997)Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁴ Burton, G. P., Chiron 30 (2000), 195–215,Google Scholar with 88 examples of provincial governors' handling of territorial disputes (pp. 206–12), without close discussion of any case. Idem, RPhil 72 (1998), 7–24 examines the relation between provincial cities and the centre, concluding that there is no marked transition towards greater centralization of administration in the Severan period. Lucas, G., Les cités antiques de la haute vallée du Titarèse (Thessalie), Coll. Maison Orient, médit. 27 (1997), 101–8 no. 48,Google Scholar re-edits the resolution of the dispute between Doliche and the Elimiotai (A.D. 101).

¹⁹⁵ J. F. Gardner in de Blois, op. cit. (n. 141), 215–29. Recent work on Spanish juridical texts: C. Castillo in Vestigia Antiquitatis. Escritos de epigrafia y literatura romanas (1997), 245–61; new edition, with glossary, of lex Ursonensis: Mangas, J. and Garrido, M. García, La lex Ursoniensis = Studio historica, historia antiqua 15 (1997)Google Scholar (entire volume). Note also: Alföldy, G., ‘Provincia Hispania superior’, Heidelberg. Akad. der Wiss., phil.-hist. Kl. 19 (2000)Google Scholar. From Carnuntum there is reported a fragmentary civilian diploma, issued for the son of an auxiliary, who wanted to have his citizenship confirmed: it is evidently based on the analogy of an ordinary diploma, and seems to furnish an example of the diplomata civitatis of Suet., Nero 12.1: H. Stiglitz in Scherrer, op. cit. (n. 83), 383–6 = AE 1999: 1250.

¹⁹⁶ Mann, J. C.^†, ZPE 119 (1997), 251–4,Google Scholar dating CIL XIV.2508 to before A.D. 197 and denying its relevance to the issue of the division of Britain in the early third century A.D.

¹⁹⁷ S. Mitchell in Eck, op. cit. (n. 173, 1999), 17–46. A contribution towards the completion of CIL XVII: Salama, P., Les homes milliaires du territoire de Tipasa (Maurétanie Césarienne), Pubbl. Centro di Studi Interdisc, Univ. Sassari 8 (2002);Google Scholar restudy of Thessalian milestones (Hadrianic; Tetrarchic): Mottas, F. and Decourt, J.-C., BCH 121 (1997), 311–54;Google Scholar a rare milestone of Trebonianus Gallus in Baetica: Gil, E. Melchior et al. , AnArqCord 8 (1997), 164Google Scholarf. = AE 1997: 839.

¹⁹⁸ Tomaschitz, op. cit. (n. 24), 51–4, no. 27 ( = AE 1998: 1420; SEG 48.1797). The embassy may have reached him in winter quarters, possibly not far away, A.D. 57/8. On the issue of the transfer of the province, cf. S. Mitchell, Anatolia (1993), 2, 153.

¹⁹⁹ G. Alföldy in Städte, Eliten u. Gesellschaft in Gallia Cisalpina (1999), 221–44 = AAAScHung 39 (1999), 21–44Google Scholar. The date at which Lycia-Pamphylia became a proconsular province has been re-opened by the discovery that it was already governed by a proconsul in A.D. 165/6: Weiϐ, P., EpigAnat 31 (1999), 77–82Google Scholar. On correctores in the Greek-speaking part of the Empire: Guerber, E., AnatAnt 5 (1997), 211–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰⁰ It has been shown that quinquefascalis was a title for praetorian officials sent to replace a governor, or to perform a special task while the governor was still present; in that case, they occupied a lower rank: Cotton, H. M., Chiron 30 (2000), 217–34Google Scholar.

²⁰¹ Malay, op. cit. (n. 24), 119–22 no. 131 (= AE 1999: 1534); a letter from Venuleius Valens, procurator under Vespasian, is appended, which states the rule. This letter calls the festival ‘the mysteries of Men’. On the integration of Judaea into the Empire: Shatzman, I., SCIsrael 18 (1999), 49–84;Google Scholar on the Roman presence in Judaea and Syria/Palaestina as mediated by the epigraphic record: W. Eck in A. Oppenheimer (ed.), Jüdische Geschichte in hellenistisch-römischer Zeit (1999), 237–63; prior to Hadrian: idem in M. Labahn and J. Zangenberg (eds), Zwischen den Reichen: Neues Testament u. röm. Herrschaft (2002), 29–50.

²⁰² Horster, M., Bauinschriften römischer Kaiser. Untersuchungen zu Inschriftenpraxis und Bautätigkeit in Stádten des westlichen Imperium Romanum in der Zeit des Prinzipats, Historia Einzelschriften 157 (2001)Google Scholar, with Alföldy, G., JRA 15 (2002), 489–98Google Scholar. The empirical material from the western Empire, not including that from Rome, is collected on pp. 251–439. Note also her earlier Literarische Zeugnisse kaiserlicher Bautätigkeit, Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 91 (1997)Google Scholar.

²⁰³ Asia Minor is covered by Winter, E., Staatliche Baupolitik und Baufürsorge in den römischen Provinzen des kaiserzeitl. Kleinasien, Asia Minor Studien 20 (1996)Google Scholar (though Horster cites many of the relevant texts too); Daguet-Gagey, A., Les opera publica à Rome (180–305 ap. J.-C), Coll. Études Augustin., série Ant. 156 (1997)Google Scholar, offers a history of Roman fires and the damage they caused; also sources for the administration of buildings, with a prosopography of the thirty-three known curatores aedium sacrarum, and other personnel. Further thoughts on the administration of the water-supply: Bruun, C., Chiron 29 (1999), 29–42Google Scholar. Eck, W., ZPE 124 (1999), 228–41,Google Scholar at 237f., on multiple names on water-pipes

²⁰⁴ Respectively: Giavitto, A., SupplIt 16 (1998), 265f. no. 12;Google ScholarIPerge 261 no. 211; France, J., ZPE 125 (1999), 272–5;Google ScholarCaldelli, M. L., Epigraphica 60 (1998), 235f. no. 2Google Scholar (see also AE 1924: 105); Kränzl and Weber, op. cit. (n. 13), 34 no. 29. Note also the mainly archaeological account of the imperial palaces up to the domus Flaviana by Royo, M., Domus imperatoriae: Topographie, formation et imaginaire des palais imperiaux du Palatin (II^e s. av.–I^et s. ap. J.-C), BEFAR 303 (1999)Google Scholar.

