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Pax and the ‘Ara Pacis’1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Stefan Weinstock
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Extract

We call a monument Ara Pacis without any support from ancient tradition. It was Friedrich von Duhn who first so called it in 1879 and he justified it in the briefest fashion. He considered three sacrificial slabs and three processional slabs. He did not produce any analysis but based his case on the fact that some of those reliefs were discovered in the grounds of the Palazzo Fiano, that is on the Campus Martius, and that the Ara Pacis was built on the Campus Martius. That was all. Nevertheless, his conjecture was enthusiastically received: it was the golden age of classical archaeology, when numberless monuments were assigned to great Greek artists and great historical events and thus the foundations were laid for a more critical and sceptical study of Greek art. This scepticism destroyed many identifications but it never reached the Ara Pacis, and that I believe for special reasons. There was great excitement in the years after 1873 when Carl Humann discovered the great altar of Pergamum ; excavations began in 1878 with sensational results. Friedrich von Duhn made his ‘discovery’ in the following year and it concerned another great altar, but this time in Rome. He was clearly spellbound and so were his contemporaries. They did not ask for proof. In that atmosphere such credulity was natural. Yet however much the altar has been studied during the last eighty years the question has never been asked why it should be the Ara Pacis. My answer is that it is not. My first task, however, is to reconsider the evidence about Pax and I shall do this as if our altar did not exist. I shall return to it in the second part of my paper and end with the interpretation of a specimen relief, the sacrifice of Aeneas which seems to me the most revealing of the reliefs.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 1-2 , November 1960 , pp. 44 - 58
Copyright
Copyright © Stefan Weinstock 1960. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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Footnotes

1

This paper was read at the meeting of the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies in London on 10th November, 1959, and repeated in Rome, Cologne, Frankfurt, and Munich. I am indebted for advice and criticism to Mr. J. P. V. D. Balsdon, Mr. D. Mervyn Jones, and Professor I. A. Richmond, and for considerable help in numismatic matters to Dr. C. M. Kraay. I am further indebted for some of the coin-casts to Mr. R. A. G. Carson, of the British Museum, and for most of the photographs to Dr. H. Sichtermann, of the German Archaeological Institute in Rome.

References

2 ‘Über einige Basreliefs u. ein röm. Bauwerk der ersten Kaiserzeit,’ Miscellanea Capitolina (Instituto Archaeologico centum semestria feliciter peracta gratulantur Iuvenes Capitolini) 1879, 11–16. Not all the six slabs came from the Campus Martius. Two of the three sacrificial slabs and one processional slab of unknown origin, now in the Villa Medici, were later eliminated (below, p. 53, n. 105).

3 Hes., Theog. 901 f.; Erga 228. Further details, also for the following argument, in H. Fuchs, Augustin u. der ant. Friedensgedanke, 1926, 170 ff. (with bibliography).

4 Eur., Cresphontes frg. 453 N.; Bacch. 419 f.; Or. 1682 f.; Aristoph., Pax 974 ff.

5 IG I2, 1388, 75; 280, 86; cf. Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell. 2, 179.

6 Philoch., FGrHist. 328 F 151 (Jacoby). For further evidence and the learned controversy see Jacoby's commentary, IIIb, Suppl. 1, 522–6, and 2, 419–422.

7 Rumpf, Archäologie 2, 80 ff.

8 Head, HN 2 102. I do not think that the other representations attributed to Eirene by Waser, P-W 5, 2131 f., belong to her.

9 Pausan. 1, 18, 3; cf. Jacoby, o.c. 2, 421, n. 25.

10 Syll.3 1014, 140; cf. Deubner, Myth. Lex. 3. 2132.

11 Eirene-Pax received her attribute not from Hermes but from the envoys sent out for parleys about peace, cf. Diod. 5, 75, 1, ἐπικηρυκεία; Thuc. 1, 53 ἄνευ κηρυκείου; Paul. 47 M. (41 L.) ‘caduceatores legati pacem petentes. Cato …’; Serv. Aen. 4, 242, ‘secundum Livium legati pacis caduceatores dicuntur: sicut enim per fetiales … bella indicebantur, ita pax per caduceatores fiebat’; Livy 8, 20, 6; App., Lib. 49; Täubler, Imperium Romanum 42. The olive branch, the symbol of the suppliants (Aesch., Eum. 43; Soph., Oed. 3; Plut., Thes. 18, 1), could also be carried (not officially ?) by the envoys of peace (Cornut. 16, p. 23, 3 L.), often in the Aeneid (7, 153 f.; 8, 116; 128; 11, 101 f.; 332); in 202 B.C. the ship of the Carthaginians was decorated with olive branches, Livy 30, 36, 4.