²⁰⁵ Rémy, B. and Jospin, J., RANarbonn 31 (1998), 73–89Google Scholar (Aosta); M. D. López de la Orden, De epigraphia Gaditana (2001); Martín-Bueno, M. and Caballero, M. Navarro, Veleia 14 (1997), 205–39Google Scholar (Bilbilis); Gaubatz-Sattler, A., Sumelocenna, Forsch. u. Berichte Vor- u. Frühgesch. in Baden-Württemberg 71 (1999)Google Scholar — primarily archaeological; Wiegels, R., Lopodunum, 2, Berichte Vor- u. Frühgesch. in Baden-Württemberg 59 (2000)Google Scholar; G. Piccottini, Die Römersteinsammlung des Landesmuseums für Kärnten (1996); J. Kolendo and V. Bozilova, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Novae (Mésie Inférieure) (1997); P. Pilhofer, Katalog der Inschr. von Philippi (2000); Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos, op. cit. (n. 20); Despinis, G. et al. , Καταλόγος γλύπτων του Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης 1 (1997)Google Scholar; Rehm, A. and Hermann, P., Milet 6.1 (1997)Google Scholar; new IK volumes: Stauber, J., Bucht v. Adramyttion, 2, IK 51 (1996)Google Scholar; Corsten, T., Laodikeia am Lykos, 1, IK 49 (1997);Google ScholarRicl, M., Alexander Troas, IK 53 (1997)Google Scholar; Sahin, S., Perge, 1, IK 54 (1999)Google Scholar; Perge, 2, IK 61 (2003)Google Scholar; von Berges, D. and Nollé, J., Tyana (2 vols), IK 55 (2000)Google Scholar; Sayar, M., Anazarbos, 1, IK 56 (2000)Google Scholar; Horsley, G. H. R. and Mitchell, S., Central Pisidia, IK 57 (2000)Google Scholar; Łajtar, A., Byzantion, 1, IK 57 (2000)Google Scholar; Nollé, J., Side, 2, IK 44 (2001)Google Scholar; Corsten, T., Kibyra, 1, IK 60 (2002)Google Scholar; Jonnes, L., Sultan Daği (Philomelion etc.), IK 62 (2002)Google Scholar; Blümel, W., Knidos, 2, IK 42 (2003)Google Scholar; French, D., Sinope, IK 64 (2003)Google Scholar; Lehmann, C. L. and Holum, K. G. (eds), The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Caesarea Maritima. Joint Expedition to Caesarea, Excavation Reports 5 (2000)Google Scholar; Bernand, É., Inscriptions grecques d'Hermoupolis Magna et de sa nécropole, IFAO Bibl. d'étude 123 (1999)Google Scholar; Khanoussi, M. and Mastino, A., Uchi maius, 1: Scavi e ricerche epigrafiche in Tunisia, Pubbl. Dip. storia dell'Univ. Sassari 30 (1998)Google Scholar (new finds); M. Khanoussi and L. Maurin (eds), Dougga (Thugga). Études épigraphiques (1997). The death of H. Devijver will delay publication of the results of the Belgian excavations at Sagalassos; G. H. R. Horsley and R. Kearsley are preparing the inscriptions of the Burdur museum.

The evidence of civic coins can scarcely be separated from inscriptions in relation to Asia Minor: cf. the survey by Nollé, J. in Internazionales Kolloquium zur kaiserzeitlichen Münzprägung Kleinasiens, 27–30 April 1994, Numismata 1 (1997), 11–26Google Scholar on the role of L. Robert in creating a method of integrating numismatics with epigraphy, but also the negative effect of his criticisms upon those less gifted than himself. Coin corpora for Aspendos, Laodikeia on the Lycus, Magydos, Pergamon, Perge, Sagalassos, Sardeis, Selge, Side and Synnada are in progress.

²⁰⁶ On the spatial organization of the city: Coarelli, F. in La Rome impériale: Démographie et logistique. Actes du Table ronde, Rome mars 1994, CEFR 230 (1997), 89–109Google Scholar (an interesting collection).

²⁰⁷ S. Panciera in S. Quilici Gigli (ed.), La forma della città e del territorio: Atti dell'Incontro di studio, S. Maria Capua Vetere, nov. 1998 (1999), 9–15. On the pomerium: Andreussi, M. s.v., LTUR 4 (1999), 96–105Google Scholar.

²⁰⁸ Castrén, P., Arctos 34 (2000), 7–21Google Scholar. He suggests that there may have been another painted map opposite, showing the territory of Rome for which the Prefect was responsible. As a (recently discovered) fragment of a plan showing the Forum of Augustus strongly suggests, the Severan map was not the first of its kind.

²⁰⁹ Sablayrolles, R., Libertinus miles. Les cohortes de vigiles, CEFR 224 (1996)Google Scholar, an exhaustive account of the Roman fire-brigade from its foundation in A.D. 6, lists in Appendix VII 88 more or less serious fires at Rome from literary sources.

²¹⁰ S. Panciera in X. Dupré Raventós and J.-A. Remola (eds), Sordes Urbis: la eliminatión de residuos en la ciudad romana: Adas reunión, Roma, nov. 1996 (2000), 95–105. He suggests that the name of the office of the IV viri and II viri viis purgandis was altered in the Augustan period to IV viri viarum curandarum because the title sounded less offensive.

²¹¹ S. Panciera in G. Paci (ed.), Epigraphai: Miscellanea epigrafica in onore di L. Gasperini (2000), 671–84. At least in Late Antiquity, the best limestone came from Terracina; volcanic sand for mortar came from the Campi Flegrei.

Note also the very unusual mention of an ingenuus frumento publico, a man in receipt of the annona; his social status can be judged from the fact that he was also the foster-brother of L. Plotius Sabinus, praetor under Antoninus Pius, and a sodalis Titialis Flavialis: S. Panciera in Moatti, op. cit. (n. 174), 267–70.

²¹² G. P. Burto n in de Blois, op. cit. (n. 141), 202–14, is an excellent brief account of four basic political aspects of the close relation between central administration and municipal élites. On the crucial question of city finances: Il capitolo delle entrate nelle finanze municipale in Occidente ed in Oriente. Actes X^e Rencontre franco-ital., mat 1996, CEFR 256 (1999)Google Scholar, sometimes admittedly hard going.

²¹³ Cébeillac-Gervasoni, M. (ed.), Les élites municipales de l'Italie péninsulaire de la mart de César à la mort de Domitien entre continuité et rupture: classes sociales dirigeantes et pouvoir central, CEFR 271 (2000)Google Scholar. Note especially: M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni and F. Zevi, on local and central power at Ostia, pp. 5–31, emphasizing the conservatism of the Ostian ruling class with its reliance on traditional networks of clientage, and the predominance of the cult of Vulcanus well into the Flavian period (the flamines Augusti et Romae appear only from that point onwards). Except for the Egrilii, the old oligarchy was left behind by the success of the Trajanic port and replaced by a succession of new families. R. Biundo, ibid., 33–69, on the ruling class in Pompeii; weighing the factors which led to the rise or disappearance of a family in the local élite, given the uncertainties of the documentation: but especially political and clientage relations; marriage alliances; economic factors; military careers (military tribunate; prefecture); political choices. Future themes announced: the economic resources of the Italian elites, and their relations to financial and ‘industrial’ enterprises. Note also an intriguing article by P. Pensabene in Gallina Zevi et al., op. cit. (n. 54), 185–222, combining the evidence of archaeology and epigraphy as clues to the social standing and financial resources of dedicators at Ostia. Paci, G., MemAccadMarchigiana 33 (1994/1995) [1998], 209–44,Google Scholar argues that the Augustan settlement of veterans in the Marche produced an explosion of urbanization, some of which can still be traced.

²¹⁴ R. W. B. Salway in Cooley, op. cit. (n. 86), 115–71.

²¹⁵ Mouritsen, H., Chiron 28 (1998), 229–54Google Scholar. There certainly seems no reason to disagree with the claim that the actual (and nominal) sizes of municipal senates varied widely.

²¹⁶ Camodeca, G., ZPE 112 (1996), 235–40;Google Scholard'Arms, J. H., JRS 90, (2000) 126–44Google Scholar.