12 For the history of the term see again Fuchs, o.c. 182 ff.; I mention only what is necessary for my subject, cf. also Berlinger, L., Beiträge z. inoffiziellen Titulatur d. röm. Kaiser (Diss. Breslau, 1935), 42 ff.Google Scholar; F. Christ, Die röm. Weltherrschaft in d. ant. Dichtung 102 ff.; C. Koch, P-W 18, 2, 2430 ff.; Momigliano, Journ. Warb. Court. Inst. 5, 1942, 228 ff.; M. Grant, Univ. of Edinburgh Journ. 1949, 229 ff.; Aspects of the Principate of Tiberius 77 ff.; Viano, M., Atti Accad. di Torino 88, 1953–1954, 168 ff.Google Scholar (on etymology and usage).

13 Gell. 10, 27, 3; Dig. 1, 2, 2, 37; Cass. Dio 12 ap. Zonar. 8, 18, 12 (1, p. 178 B.); cf. Livy 21, 18, 13 (218 B.C.), and the proverb, Phot., Lex. 2, 218 N. τὸ κηρύκειον ἤ τὴν μάχαιραν; Suid. s.v. δόρυκηρύκειον.

14 cf. e.g. Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic 2; 4; 18 f.; 133.

15 Sydenham, o.c. 121; 118.

16 This is the coin of Q. Fufius Calenus and Mucius (?) Cordus, attributed to 83 or 72 or c. 69 B.C., Sydenham, o.c. 131.

17 Fuchs, o.c. 192, 2, quotes a passage from the speech of M. Aemilius Lepidus, cos. 78 B.C., as recorded by Sall. Hist. frg. 55 (p. 26 Mbr.): ‘specie concordiae et pacis, quae sceleri et parricidio suo nomina indidit (Sulla)’; cf. Lucan. 2, 171, ‘omnia Sullanae lustrasse cadavera pacis.’

18 Cic., Leg. agr. 1, 23 (63 B.C.); Att. 11, 19, 1; 11, 16, 1; Fam. 15, 15, 1.

19 Cic., Att. 8, 11, 7; 9, 9, 2.

20 Coin of Q. Sicinius, 49–8 B.C.: obv. head of Fortuna, rev. winged caduceus and palm-branch, above wreath (Sydenham, o.c. 157); coin of Decimus Postumius Albinus, 49–8: obv. head of Pietas, rev. two hands clasping winged caduceus (Sydenham, o.c. 158); coin of Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio and P. Licinius Crassus Iunianus, 47–6: obv. Genius of Africa, rev. Victoria holding winged caduceus and round shield (Sydenham, o.c. 175).

21 Panaetius: Cic., Rep. 3, 36; Reitzenstein, Neue Wege z. Ant. 4, 14; Capelle, Klio 25, 94 f.; Pohlenz, P-W 18, 2, 437. As to Posidonius there is evidence only if it is right to combine FGrHist. 87 F 8 (Jacoby) with passages like Strabo 3, 3, 8 (attributed to Posidonius by Capelle, l.c. 103).

22 Cic., Qu. fr. 1, 1, 34; cf. Prov. cons. 31; Tac., Hist. 4, 74; Ann. 13, 56, 1; Fuchs o.c. 197; 202.

23 Gell. 17, 18, ‘M. Varro …in libro, quem inscripsi t Pius aut de pace (p. 256 R.) C. Sallustium … loris bene caesum dicit …’; Gell. 1, 25, 1, ‘duobus modis M. Varro in libro humanarum qui est de bello et pace “indutiae” quid sint definit …’; Fuchs 93 ff.; Dahlmann, Varronische Studien 1, 45 f.

24 Sydenham, o.c. 177; cf. Meyer, Caesars Monarchic 515.

25 CIL 2, 47 = ILS 6899: ‘… col(onia) Pax Iulia …’; Ptolem., Geogr. 2, 5, 4, Πὰξ Ἰουλία; Itin. Anton. pp. 204–6 P.-P. ‘Pace Iulia’. Vittinghoff, Röm. Kolonisation u. Bürgerrechtspolitik 78; 109, 4, attributes not without hesitation the foundation of Pax Iulia to Augustus but quotes evidence also for the opposite view; cf. also Henderson, M. I., JRS 32, 13Google Scholar.

26 Pliny 3, 35, ‘Forum Iuli Octavanorum colonia quae Pacensis appellatur et Classica’ (that is, a foundation of Caesar's legio octava; the second name Classica refers to the captured ships which Octavian brought there after Actium); CIL 12, 3203 = ILS 6984, ‘…col. Aug. Nemausi … et Foro Iulii Pacato’; cf. Ihm, P-W 7, 69; Ritterling, P-W 12, 1643.

27 Vives, A., La moneda hispánica 4, 124Google Scholar, pl. 167, 1. I am indebted for the cast of this coin to Mr. G. K. Jenkins of the British Museum.

27a This article was in proof when I found a statue of Pax, the only one which seems to have survived, in the Leiden Museum: J. P. Brants, Description of Ancient Sculpture in the Museum of Archaeology of Leiden, 1927, 2, pl. 2, 4 (our pl. IX, 2, is from a photograph kindly provided by Director Dr. A. Klasens). It comes from Thysdrus in Africa, and as Thysdrus was a Caesarian colony (Broughton, The Romanization of Africa Proconsularis 49; Grant, From Imperium to Auctoritas 347; contra, Vittinghoff o.c, 83 n.), this statue, even though it is of a much later date, may point to a cult set up there after the battle of Thapsus, 46 B.C. On a mosaic bust of ΕΙΡΗΝΗ of the later imperial period found in Xanthus, Lycia, see Demargne, CRAI 1954, 113.

28 Fraenkel, Horace 376 f.; cf. also Petron. 124, 249 ff.; Claudian. in Ruf. 1, 51 ff.

29 Dio 44, 4, 5. On the use of the caduceus at the temple of Concordia rebuilt under Augustus, see below, p. 49, n. 57.

30 Sydenham, o.c. 180; cf. also the coin of L. Mussidius Longus, c. 42 B.C., obv. head of Concordia, rev. hands clasplng caduceus (Sydenham, o.c. 181); coin of L. Livineius Regulus, c. 42, obv. head of Caesar laureate with laurel branch and winged caduceus (Sydenham, o.c. 183).

31 Obv. head of Concordia, rev. hands clasping a caduceus (Sydenham, o.c. 192); coins of Gaul, 39, obv. head of Octavian or Antony, rev. winged caduceus (Sydenham, o.c. 207); cf. also the coins of Antony with the same or similar symbols, Sydenham o.c. 192, 199.

32 App. b.c. 5, 130, 540. I have substituted εὐθηνίαν (Mendelssohn's conjecture) for εὺθυμίαν of the MSS. and editions. It can be supported with representations of a caduceus with cornucoplæ on monuments (altar of Bologna, Lehmann-Hartleben, Röm. Mitt. 42, 1927, 164 f., pl. 20; Ryberg, Rites 38 f., pl. 10, 20; altar of Carthage, CAH Plates, 4, 134a; Ryberg 89) and on coins (Sydenham, Coinage of the Rom. Rep. 192 [Antony, 40 B.C.]; Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the Brit. Mus. [= Coins] 1, 133; 144 f. [A.D. 21–3]; cf. 99 [31–29 B.C.]; Tarn, JRS 22, 1932, 149; Scott, K., Röm. Mitt. 50, 1935, 225Google Scholar). Euthenia is frequent on the coins of Alexandria, see Vogt, Die alex. Münzen 2, 2 f.; 8; passim; Eirene and Euthenia on a coin of A.D 109–10 (Vogt 2, 30) and of A.D. 175–6 (Vogt 2, 104).

33 Dio 49, 15, 2. So Pax in action, that is, setting fire to a heap of arms with a torch, which first appears on coins of Galba and Vespasian (Mattingly, Coins 1, 360; 2, 128, etc.) may rest on a composition of the Augustan period. Cf. also Anth. Pal. 6, 236, 5 f.

34 cf. e.g. Mon. Anc. 13; Momigliano, JRS 32, 63.

35 Fast. Praen. 11 Jan.; Livy 1, 19, 3; Dio 51, 20, 4, Plut. Fort. Rom. 9; Oros. 6, 20, 8.

36 Cic. Phil. 2, 113, ‘pax est tranquilla libertas;’ Dio 43, 44, 1 (45 B.C.), αὐτόν τε Ἐλευθερωτὴν καὶ ἐκάλουν καὶ ἐς τὰ γραμματεῖα ἀνέγραφον, καὶ νεὼν Ἐλευθερίας δημοσίᾷ ἐψηφἰσαντο. Augustus restored the temple of Iuppiter Libertas (or Liber) on the Aventine, Mon. Anc. 19, 2; Fast. Arv. 1 Sept. He was called Zeus Eleutherios in Egypt, Greek Lit. Pap. 113, 8 (p. 470 Page); IGR 1, 1163; 1295.

37 Mattingly, Coins 1, 112: cf. Sutherland, Coins in Roman Imperial Policy 31.

38 BMC Pontus 179: obv. head of Augustus, rev. female figure with caduceus and with the legend ΕΙΡΗΝΗ; cf. Bosch, Kleinasiat. Münzen 2, 1, 78; Grant, From Imperium to Auctoritas 353, 384.

39 Gaebler, Antike Münzen Nordgriechenlands 3, 2, 98, 24; pl. 19, 13 (reproduced on our pl.V, 15); Grant, From Imperium to Auctoritas 281.

40 Dio 53, 27, 1; Oros. 6, 21, 11; 21.

41 Verg. Georg. 2, 425, ‘hoc pinguem et placitam Paci nutritor olivam’; Aen. 8, 116, ‘paciferae … olivae.’

42 1, 10, 69; cf. 2, 5, 105; Von der Mühll, Antidoron Wackernagel 197.

43 It is mentioned, e.g. by Eckhel 6, 92; Cohen 1, 92, no. 217, but not by Mattingly; for further information see Sutherland, Studies presented to D. M. Robinson 2, 234. Our pl.V, 16, is from Oisel, J., Thesaurus selectorum numismatum antiquorum (Amsterdam, 1677) pl. 71, 12Google Scholar. The indication cos. XI appears on coins of 18–17 and 12 B.C., Mattingly, o.c. 1, 20; 25; 73.