²¹⁷ S. Mollo in Cébeillac-Gervasoni, op. cit. (n. 213), 347–71, with date charts; also on Brescia: Gregori, G. L., Brescia Romana, 2: Analisi dei documenti, Vetera 13 (1999)Google Scholar. Another good study, on the North-East, by F. Tassaux in Cébeillac-Gervasoni, op. cit. (n. 213), 373–415, with prosopographic charts for 123 cases from Aquileia, pp. 376–88. Here the factors seem to have been: local prestige of the family, commercial success, patronage (including other sevirs), imperial service; here at least VIviri seem to be men proud of having risen socially, though freedmen are few and far between. Cf. M. Silvestrini, ibid., stressing how few sons follow fathers into the rank of Augustalis or rise into municipal office such as the aedileship (pp. 431–55). First known Augustalis to have been a doctor: Kajava, M. and Solin, H., Epigraphica 59 (1997), 346–8 no. 33Google Scholar (Aeclanum), first century A.D.

²¹⁸ G. L. Gregori in Il capitolo, op. cit. (n. 212), 25–39.

²¹⁹ An assocation of libertine Mercuriales near Cassano Irpino (south-west of Benevento) leased a unit of three shops from the senate for an undeclared purpose (late Republican): D. Nonnis and C. Ricci in Il capitolo, op. cit. (n. 212), 41–59.

²²⁰ M. Dondin-Payre and M.-Th. Raepsaet-Charlier (eds), Cités, municipes, colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le haut Empire romain (1999).

²²¹ Interesting effort at sketching the politico-cultural geography of Aquitania, with its more than 170 known sites from major cities to vici: Mangin, M. and Tassaux, F. in Villes et agglomérations urbaines antiques de Sud-Ouest de la Gaule: 2^e colloque Aquitania, Bordeaux, sept, 1990, Aquitania suppl. 6 (1994), 461–96Google Scholar (missed in our last survey).

²²² F. Bérard in Dondin-Payre and Raepsaet-Charlier, op. cit. (n. 220), 97–126; R. Frei-Stolba, ibid., 29–95, at 54–67; see by contrast J. Gascou in A. Chastagnol et al. (eds), Splendidissima civitas: Mélanges F. Jacques (1996), 119–31 on magistrates' careers in Narbonensis.

²²³ M. Christol in Dondin-Payre and Raepsaet-Charlier, op. cit. (n. 220), 1–27, emphasizing not so much the veteran colonization as the rapid transformation of the indigenous communities in the period 50–15 B.C.; M. Dondin-Payre, ibid., 127–230 sets out all the evidence relating to magistrates and their careers, concluding that the diversity is in fact a sign of the adaptability of the Roman model of urbanization. In her survey of the municipia of the Germanies (pp. 271–352, with tables for every civitas, pp. 324–52), Raepsaet-Charlier rightly suggests that municipalization effectively began with Drusus' probable creation of civitates for the Sequani, Lingones, and Helvetii, then Tungrorum and Batavorum; and it may have been Trajan who extended the ius Latii to the whole of Germania Inferior and to those cities of Germania Superior which had not yet received it. Mainz must have been a Julio-Claudian municipality or even colony — possibly named civitas Aresacum, but more probably civitas Moguntiacensis as in the late third/fourth century A.D., with subordinate vici, even though there is no direct evidence (p. 311–15). On the debated issue of the coloniae Latinae: Le Roux, P., Ktema 17 (1992) [1996], 183–200Google Scholar. The Augustales are, once again, mainly not freedmen in this area, but of free birth, whether citizen or peregrine: note the tombstone of a VIvtr Aug(ustalis) ingen(uus) from Augsburg: Bakker, L., Das archäologische Jahr in Bayern, 1998 (1999), 85–7Google Scholar.

²²⁴ A. U. Stylow in Navarro Caballero and Demougin, op. cit. (n. 145), 141–53. Stylow has also published what seems to be the first evidence in Spain for existing towns being allowed to carry on even after the foundation of colonies on their territories: in one case (Astigi Vetus) as a civitas libera, in others probably as stipendiary communities, either on the edge of the new colony or as exclaves within it: Chiron 30 (2000), 775–806Google Scholar on the Accitani veteres at col. Iulia Gemelli Acci (Guadix).

²²⁵ cf. A. Caballos Rufino, op. cit. (n. 145), 123–46, on the cities where the equestrian families of Baetica were local magnates, and the mutual support given to each side by the other.

²²⁶ W. Eck in Y. Le Bohec (ed.), L'Afrique, la Gaule, la Religion: Mélanges M. LeGlay (1994), 650–62.

²²⁷ I. Piso in G. Arbore-Popescu (ed.), Traiano. Ai confini dell'Impero (1998), 276 = AE 1998: 1084; cf. idem in R. Étienne et al., Le forum vetus de Sarmizegetusa (2000) (we can obtain no further details of this highly obscure publication). A brick stamp from Greenwich Park provides a further indication that the name of London was (at some point) Augusta: Tomlin, R. S., Britannia 31 (2000), 442CrossRefGoogle Scholar n. 64.

²²⁸ Piso, I., Specimina nova 11 (1995), 155–62 no. 1Google Scholar = AE 1996: 1276a,b (the new text bears virtually no resemblance to the old).

²²⁹ Walbank, M. E. H., JRA 10 (1997), 95–130;Google Scholar cf. Walbank, F. W., Commentary on Polybius, 3 (1979), 728Google Scholarf. on Polyb. 23.2.1–3. On the question of the level of continuity between hellenistic euergetic practices and those of the Augustan settlement, see the articles by J.-L. Ferrary mentioned in n. 74 above.

²³⁰ A. J. Spawforth in Rizakis, op. cit. (n. 57), 167–82. Note the early date of Caesarean games here (perhaps 30 B.C.). On the re-foundation under Caesar: Walbank, op. cit. (n. 229). Bergemann, J., Die römische Kolonie von Butrint und die Romanisierung Griechenlands, Studien zur antiken Stadt 2 (1998)Google Scholar, explores mainly through archaeology the contrasts between the historical development of Buthrotum, Nikopolis, and Corinth; cf. Rizakis, D., DHA 22 (1996), 255–324CrossRefGoogle Scholar on the same topic. On the population and resources of the Roman colonies in Achaea: A. D. Rizakis in S. E. Alcock (ed.), The Early Roman Empire in the East (1997), 15–36; cf. Rizakis, A. D., Achaïe I: sources textuelles et histoire régionale, Meletemata 20 (1995)Google Scholar, Part III, which reprints the inscriptions relating to Achaia from outside the province, such as AE 1911: 107 and 1917/18: 27 = 1920: 107, the career of Tib. Cl. Subatianus, who was curator of both Achaia and Athens in the early third century.

²³¹ Spawforth, A. J. in Hoff, M. C. and Rotroff, S. I. (eds), The Romanization of Athens: Proceedings of Conference, Lincoln, Nebr. 1996, Oxbow Monogr. 94 (1997), 183–201Google Scholar.

²³² On the Laconian League, excluded from the favours granted Sparta, see N. M. Kennell in S. Hodkinson and A. Powell (eds), Sparta, New Perspectives (1999), 189–210. An apparent famine or grain-short-age in Sparta in the first third of second century A.D.: Steinhauer, G., ABSA 93 (1998), 443f. no. 13Google Scholar.

²³³ Follet, S. and Peppas-Delmousou, D., BCH 121 (1997) [1998], 291–309Google Scholar on IG III.12–13 = IG II². 1088.