44 Strab. 3, 2, 15, p. 151, ἡ δὲ ἐν τοῖς Κελτικοῖς Πὰξ Αὔγουστα. It is not correct to identify this colony with Pax Iulia (Beja) which, as the coins and inscriptions show (above, p. 46, n. 25 and 27), never changed its name.

45 cf. Grenier, Aude (Carte archéol. de la Gaule rom. 12, 1959) 16; Dessau, CIL 14, p. 494 (ad n. 2898). The inscription is CIL 12, 4335 = ILS 3789. I am indebted for the photographs to M. Ph. Héléna, Narbonne.

46 Dio 54, 25, 3. In 16, when Augustus was already in Gaul, portents caused the Senate to make vota pro reditu, Dio 54, 19, 7, εὐχὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐπανόδου τοῦ Αὐγούστου ἐποιήσαντο. It may well be that it was these vota that they tried to carry out in 13.—Vota pro reditu also in A.D. 8, Dio 55, 34, 3.

47 Such a decree was made already in 29 B.C. but was not accepted by Augustus, Dio 51, 20, 3, τήν τε ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ ἂν ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσέλθῃ θυσίαις τε πανδημεὶ ἀγαλθῆναι καὶ ἱερὰν ἀεὶ ἄγεσθαι…(4)…τὸ δὲ δὴ σύμπαντας αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει ὄντας ἀπανταῆσαι παρῃτήσατο ἄντικρυς μὴ γενέσθαι

48 Dio 54, 25, 4. This was usual, see Ehlers, P-W 7A, 510; but Pax, too, may have been involved on this occasion. For the Arvals (and consequently all other priests) offered a sacrifice in A.D. 66 ob laurum Neronis not only to the Capitoline Triad and other gods but also to Pax, Henzen, AFA 85; below, p. 51. Nero liked to follow the precedent of Augustus.

49 Dio 54, 25, 5 f. The legislation was intended to reform military service.

50 CIL 6, 386 = ILS 88 = Ehrenberg-Jones2 36, ‘P. Quinctilius Sex. f. Varus … cos. ludos votivos pro reditu imp. Caesaris divi f. August i Iovi Optimo Maximo fecit cum Ti. Claudio Nerone conlega ex s.c.’

51 Mon. Anc. 12, 2, ‘Cum ex Hispania Galliaque rebus in iis provinciis prospere gestis Romam redi Ti. Nerone P. Quintilio consulibus, aram Pacis Augustae senatus pro reditu meo consacrandam censuit ad campum Martium, in qua magistratus et sacerdotes virginesque Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit’; Fast. Amit. 4 July: ‘Feriae ex s.c.q.e.d. ara Pacis Aug. in campo Mart, constituta est Nerone et Varo cos.’; Fast. Praen. 30 Jan.: ‘Feriae ex s.c. quod eo die ara Pacis Augustae in campo Martio dedicata est Druso et Crispino cos.’

52 Varr.L.L.5, 165; Livy 1, 19, 2 f. Reference was made to this practice by Ennius (A. 266 V. ‘postquam Discordia taetra/belli ferratos postes portasque refregit’; cf. Norden, Ennius u. Verg. 53 ff.) and Piso (frg. 79 P.).

53 cf. Varro L.L. 5, 165.

54 See above, p. 47, n. 35 and 40; the third occasion, 13 B.C. was suggested by Ryberg, I. S., Mem. Amer. Acad. 19, 1949, 93Google Scholar, A.D. 3, by Liegle, Herm. 77, 1942, 301 (because an augurium salutis took place in that year); 2 B.C. is recorded by Oros. 6, 22,1, but his evidence is suspect, see Mommsen, Res gestae 51.

55 Ovid., Fast. 3, 881, ‘Ianus adorandus cumque hoc Concordia mitis/et Romana Salus araque Pacis erit’; Dio 54, 35, 2 (the Senate voted money for statues of Augustus but instead) εἰκόνας … Ὑγιείας δὲ δημοσίας καὶ προσέτι καὶ Ὁμονοίας Εἰρήνης τε ἔστησεν.

56 Dio 54, 36, 2; Mommsen, Res gestae 50.

57 Hülsen, Das Forum Romanum 87; Grant, Roman Anniversary Issues 54. This is to be distinguished from the ex voto-caduceus deposited in sanctuaries: Crome, J. F., Athen. Mitt. 63–4, 1938–1939, 117 ffGoogle Scholar.; de Simone, C., Archeol. Class. 8, 1956, 15ffGoogle Scholar. Coins of c. 9–8 B.C. with clasped hands holding caduceus (Mattingly, Coins 1, 40) may also be relevant: when repeated during the Civil Wars the legend ‘Paci p. R.’ was added (Mattingly 1, 289).

58 Liegle, Herm. 77, 1942, 299 f. The temple of Ianus was closed and the augurium salutis performed in 29 B.C., Dio 51, 20, 4; Liegle 297.

59 CIL I2, p. 229; 330 = ILS 108. Mommsen's supplements seem unavoidable as no other name as short as pax would fit into the available space.