²³⁴ Spawforth, A. J., Chiron 29 (1999), 339–52;Google Scholar cf. A. R. Birley, Hadrian (1997), 344. Panhellenes wore crowns with imperial busts attached, just like provincial priests: Wörrle, M., Chiron 22 (1992), 337–76,Google Scholar at 357, pl. 6.6. For an account of the rivalries between the Thessalian cities and Delphi, and the misappropriation of votive crowns, which dissuaded Hadrian from his original idea of developing the Delphic Amphictiony into the political forum for the Greek cities, see Copete, J. M. Cortés, DHA 25 (1999), 91–112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³⁵ Jones, C. P., Chiron 29 (1999), 1–2,Google Scholar with his own text on p. 11f. He interprets the text as a decree by Thyateira praising Hadrian for the benefit he had bestowed on the Greeks in general, including Thyateira, by founding the Panhellenion and granting 200,000 drachmae for the purchase of grain, in particular wheat.

²³⁶ See the arguments of Giraud, D. in Walker, S. and Cameron, A. (eds), The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire, BICS Suppl 55 (1989), 69–75Google Scholar.

²³⁷ Copete, J. M. Cortés, Gerión 16 (1998), 255–70Google Scholar.

²³⁸ Note Kennell, N. M., CPh 92 (1997), 346–62,Google Scholar on Marcus Aurelius' attempt to dissuade an Athenian faction from its determination to prosecute Herodes Atticus (Oliver, Greek Constitutions no. 184), with revised text of plaque 1, and translation of plaque 2, frg. E.

²³⁹ Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos, op. cit. (n. 20), 101–9 no. 7 (= AE 1998: 1213a,b; SEG 48.742) (BCH 37 (1913), 90–3 no. 4: ?second half of second century A.D. = Abbott and Johnson, p. 444f.).

²⁴⁰ Devijver, H., Ancient Society 27 (1996) 105–62;CrossRefGoogle Scholar cf. Devijver, H. and Waelkens, M. in Waelkens, M. and Poblome, J. (eds), Sagalassos IV, Acta Archaeologica Lovanensia, Monograph 9 (1997)Google Scholar; idem in M. Waelkens and J. Poblome (eds), Sagalassos V.1–2 (Seasons 1996–7), Acta Archaeologica Lovanensia, Monograph 10 (2000).

²⁴¹ Compare th e well-known case of the Plancii at Perge in Pamphylia; all the texts relating to Plancia Magna (PIR ² P 444), her family and foundations have been re-edited by Sahin, S., IPerge, 1 nos 86–128 (family stemma p. 115)Google Scholar; the inscriptions from the statue-bases in honour of the ktistai, mythical and other, including the hero Labos, which adorned the Hellenistic city-gate, are to be found here (nos 101–7).

²⁴² Kokkinia, Christine, Die Opramoas Inschrift von Rhodiapolis: Euergetismus u. soziale Elite im Lykien, Antiquitas, Reihe 3, 40 (2000)Google Scholar has put the study of IGR III.739 = TAM II.905 on an entirely new footing, by adding more than 100 (small/tiny) fragments, translating the whole into German, and providing a painstaking commentary. She likewise lays stress on the interconnection between euergetic gestures and Roman power.

²⁴³ Horsley and Mitchell, op. cit. (n. 205), nos 26, 27, 44.

²⁴⁴ S. Mitchell in XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 419–33.

²⁴⁵ Perge was made the metropolis of Pamphylia by the emperor Tacitus in A.D. 276: Sahin, S. et al. , EpigAnat 29 (1997), 69–74Google Scholar (now in IPerge, 2). On the later liturgical system: Drecoll, C., Die Liturgien im römischen Kaiserreich des 3.u.4.Jhdt. n. Chr., Historia Einzelschriften 116 (1997)Google Scholar.

²⁴⁶ R. Haensch in Eck, op. cit. (n. 173, 1999), 115–39 (north-east Caria) = AE 1999: 1592.

²⁴⁷ The goddess is otherwise unknown, but is perhaps to be identified either with an Artemis armed with a double-axe or with an analogue of Ephesian Artemis, both of whom appear on Herakleian coins. C. Valerius Victor is also unknown, though it is relatively unusual for a man who had not yet held the praetorship to become a legate; we can perhaps assume that he died in or soon after his praetorship in c. A.D. 110/11.

²⁴⁸ E. Borgia in E. Jean et al. (eds), La Cilicie: espaces et pouvoir locaux: Actes du table ronde, Istanbul 1999 (2001), 349–62; cf. M. Spanu, ibid., 445–77, on the archaeological evidence for theatres, amphitheatres, and circuses in West Cilicia, all of which belong to the period, after the mid-second century A.D., when the basic infrastructural investment in roads and aqueducts had been completed.

²⁴⁹ T. Ritti in Il capitolo delle entrate (n. 212 above), 261–74 (= AE 1999: 1589).

²⁵⁰ Schüler, C., Ländliche Siedlungen und Gemeinden im hellenistischen u. römischen Kleinasien, Vestigia 50 (1998)Google Scholar; the appendices list each type of settlement.

²⁵¹ On the history of Byblos in Phoenicia: M. G. Angeli Bertinelli in Biblo: Una città e la sua cultura (1994) [1996], 145–65. Sartre, M., AnnArcharabes 42 (1996), 385–405Google Scholar seeks to show, wrongly in our view, that Palmyra was a perfectly regular Greek polis from the first century A.D. until being promoted to the rank of colony.

²⁵² e.g. Weiss, P., ZPE 117 (1997), 227–68Google Scholar ( = AE 1997: 1761–70), of which sixteen belong to a single private collection and probably come from the Danube area; also idem, ZPE 124 (1999), 287–92 ( = AE 1999: 1360–2); Roxan, M. M. and Weiß, P., Chiron 28 (1998), 371–420Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 1621–7).

²⁵³ A new journal is exclusively devoted to military affairs: Aquila legionis: Cuadernos de estudios sobre el ejército romano 1 (2001)Google Scholar, note especially S. Perea Yébenes, ‘Epigrafía militar en publicaciones recientes (1)’ in that issue. Clauss, M., Lexicon lateinischer militärischer Fachausdrücke, Schriften des Limesmuseum Aalen 52 (1999)Google Scholar, has produced a well-illustrated lexicon for the military history buff, useful for quick reference for e.g. the difference between a stator and a strator; many entries allude to an inscription or two, but no specialist secondary literature is cited. One notes a number of minor omissions, e.g. hastile, and the definitions are sometimes too brief to be very helpful, and/or are contradicted by other sources.

²⁵⁴ Y. Le Bohec an d C. Wolff (eds), Les légions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire: Actes du congres, Lyon sept. 1998 (2000); the useful review by Wilkes, J. J., JRA 15 (2002), 528–35,Google Scholar to some extent compensates for the poor indexing of the volume.

²⁵⁵ Halfmann, H., Germania 195 (1995), 751Google Scholarf., has protested against drawing conclusions about the supposed importance of geographical origin in Roman appointment and promotion policies which are derived from an inadequate empirical base. He cites for example the use for this purpose of the surviving careers of centurions of X Fretensis, which are inscribed on funerary monuments; but this practice is typical for officers of Italian origin, so that the only correct conclusion would be that, say, centurions of Syrian origin did not follow the same practice.

²⁵⁶ PBSR 65 (1997), 89–102Google Scholar. Note also his excellent collection of military papers, Legions and Veterans: Roman Army Papers 1971–2000, Mavors 12 (2000)Google Scholar with useful indices.