60 It was noticed by Mommsen, Ges. Schr. 4, 263, and v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u. Wesen d. Prinzipats 127, but without further comment. An inscription from Ostia, CIL 14, 73, ‘Imperio Q. Ostiensis Felix aeditus aedis Romae et Aug. fecit,’ is different: its imperio has the function of the frequent ex visu, iussu, etc., of a deity.

61 The dies imperii of Augustus was celebrated on 7th January (Fast. Praen.); at Cumae with a ‘supplicatio Iovi Sempiterno’ (ILS 108; cf. CIL 12, 4333 = ILS 112 = E.-J. 100).

62 It survived in expressions like Tac., A. 1, 46, 2, ‘opponere maiestatem imperatoriam … cessuris’; cf. Ovid., Fast. 1, 613, ‘augeat imperium nostri ducis (Iuppiter)’; in ILS 3090, A.D. 1 (‘ … quod bonum faustum felixque sit imp. Caesari Augus[to, imperio] eius, senati …), the decisive word is a supplement; AFA CXCIV, ‘Imp. Caes … Pertinaci … imperio potestatique eius’; CIL 6, 814 (A.D. 245–6), ‘Genio imperii dd. nn….’

63 IGR 4, 1173; cf. W. Weber, Festgabe f. A. Deissmann, 1927, 29 f.; Benjamin, A. and Raubitschek, A. E., Hesperia 28, 1959, 73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 CIL 2, 3349 (ILS 3786); cf. v. Premerstein 126. The inscription is ascribed in the CIL to the age of Vespasian: in that case it would be the copy of an Augustan original.

65 cf. Plut., Alex. fort. 1, 9 (Alexander) πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὁμόνοιαν καὶ εἰρήνην καὶ κοινωνίαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους παρασκευάσαι; Windisch, Zeitschr. f. NT. Wiss. 24, 1925, 251 ff.

66 Duris, FGrHist. 76 F 13 (Jacoby) … εἰρήνην ποίησον, φίλτατε…

67 Syll. 3 751 (IGR 4, 54) … Γναῖον Πομπήιον … καταλύσαντα τοὶς κατασχόντας τὰν οἰκουμέναν πολέμοις καὶ κατὰ γᾶν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν.

68 Greek Lit. Pap. 113 (p. 470 Page); Philippus, Anth. Pal. 6, 236, 5; E.-J. 98a, 9 (A.D. 15 ?); Philo, leg. ad Gai. 147, ὁ εἰρηνοφύλαξ; Cichorius, Röm. Stud. 324; Gagé, Mél. 53, 1936, 44; 80; Momigliano, JRS 32, 1942, 63.

69 Heinze, Virgils epische Technik 128, 2; Fuchs o.c, 186 ff.

70 Gell. 13, 23, 13; Lucr. 1, 31; 40.

71 cf. 1, 287, ‘Iane, fac aeternos pacem pacisque ministros’; v. Premerstein, o.c. 125.

72 Mattingly, Coins 1, 360, 377, etc. On the difference between Pax Augusta and Pax Augusti see Strack, Unters. z. röm. Reichsprägung 1, 52 ff. (not conclusive); C. Koch, P-W 18, 2, 2432 f.

73 Grant, M., Aspects of the Principate of Tiberius 7; 77 ff.Google Scholar; Dr. Kraay secured a specimen for the Ashmolean Museum which inspired Sutherland's study, Studies pres. to D. M. Robinson 2, 233 ff. Our pl.V, 18 is from Grant's pl. 2, 3; our pl.V, 17 is from Marquis de Lagoy, Mélanges de numismatique (Aix, 1845) pl. 2, 1. On the later history of the legend ‘Pax Perpetua’ see Manthey, G., Riv. arch. crist. 28, 1952, 45 ffGoogle Scholar.

74 For Tiberius the coin (another ‘very doubtful’ coin with the ‘mysterious’ legend ‘Pax Augusta’: Mattingly, Coins 1, 145 n.), an inscription from Corinth, E.-J. 130, and Germ., Arat. 16 (quoted above; cf. Wilamowitz, Sitz.-Ber. Berlin 1911, 814, 2), may be mentioned; for Caligula, Henzen, AFA XLII (A.D. 38), ‘a.d. III K. Februar. Taurus Statilius Corvinus promagister [collegii fratrum Arvalium] nomine in campo ad aram Pacis Augusta[evac]cam inmolavit,’ and the same entry for an unknown year, Pasoli, Acta fratr. Arv. 15 f.

75 Mattingly, Coins 1, 165, 168, 170 ff., calls her Nemesis; accepted by Rostovtzeff, JEA 12, 1926, 24 ff.; cf. Eckhel, Doctr. Num. 6, 237; M. Grant, Rom. Anniv. Issues 70 f.

76 Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians, Pap. Land. 1912, 34 ff. (H. I. Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt, 1924, 24; Charlesworth, Documents ill. the Reigns of Claudius and Nero 4); cf. Rostovtzeff l.c.; Grant, Edinburgh Univ. Journal 1949, 232.

77 Ruge, P-W 5, 2135; 17, 48; Head, HN 2 721. On a Neronian coin from Eirenopolis with a caduceus between two cornucopiae (pl. VI, 2), see E. Babelon, Inventaire de la Collection Waddington, 240, no. 4326; I am indebted for a cast of this coin to M. J. Babelon.

78 Vogt, Alex. Münzen 1, 28 f. (A.D. 56–60).

79 Calpurn., Ecl. 1, 42; 54; 64; 4, 84; 127; 146.

80 Lucan. 1, 60 (before A.D. 60); cf. Paul, L., Neue Jahrb. 149, 1894, 411Google Scholar; Nock, CR 40, 1926, 17 f.

81 cf. Carm. Einsiedl. 2, 23 ff. (Anth. Lat. 726 R.); Gagé, Mél. 49, 1932, 81; Christ, Die röm. Weltherr schaft in d. ant. Dichtung 108; Ryberg, I. S., Mem. Amer. Acad. 19, 1949, 94Google Scholar.

82 Vogt 2, 8 f.

83 Tac., A. 13, 41, 5; 15, 18, 1.

84 Mattingly, Coins 1, 234 f.; 265; Liegle, Antike 12, 1936, 218 f., fig. 19; Kähler, P-W 7A, 385.

85 Henzen, AFA LXXXI; 85, ‘… in Capitolio ob laurum [imperatoris Neronis … Iovi [b(ovem) m(arem), Iunoni va]cc(am)…. Paci vacc(am) ante arcum [Iani Gemini] …’ In the same year an inscription was set up in Gerasa, AE 1935, 2, ᾿Αγαθῇ Τύχῃ ἔτους θκρ᾿ ὑπὲρ τῆς Σεβαστῆς Εἰρήνης ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς…ἐκτίσθη τὸ τεῖχος…

86 Mattingly, Coins 1, 209; 215; 229 ff.; 238 f.; 243 f.; 263; 267; 273; 398 f.

87 The position would not change if, in accordance with Henzen's (p. 85) alternative, but less probable, suggestion, we substituted the Arch of Nero (above, n. 83 f.) for that of Ianus.

88 Mattingly, Coins 1, 271 f.; cf. p. clxxx; Petersen, Ara Pacis 194 f.; Kubitschek, Österr. Jahresh. 5, 1902, 153 ff.; pl. 3; Moretti, Ara Pacis 117.

89 Henzen, AFA 105. The records are complete for January in the years A.D. 58, 59, 78, but no reference is made to Pax.

90 Pax is frequent on coins of the Civil Wars with interesting types and legends; one type, Pax setting fire to arms, was mentioned above, p. 47, n. 33. They have no further interest in this context except that they show how influential Nero's initiative must have been.

91 Oros. 7, 3, 8; 7, 19, 4; 7, 9, 8; Suet., Vesp. 9, 1; Dio 65, 15, 1; Ios., B.Iud. 5, 7,158; Pliny 36, 102; Herodian. 1, 14, 2; Platner-Ashby, Topogr. Dict. 386 f.; Riemann, P-W 18, 1, 2107 ff.

92 Vespasian, like Caesar and Augustus, named a colony after Pax, the ‘Colonia Flavia Pacis Deultensium’ (CIL 6, 3828 = ILS 6105), Deultum in Thracia; cf. Kornemann, P-W 4, 550; Oberhummer, P-W 5, 260. For coins see Eckhel 2, 32; Stevenson, A Dictionary of Roman Coins 321.—It may well be that the vicus Pacis at Divodurum-Metz (CIL 13, 4303 = ILS 4818), which again implies cult, was created under Vespasian. His son, Titus, was called in Spain ‘conservator Pacis Augustae’, CIL 2, 3732 = ILS 259, and another dedication to Pax Augusta in Spain, CIL 2, 1061, may be Flavian as well (on Augustan evidence in Spain, see p. 49, n. 64).

93 cf. Mattingly, Coins 2, 3 ff., and the analysis in K. Scott, The Imperial Cult under the Flavians 25 ff.

94 I am not sure that the altar found in Cartagena (now in Barcelona) and published by Deubner, Röm. Mitt. 45, 1930, 37 ff., is rightly attributed to Pax: why should it not be Fortuna-Nemesis ? Doubtful, too, is the attribution of a statue, found in Ascalon, holding a palm-branch, to Pax, Garstang, Quart. Stud. Palest. Explor. F. 1921, 14 f.; but there was a puteus Pacis at Ascalon, Antonin. Placent., Itinerarium 33 (CSEL 39, 180).

95 cf. 9, 101, 21 (A.D. 94), ‘templa deis, mores populis dedit, otia ferro’; Sil. 14, 686, ‘qui nunc dedit otia mundo’ may equally refer to Domitian; Scott, o.c. 94 f.