²⁵⁷ G. Mennella in C. Stella and A. Valvo (eds), Studi in onore di A. Garzetti (1996), 257–69 ( = AE 1976: 679). On these legions, see also L. Keppie, Making of the Roman Army (1984), 202.

²⁵⁸ Diogo, A. M. Dias and Trinidade, L., Ficheiro Epigráfico 60 (1999), no. 275Google Scholar = AE 1999: 857. The debate over the legion's main base prior to A.D. 14 continues to rage: see J.-P. Laport vs K. Strobel, in Le Bohec and Wolff, op. cit. (n. 254), 557–79 and 515–28.

²⁵⁹ Speidel, M. A. in Kennedy, D. (ed.), The Twin Towns of Zeugma on the Euphrates, JRA Suppl. 27 (1998), 163–204,Google Scholar reprinting all the relevant texts (also idem in Le Bohec and Wolff, op. cit. (n. 254), 328–37), cf. H. Devijver on the officer-corps, ibid., 205–32. The new inscriptions, though, are pretty wretched, cf. AE 1998: 1426–9. We can now add the many tilestamps of the legion found in 2002 at ‘At Meydam’, one of the unfortified ‘logistics’ camps of the first to third century A.D. on the right bank of the river, and a fragmentary building-inscription in Latin: M. Hartmann and M. A. Speidel in Early, R. et al. , Zeugma: Interim Reports, JRA Suppl. 51 (2003), 100–26Google Scholar.

²⁶⁰ Piso, I., ActaMusNapoc 35 (1998), 97–104Google Scholar = AE 1998: 1087.

²⁶¹ Sensi, L., Epigraphica 58 (1996), 182–5, no. 2Google Scholar = AE 1996: 648.

²⁶² Convenient summary in English by Schlüter, W. in Creighton, J. D. and Wilson, R. J. A. (eds), Roman Germany: Studies in Cultural Interaction, JRA Suppl. 32 (1999), 125–59;Google Scholar cf. idem in R. Wiegels and W. Schlüter (eds), Rom, Germanien u. die Ausgrabungen von Kalkriese: Akten Kongr. Osnabrück, Sept. 1996 (1999); graffito: Wiegels, R., Germania 77 (1999), 600–2Google Scholar. It now seems extremely unlikely that the XVIII legion (one of Varus') was ever stationed in Vetera: R. Wiegels, XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 2, 103–24, at 110f. (a good survey of recent discoveries in relation to the army of the Rhine/Raetia during the first century A.D.).

²⁶³ F. Bérard et al. in R. Goguey and M. Reddé (eds), Le camp légionnaire de Mirebeau (1995), 191–251, at 220–2; discussion of Lappius' career, pp. 194–200; cf. Ritterling, E., RE 12 (1925), 1657Google Scholarf.; also R. Wiegels, XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 2, 117–19.

²⁶⁴ D. Kennedy in F. Sartori (ed.), Studies … for 75^th anniversary … of the Jagellonian University (1997), 69–81. It has been suggested that AE 1929: 167 alludes to trouble in Judaea at the end of Trajan's reign, perhaps a forewarning of the Bar-Kochba revolt: Zeev, M. Pucci-Ben, ZPE 133 (2000), 256–8Google Scholar.

²⁶⁵ Frere, S. S., Britannia 31 (2000), 23–8,CrossRefGoogle Scholar recapitulating a suggestion made by E. R. Birley.

²⁶⁶ Le Bohec, Y., RANarbonn. 32 (1999), 293–300Google Scholar.

²⁶⁷ Dušanić, S. in Alföldy, G. et al. (eds), Kaiser, Heer und Gesellschaft in der römischen Kaiserzeit: Gedenkschrift E. Birley, HABES 31 (2000), 343–63Google Scholar.

²⁶⁸ Mann, J. C., ZPE 126 (1999), 228Google Scholar.

²⁶⁹ N. Lenski in Jean et al., op. cit. (n. 248), 417–24. Hopwood might however reply that he was simply applying the commonly-accepted view of banditry among early-modern historians to the ancient world.

²⁷⁰ Souris, G. A., Tekmeria 1 (1995), 66–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar (= AE 1995: 1388; SEG 45. 816). On their organization, S. James in J. C. Coulston (ed.), Military Equipment and the Identity of Roman Soldiers (1988), 257–330.

²⁷¹ There is another important find now at Obernburg am Main, due south of Aschaffenburg at the north-west tip of Bavaria, which includes twelve altars, fifty-two bases and space for many more: B. Steidl, Das archäologische Jahr in Bayern 2000 (2001), 81–3; Mitt. Freunde Bayer. Vor- u. Frühgesch. 97 (2001), 2–10Google Scholar. The most important review of Schallmayer's volumes was by Haensch, R., BonnJahrb 195 (1995), 800–19Google Scholar.

²⁷² Les beneficiarii: militaires et administrateurs au service de l'Empire (I^er s. a.C.–VI^e s. p.C), Ausonius Études 5 (2000)Google Scholar, with extremely full and useful appendices, listing e.g. the days on which altars were erected, and those commemorating promotion; cf. B. Rankov in XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 1, 835–42, likewise counselling the need for caution in inferring the functions of beneficiarii, and the need to pay close attention to provenance and the rank of the officer to whom the bf was attached. But it remains true that ‘the stationes of the bf. cos are so widespread that they admit of any number of interpretations’.

²⁷³ Dise, R. L., ZPE 116 (1997), 284–99Google Scholar. On the functions of stratores, a sort of military policeman, see now Yébenes, S. Perea, Los stratores en el ejército romano imperial, Signifer 1 (1998)Google Scholar.

²⁷⁴ D. B. Saddington in XI Congresso (n. 6 above), 2, 297–314, with lists, including later careers, on pp. 305–14. As for the tribuni laticlavii (the one tribunate of the six per legion reserved to senators), there seems to be no foundation for the belief that future military commanders came to notice through their service in this rank.

²⁷⁵ R. Frei-Stolba in Rossi, F. and Tarpin, M., Annuaire de la Société Suisse de Préhistoire et Archéologie 81 (1998), 183–96,Google Scholar at 188–93 ( = AE 1998: 975).

²⁷⁶ Ritterling held that XXI Rapax, which he thought Domitian moved to the Danube after Saturninus' revolt in A.D. 89, was cut to pieces by the Sarmatians in c. A.D. 92. F. Bérard in Le Bohec and Wolff, op. cit. (n. 254), 56–60, has however suggested that it was condemned personally by Domitian at Vindonissa. If that had been so, the officer from Nyon would hardly have thanked his daughter for calling attention to his membership of it.

²⁷⁷ cf. Keppie, L., Athenaeum 84 (1996), 101–24Google Scholar — useful summary of recent work on the numbers and strengths of the cohorts and their quarters under Augustus and Tiberius. Important study of auxiliary troops in the Pannonias: B. Lörincz, Die römischen Hilfstruppen in Pannonien während der Prinzipatszeit (2001). Balteanu, D., Arhivele Olteniei n.s. 14 (1999), 39–71Google Scholar and 15 (2000), 15–40 (English summaries), reviews the new information relating to the auxiliary troops in the Moesias, concluding that the overall picture has not substantially changed since K. Kraft's Rekrutierung … am Rhein u. Donau (1951).

²⁷⁸ Hartmann and Speidel, op. cit. (n. 259), 117 no. 8.