96 Mattingly, Coins 2, 362; 369 f.; see above, n. 33 and n. 90.

97 Mattingly, Coins 2, 384; I am indebted to M. J. Babelon for a new cast of this coin. In contrast to his predecessors Domitian did not issue many Pax-coins: two in Lugdunum, 81–2 (Mattingly 2, 418 f.), two in Rome, 85 (2, 362; 369 f.), one in Alexandria, 91–2 (Vogt 2, 20). But, strangely enough, there is a coin from Nysa (Lydia) with her head and the legend ΕΙΡΗΝΗ (BMC Lydia 176), reproduced again under Antoninus Pius (ibid. 173 f.): it must have commemorated something.

98 Mart. 10, 28; Serv., Aen. 7, 607; Platner Ashby, Topogr. Dict. 280.

99 Stat., Silv. 4, 1, 13, ‘Ianus …, quem tu vicina Pace ligatum/omnia iussisti componere bella.’

100 Stat., Silv. 4, 3, 17, ‘et Pacem propria domo reponit.’

101 On the later history of Pax see Wissowa, Myth. Lex. 3, 1721 f.; Toutain, Les cultes paiens 1, 422; Schulz, Rechtstitel u. Regierungsprogramme 66 ff.; 75 f.; 80; Strack 1, 52 f.; 2, 47 f.; Berlinger, o.c. (n. 12) 52 ff.; Manthe y l.c. (above, p. 50, n. 73).

102 Ann. dell' Inst. 53, 1881, 302 ff.

103 See the survey by Monaco, Bull. Comun. 62, 1934. 17ff.

104 Ara Pacis Augustae; cf. Österr. Jahreshefte 9, 1906, 298 ff.

105 Österr. Jahreshefte 10, 1907, 175 ff.

106 This was tentatively (‘vielleicht’) suggested by Studniczka (see n. 107) 908: now there is no doubt about it, see Bloch, R., Mél. 56, 1939, 81 ff.Google Scholar, reprinted in Cagiano de Azevedo, Le antichità di Villa Medici, 1951, 9 ff.; I. S. Ryberg, Rites 66 ff. There is one exception, H. Fuhrmann, Arch. Anz. 1940, 467, who ascribed them to the altar at the ‘Tarentum’. The Ara Pietatis was an altar of filial, not of general, devotion (Tac. A. 3, 64, 1; ILS 202): it could not have been decorated with a series of sacrificial scenes.

107 ‘Zur Ara Pacis,’ Abh. Sächs. Ges. 1909, 901 ff.

108 Ara Pacis Augustae; cf. also Rodenwaldt, Kunst um Augustus 33 ff.; Riemann, P-W 18, 1, 2082 ff. (full of useful information); Kähler, Arch. Jahrb. 69, 1954, 67 ff.; I. S. Ryberg, Rites, 1955, 38 ff.

109 La scultura romana 1, 19 ff.; CAH 10, 546 ff.; JRS 27, 1937, 114 ff.

110 ‘The Ara Pacis reconsidered,’ Proc. Brit. Acad. 39, 1953, 67 ff.

111 Röm. Mitt. 18, 1903, 175; Österr. Jahreshefte 9, 1906, 315.

112 The second alternative is chosen by Grant, Aspects of the Principate of Tiberius 79, and Sutherland, Studies pres. to D. M. Robinson 2, 239.

113 Studniczka, l.c. 930 f.; Riemann, l.c. 2093; Moretti, o.c. 117 f.; Toynbee, l.c. 70.

114 cf. e.g. Studniczka, l.c. 930 ff.

115 There has been just one sceptic, Sieveking, Berl. Phil. Woch. 1917, 1251, who suggested that this coin represents a Flavian altar in the Forum Pacis; contra, Riemann 2093, 28. Dr. Kraay, too, believes that the coins of Nero and Domitian cannot represent the same altar.

116 Studniczka, l.c. 931.

117 On the fragments of a third sacrifice see Ryberg, Rites 43, 24.

118 Ryberg, Mem. Amer. Acad. 19, 1949, 89 ff.; Toynbee, l.c. 74. The above statement is supported by experts whom Mr. J. B. Ward Perkins kindly consulted on my behalf.

119 Petersen 174; Moretti233, fig. 174; Toynbee, l.c. pl. 14; partial reproduction in CAH Plates 4, 120b.

119a See for instance A. Adriani, Divagasioni intorno ad una coppa paesistica del Museo di Alessandria, 1959, 31, with bibliography on p. 72, n. 161; contra, Matz, Gnomon 32, 1960, 294 f.

120 CAH Plates 4, 136b; Rostovtzeff, Röm. Mitt. 38–9, 1923–1924, 294; Gsell, Hist. anc. de l'Afr. du Nord 8, 177 (a reference I owe to Professor J. Heurgon).

121 cf. Ryberg, Rites 89; pl. 27, 41a–d; the inscription, E.-J. 135. I am indebted for the photograph to M. P. Quoniam.

122 Wissowa, Hermes 39, 1904, 157; Welin, Dragma Nilsson 500 ff. (Welin's article is directed i.a. against Wissowa); Momigliano, Journ. Warb. Court. Inst. 5, 1942, 231. Wissowa's view is accepted also by Rumpf, Trierer Zeitschr. 24–6, 1956–1958, 267.