²⁷⁹ We now possess eight diplomata dated to the same day, 21 July A.D. 164: Eck, W. and Roxan, M. M., Xantener Berichte 8 (1999), 347–52Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 1103). The earliest diploma which certainly disallows children born before discharge from sharing in their father's and mother's privileges is an example dated 7 August 143, relating to the auxiliary troops of Pannonia Inferior: we can now conclude that the reform was imposed between A.D. 140 (RMD 1: 39: Palamarcia) and the middle of 143: Roxan, M. M., ZPE 127 (1999), 249–73 no. 2Google Scholar (P. 255–67). This is also the earliest diploma to omit the list of units in the intus version.

²⁸⁰ Dušanić, S., Starinar 49 (1998) [1999], 51–62Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 1056). M. M. Roxan has provided a useful survey of all Pannonian diplomata to date: ZPE 127 (1999), 249–73Google Scholar.

²⁸¹ Saddington, D. B., Epigraphica 59 (1997), 157–72,Google Scholar suggests in a careful discussion of the seven (sometimes nine) witnesses to early diplomas, who are often relatively substantial local persons – equestrians, decurions and veterans – that they did not have to travel to Rome to sign the documents but were allowed to do so in communities of suitable rank, viz. Roman coloniae or municipia, which are often their home towns. The standard practice after A.D. 74, whereby seven officials in Rome signed the diplomas, would thus have amounted to a centralization and routinization of the attestation procedure.

²⁸² Eck, W. and Paunov, E., Chiron 27 (1997), 335–54Google Scholar (dated A.D. 127) ( = AE 1997: 1314).

²⁸³ Similarly, in a diploma of the same year from Moesia Inferior, for a Thracian likewise recruited under Trajan at the beginning of the Dacian War, into an originally North African cavalry ala (Roxan, M. M., ZPE 118 (1997), 287–99)Google Scholar. The governor at the time was C. Bruttius Praesens, cos. suff. in A.D. 118 or 119 (AE 1950: 94; IRT 545), and the diploma now allows a solution to a long-standing debate over his career. The cos suff. P. Lucius Cosconianus can be identified with the curator operum publicorum of CIL VI.1472, and seems to have been of Spanish origin.

²⁸⁴ Numerous minor peculiarities of the diplomata seem to derive from the vagaries of the governors' offices. For example, after A.D. 122, the order in which units are enumerated in diplomata from Mauretania Tingitana (the only African province from which they are known) is no longer numerical but geographical, arranged South to North in the case of alae and the reverse for cohortes: Labory, N., AntAfr 34 (1998), 83–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸⁵ BRylandsL 79 (1997), 3–41;Google Scholar cf. Tomlin, R. S. O., Britannia 28 (1997), 463–4, no. 28CrossRefGoogle Scholar ( = AE 1997: 1001). The Roman name of Ravenglass is now believed to be Itunocelum rather than Glannoventa, as RIB has it. Twenty, mostly very fragmentary, diplomas are now known for members of units that served in Britain, fifteen found there, five elsewhere: Nollé, J., ZPE 117 (1997), 269–74Google Scholar with an addendum by M. M. Roxan, pp. 274–6 (= AE 1997: 1779); see above n. 149.

²⁸⁶ One of the dedicators of the Maryport altars, M. Censorius Cornelianus, praef. coh., accepted a post as centurion in leg. X Fretensis, perhaps shortly afterwards: RIB 814 with D. J. Breeze in R. J. A. Wilson (ed.), Roman Maryport and its Setting: Essays in Honour of M. G.Jarrett (1997), 67–89, at 74f. The Maryport altars are likely to have been buried at the same time, when the sacred area they flanked was abandoned in the third century A.D.: P. R. Hill, ibid., 93–104.

²⁸⁷ Dušanić, S., ZPE 122 (1998), 219–28Google Scholar (A.D. 202) ( = AE 1998: 1116). An assemblage of three fragmentary diplomata, all from Cair (Viminacium), may suggest that the city played a role in their administrative distribution: idem, Starinar 48 (1997), 63–71 ( = AE 1997: 1298–1300), cf. Mirković, M., ZPE 126 (1999), 249–54Google Scholar (six more, AE 1999: 1312–17).

²⁸⁸ J. C. Mann in Alfoldy, op. cit. (n. 267), 153–61, with apt citation of CIL XVI App. no. 13, the subscriptio granted by Velius Fidius, governor of Syria in A.D. 149/50 to twenty-two members of leg. X Fretensis, who were Egyptians and wished to return home.

²⁸⁹ Among the new funeraries from Zeugma on the Euphrates is one for an optio of VII Claudia which pictures his wooden writing-tablets: the duties of optiones included book-keeping and writing lists and memoranda for the commander: Hartmann and Speidel, op. cit. (n. 259), 115 no. 7; cf. RIB 492.

²⁹⁰ Speidel, M. A., Die römischen Schreibtafeln von Vindonissa, Veröffentl. der Gesellschaft Pro Vindonissa 12 (1996), nos 3, 45 and 40Google Scholar (alluded to in our last survey) ( = AE 1996: 1124–35). The genii potissimi ludi, the spirits that bestow luck in gambling, seem to be unparalleled elsewhere. ‘Many of the most deeply ingrained motifs of Roman society were concentrated into the emotional explosions of their gambling’: J. P. Toner, Leisure and Ancient Rome (1995), 89. Speidel, 61 fig. 28, illustrates another optio with writing-tablets.

²⁹¹ Tomlin, R. S. O., Britannia 29 (1998), 31–84,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 36–51 ( = AE 1998: 838). As usual, the commentary scintillates.

²⁹² Tomlin, R. S. O. in Goldsworthy, A. and Haynes, I., The Roman Army as a Community, JRA Supplement 34 (1999), 127–38;Google ScholarBritannia 29 (1998), 55–63 no. 16Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 839). For lancers at Apamea see Baity, J. Ch., JRS 78 (1988), 101Google Scholar.

²⁹³ Tomlin, R. S. O., Britannia 29 (1998), 74 no. 44Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 852). The term cohortales appears in a tiny fragment (p. 67f. no. 28 ( = AE 1998: 847)), either as a noun — it would be the first such occurrence during the Principate — or, as the analogy of the roughly contemporary ILS 2487 (Hadrian to the army of Africa) suggests, an adjective; yet the following word(s) seem in fact to be crossed out. The editor suggests a sort of joke: slow soldiers deserve fetters (to make them really slow?); but this seems strained. If pedicas in tardius superveniunt quibus m <a> ncipare debeo pedicas …. is to be retained, one might perhaps think of cohortales [[statores]]: a reference to military policemen might make sense in the context of ankle-fetters. But it is difficult to imagine why these might be being sold to policemen.

²⁹⁴ Tomlin, R. S. O. and Hassall, M., Britannia 29 (1998), 435f. no. 7Google Scholar ( = AE 1998: 835), on the text presented by Birley, A. R., Britannia 29 (1998), 299–305CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is an intermediate case in Hunt's pridianum (RMR no. 63) ii 11, Getati. But in a Latinspeaking context, one might expect ‘o(b).’ (for ‘obiit”) as in RMR no. 34, recto i, 6.

²⁹⁵ Roxan, M. M., JRA 9 (1996), 248–56Google Scholar ( = AE 1997: 1771). Note that the men militant, are still in service. This is the sole diploma to mention that it is copied from an original quae fixa est Romae in Capitolio in podio muri ante aedem Gent P (opuli) R (omani).

²⁹⁶ A hitherto unknown fleet prefect under Hadrian: Weiß, P., ZPE 126 (1999), 243–6Google Scholar.

²⁹⁷ A. Parma in XI Congresso (n. 6 above), i, 817–24. It has been argued that until the reign of Hadrian there was no Syrian fleet; prior to this time, shipping was improvised as required: Saddington, D. B., Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 31 (2001), 581–6Google Scholar. It seems that there were after all no batmen (stratores) in the fleet: AE 1929: 149 has been revised to read st] rat (iôtou ) stolou, ‘marine belonging to the fleet’: Bohec, Y. Le, Ktema 21 (1996), 313–20Google Scholar.

²⁹⁸ Hodgson, N., Britannia 31 (2000), 11–22;CrossRefGoogle Scholar cf. also Sijpesteijn, P. J., ZPE III (1996), 281Google Scholarf. Note also P. Petrović (ed.), The Roman Limes on the Middle and Lower Danube (1996).

²⁹⁹ M. Hartmann and M. A. Speidel, 18^th International Roman Frontiers Congress (2003). D. Kennedy in idem (ed.), The Roman Army in the East, JRA Supplement 18 (1996), 9–24, raises the question of how such military sites functioned within the local ecology, and notes, in passing, the massive threat to the archaeology of much of the Near-East by modern farming and settlement patterns.

³⁰⁰ An excellent study by GWesch-Klein, ., Soziale Aspekte des römischen Heerwesens in der Kaiserzeit, HABES 28 (1998)Google Scholar, covering the entire range of the social, sexual, and familial life of soldiers, discipline and order, privileges and relations with the civilian world. Note also Goldsworthy, A. and Haynes, I., The Roman Army as a Community, JRA Supplements 34 (1999)Google Scholar, emphasizing the regionalism and diversity of the army, drawing upon local recruits and being influenced by local communities; note especially B. Rankov, on the officium consularis in provincial administration, and J. J. Wilkes on Legion VII in the Danube area.

³⁰¹ Y. Le Bohec in Alföldy, op. cit. (n. 267), 207–26: convenient lists of the army units of Africa Proconsularis/Numidia, and the Mauretanias; note also Alföldy, ibid., 33–58, on the army in the social structure of the Empire, and P. Le Roux, ibid., 261–78, on the army and society in Spain. Note also S. M. García Martínez, La base campamental de la Legio VII y sus canabae en Léon. Análisis epigráfico (2000), and, on the veterans of this legion as intermediaries between the the military and civilian worlds: J. J. Palao Vicente in A. Alonso Ávila (ed.), Homenaje al prof. Montenegro (1999), 453–72.

³⁰² N. Pollard in Kennedy, op. cit. (n. 299), 211–28. Oddly enough, he does not refer to B. Isaac's exploitation of Talmudic sources, The Limits of Empire ² (1992), 115–18.

³⁰³ Le Bohec, op. cit. (n. 301), 209.

³⁰⁴ Abdallah, Z. ben and Le Bohec, Y., MEFRA 109 (1997), 41–82,CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 45–51, no. 2a ( = AE 1997: 1620–37). Note in particular Geminius Orfitianus, who is an addition to the very small group of third-century African recruits known in the élite cohortes urbanae (172 Italians, 20 provincials of whom 2 are from Africa), who was evidently able, through his personal and family resources, to influence the governor's decision. His grandfather and great-uncle bore cognomina clearly calqued upon indigenous words or names: Pusissus and Salfenius. In another of these texts, perhaps from the mid-first century A.D. (p. 68f. no. 10), the dedicator mentions that he was a comanipul (aris) of the deceased, a term that occurs extremely rarely in military funeraries (the maniple was a fighting unit composed of two centuries under a single signum).

³⁰⁵ Scheidel, W., Klio 77 (1995), 232–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. idem, Measuring Sex, Age and Death in the Roman Empire, JRA Suppl. 21 (1996), 93–138, at 93–7, 117–24. The main arguments are however parametric.

³⁰⁶ M. Mirković, XI Congresso (n. 6 above) 2, 139–52. He argues with Sailer, R. and Shaw, B., JRS 74 (1984), 124–56,Google Scholar that the small number of sons recorded on legionary tombstones, and the omission of wives' names, reflect the fact that a tombstone was as much a statement of legal inheritance as anything else; by contrast, families are often mentioned in auxiliary tombstones, and it is these that perhaps offer a more promising line of approach for research on military families than the legionary tombstones.

³⁰⁷ Allason-Jones, L., Britannia 30 (1999), 133–46;CrossRefGoogle Scholar note p. 140, on wines for medical use, one type flavoured with white horehound (marrubium vulgare), against coughs and catarrh; a second-century A.D. wooden barrel has been found at Aquincum apparently containing wine for a military hospital and thus duty-free: immune in r(ationem) val(etudinarii) leg. II Ad(iutricis): Bezeczky, T., Britannia 27 (1996), 334CrossRefGoogle Scholarf. Add to Allason-Jones' list of dedications to Aesculapius in this area (p. 142), Tomlin, R. S. O., Britannia 32 (2001), 390 no. 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar (Asclepio at Carlisle: all known doctors in Britain have Greek names). Note also Breitweiser, R., Medizin im römischen Österreich, Linzer archäologische Forschungen 26 (1998)Google Scholar, section 1, and in general the excellent account of J. C. Wilmanns, Der Sanitätsdienst im römischen Reich (1995), with Le Bohec, Y., Gnomon 24 (1998), 367–9Google Scholar.

³⁰⁸ Kolendo, J., Archeologia (Warsaw) 49 (1998), 55–71Google Scholar ( = AE 1998:1130–7). There is a new medicus cohortis of second-century A.D. date from Cabyle in Thrace, with an evidently Thracian name, published as a simple soldier (Velkov, V., Cabyle, 2 (1991), 24 no. 19)Google Scholar but the photograph allows a corrected reading Au]/ luzen(us) med(icus)/coh. II Lucens(ium), see AE 1999: 1377.

³⁰⁹ J. Kolendo and V. Bozilova, Inscriptions grecques et latines de Novae (Mésie Inférieure) (1997), no. 46. But Gaetulicus may have become familiar with the notion of a universal goddess in Britain, cf. RIB 1135 (Corbridge, fragment, date unknown; ?not Cybele). Note also ILS 2649 for a princeps iterum leg. XIII who served forty-six years, dying at the age of sixty-four.

³¹⁰ One must also find space for Adams, J. N., JRS 89 (1999), 109–34,Google Scholar on the range of centurions' cultural aspirations, arising from the splendid poem from Bu Njem by M. Porcius Iasucthan (AE 1995: 1641).

³¹¹ M. Clauss, Kaiser und Gott. Herrscherkult im römischen Reich (1999); I. Gradel, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion (2002).

³¹² The book is divided into a reign-by-reign historical survey and a (more successful) thematic section, followed by appendices listing the evidence for worship of each emperor while alive (1) and the divi (7); some of this material is discussed in idem, Klio 78 (1996), 400–33, on the evidence for living emperors as active divinities in the world. Note also: Scheithauer, A., ZPE 114 (1996), 213–26,Google Scholar on the formulae of the type salvis Augustis felix …, which suggest that private individuals saw a close link between their well-being and that of the emperors; Witschel, C., Klio 78 (1996), 524–9Google Scholar (review of Kuhoff, Felicior Augusto (1993)), an important sketch of the climate of religious feeling which transformed perceptions of the emperor into spontaneous religious gestures; and Wiseman, J. in Xydopoulos, I. K. (ed.), Ancient Macedonia VI: 6^th International Symposium, Thessaloniki, Oct. 1996, Institute for Balkan Studies 272 (1999), 1359–70,Google Scholar on the use of the Latin expression deo Caesari at Stobi, which directly follows Greek usage.

³¹³ Note especially: criticism of Zanker and J. J. Dobbins on the role of the imperial cult in the forum of Pompeii (pp. 103–8); interesting suggestion that the genius Aug. is a solution to the de facto impossibility of the emperor being personally ubiquitous (pp. 244f.), though it surely works against the major claim that worship is all about estimates of power, and anyway ignores evidence such as Pan. Lat. 6(7).22.1 (cited by Clauss, op. cit. (n. 311 above), 197), and the general point that this genius is the public form of the genius domini, which certainly had no such value; argument against the supplement n[umini Augusti ad aram q]uam dedicavit Ti. Caesar in FPraenestini s.v. 17 January on grounds of letter form (pp. 235–9), while admitting that there really is no alternative, and the claim seems quixotic in view of the undoubted existence of the term numen Aug. at Narbo (CIL XII.4333); list of varying titles of municipal priests in Italy up to A.D. 235 (pp. 376–9).

³¹⁴ U.-M. Liertz, Kult u. Kaiser: Studien zur Kaiserkult und Kaiserverehrung in den germanischen provinzen und in Gallia Belgica zur römischen Kaiserzeit (1998).

³¹⁵ Of general works on the imperial cult note also Small, A. (ed.), Subject and Ruler: the Cult of the Ruling Power in Classical Antiquity: Festschrift D. Fishwick, JRA Suppl. 17 (1996)Google Scholar, esp. R. Turcan's original essay, picking up on a remark by Fustel de Coulanges about the imperial cult as ‘un principe de liberte’, on the manner in which the cult of the sovereign provided that liberty which consisted in a distinct identity within a universal ‘symbolic’ framework (pp. 51–62). Like Gradel, Turcan pays particular attention to domestic cult, emphasizing the variety of small objects associated with the cult of the emperors; cf. H. Hänlein-Schäfer on the iconography of the genius Aug. in compital (‘cross-roads’) and domestic cults, pp. 73–98.

³¹⁶ W. van Andringa in Dondin-Payre and Raepsaet-Charlier, op. cit. (n. 97), 425–46, list on 442–6; La religion en Gaule romaine: piété et politique I^er–III^e siècle apr. J.-C. (2002), 187–204. The titles of municipal priesthoods never bore any close relationship to those known from Rome — pontiffs and augurs, for example, as prescribed in the Lex Ursonensis, virtually never occur in Gaul (outside Narbonensis and Lugdunum) or the Germanies. Note too Derks, T., JRA 15 (2002), 541–5Google Scholar on Andringa, Van (ed.), Arche'o logie des sanctuaires en Gaule romaine, Mémoires du Centre Jean Palerne 22 (2000)Google Scholar.

³¹⁷ cf. also S. Lefebvre in Cébeillac-Gervasoni, op. cit. (n. 144), 267–305, on the collective character of the Italian élites' expressions of gratitude and respect for the Julio-Claudians.

³¹⁸ Edmondson, J., MadridMitt 38 (1997), 89–105:Google Scholardivo A[ugusto] et diva[e Augustae] … (AE 1997: 777a). Hitherto ILS 6892 read: divo Augusto Albinus Albini f. flamen divi Aug. provinciae Lusitaniae. One could not guess from this presentation that the stone is broken to the right, and that nearly half of each line is evidently missing. Fishwick, D., Epigraphica 61 (1999), 81–101,Google Scholar argues that Albinus was not a Roman citizen, which seems implausible, and that the cult in Lusitania was controlled centrally through a law similar to that for Narbo (FIRA I² no. 22). Fishwick, D., ZPE 126 (1999), 291–5Google Scholar and 128 (1999), 283–92 attempts to find further support for the idea of central organization in CIL II.4217 and AE 1987: 539 = CIL II².7.799 (Fuente Ovejuna). See the objections of P. Le Roux in AE 1999: 966.

³¹⁹ Note the re-reading of CIL XII.392 (near Arles) by Brunand, J.-P.Gascou, J., ZPE 125 (1999), 261–71,Google Scholar following discovery of a new fragment and re-discovery of the old. It seems to show that the honorand was sacerdos] templi divi Aug(usti) prior to A.D. 42. Frei-Stolba, R., Pro Aventico 38 (1996), 59–72,Google Scholar suggests reading the second line of ILS 2697, the cursus of C. Iulius Camillus sac(erdos) Aug(usti), mag(ister) instead of mag(nus), with H. Wolff, which would represent an early stage in the development of the imperial cult in the Flavian colonia Helvetiorum, while magister may be the title of the chief magistrate at this stage.

³²⁰ Edmondson adopts Étienne's suggestion that the post of flaminica was introduced in the Flavian period, to look after the cult of the growing number of divae.

³²¹ E. Marin in Preatti XI Congresso (n. 115 above), 411–15; idem in P. Cabanes (ed.), L'Illyrie méridionale et l'Épire dans l'Antiquité, 3. Actes du III^e colloque de Chantilly, oct. 1996 (1999), 265–9; on the statues, idem, CRAI 1996, 1029–40; JRA 14 (2001), 81–112Google Scholar. Narona seems itself to have been an Augustan colony.

³²² Alföldy, G., ScClIrael 18 (1999), 85–108;Google Scholar the best discussion, with overwhelming bibliography to 1992, is L. Boffo, Iscrizioni greche e latine per lo studio della Bibbia² (1994), 217–33 no. 25.

³²³ Vann, R., IJNArch 20 (1991), 123–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³²⁴ Raban, A. (ed.), The Harbours of Caesarea Maritima. Results of the Caesarea Ancient Harbour Project, 1980–85, 1: The Site and the Excavations, BAR S491 (1989)Google Scholar; Kingsley, S. in Lavan, L. (ed.), Recent Research in Late-Antique Urbanism, JRA Suppl. 42 (2001), 69–87.Google Scholar The second tower does not however appear on any of the familiar reconstructions, e.g. K. G. Holum et al., King Herod's Dream: Caesarea on the Sea (1988), 99 fig. 62.

³²⁵ Frova, A., RIL 95 (1961), 419–34Google Scholar = AE 1971: 477.

³²⁶ Honours for the emperors at Eleusis: K. Clinton in Hoff and Rotroff, op. cit. (n. 231), 161–81, including a list of known high-priests of the imperial cult at the sanctuary (useful summary in SEG 47.37).

³²⁷ Engelmann, H., ZPE 125 (1999), 139–42 no. 2Google Scholar.

³²⁸ IPerge (n. 205 above), 50f. no. 35. A new fragment of IG XII.5.629, probably part of the epistyle of the small Sebasteion at Ioulis on Keos, a votive by the high-priest Theoteles philokaisar to theois Olympiois kai theois Sebastois, seems to prove that the cult of the theoi Sebastoi here antedates the death of Augustus: Zoumbaki, S. and Mendoni, L. G. in Kea-Kythnos: History and Archaeology, Meletemata 27 (1999), 669–78Google Scholar = AE 1999: 1455.