123 Moretti, NSc. 1937, 44; Ara Pacis 220 f.; accepted by Poulsen, V. H., Acta Arch. 17, 1946, 6 f.Google Scholar; Toynbee, l.c. 82.

124 See Lewis, M. W. H., The Official Priests of Rome under the Julio-Claudians 96, 6; 143Google Scholar; Ryberg, Rites 43, 26.

125 Lewis, o.c. 21, 70.

126 The inscription is CIL 14, 2898 = ILS 3787, ‘Paci August, sacrum decuriones populusque coloniae Praenestin.’; cf. Marucchi, Guida archeol. della citt i di Palestrina 1932, 95 f., fig. 22; Mostra Aug., Catal. (App. bibliogr.) 64. It is important to add that another altar with the same decoration was dedicated to ‘Securitas Augusta’ at the same time (CIL 14, 2899 = ILS 3788). Their Augustan date can be established beyond doubt through the fact that, as Professor A. Degrassi kindly points out to me, Praeneste was made a municipium by Tiberius, Gell. 16, 13. 5.

127 Mattingly, Coins 1,1,; 63; pl. 1,2; 7, 10–12.

128 Mattingly, o.c. 1, 41; 46 ff.; pl. 20, 3; 12–15.

129 Mattingly, o.c. 1, 92 ff.; pl. 20, 20; 21, if.; 4.

130 cf. e.g. Ryberg, Rites 53 ff.; pl. 15 f.

131 Mattingly, o.c. 1, 141; pl. 25, 12; 26, 2. There may have been a similar altar of Salus as well but the earliest evidence is found on coins of Domitian, Mattingly, o.c. 2, 361; 367; 375; pl. 70, 7; 72, 1; 74, 4 (the coin of Titus, Mattingly, o.c. 2, 261; pl. 50, 1, seems to be different), and the Tiberian coin of a Spanish mint with a simpler design, Grant, Aspects pl. 6, 7, may refer to a provincial altar.

132 cf. Studniczka, Österr. Jahresh. 6, 1903, 125 ff.

133 Carcopino, Virgile et les origines d'Ostie 719 f., suggested that the sacrifice was not offered to the Penates but to the maxima Iuno as in the Aeneid 8, 80 ff. (accepted by Taylor, L. R., AJA 29, 1925, 309Google Scholar; Ryberg, Mem. Amer. Acad. 19, 1949, 81; Rites 41; Toynbee, l.c. 77). But Iuno normally received a heifer or a goat, not a sow, which she received in the Aeneid only because Aeneas was bound to mollify her by all possible means—prayers and sacrifices (Aen. 3, 437 ff.), i.e. that sacrifice was suggested by a poetical device, not by established ritual.

134 Röm. Mitt. 32, 1917, 93, 10.

135 Moretti, Ara Pacis 153; 216 f.; Toynbee, l.c. 78.

136 cf. Robert, Die griech. Heldensdge 2, 1516, 5; Mostra Augustea, Catalogo 28 ff., nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 18 (App. bibliogr. 21 ff.); Giglioli, Bull. Comun. 69 (Bull, del Museo dell' Impero Rom. 12), 1941, 3 ff.; Spinazzola, Pompei alia luce degli scavi nuovi 150 ff.; 623.

137 Gnecchi, I medaglioni romani 2, pl. 66, 6 (hence our pl. VI, 9); Bernhart, Handb. d. Münzkunde d. röm. Kaiserz. pl. 28, 1; Ryberg, Rites 183; pl. 65, fig. IIIa. According to Regling, Die ant. Münzen 3 118, Aeneas has the features of Antoninus Pius; he connects the issue of this medallion with the 900th anniversary of Rome's foundation in A.D. 147.

138 Gnecchi 2, pl. 54, 9 (hence our pl. VI, II); Bernhart, pl. 50, 8; Giglioli, Bull. Comun. 67, 1939, 114, fig. 3; Strack, Unters. z. röm. Reichsprägung 3, 70. For other representations, see Rizzo, Röm. Mitt. 21, 1906, 289 ff.; Robert, Ant. Sarcophagreliefs 3, 3, 564 f.; Giglioli 109 ff.; Studniczka pl. 5, 9.

139 Bernhart, o.c. pl. 50, 9 (hence our pl. VI, 8); Strack, o.c. 2, 182; Gnecchi, o.c. 2, no. 115, pl. 55, 8 (hence our pl. VI, 10); Strack, o.c. 3, 32. For an enlarged reproduction of the latter see JRS XXIX (1939). pl. XII, 1.

140 Amelung, Sculpturen d. Vat. Mus. 2, pl. 40; Stuart Jones, Cat. Mus. Cap. pl. 8; Mattingly, Coins 2, 39; 41; 62; 4, 208; 259; 261; 270; 346; etc.

141 cf. e.g. Varr.L.L. 5, 144; Dion. Hal. 1, 56, more in Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. 1, 285 f; Ehlers, Mus. Helv. 6, 1949, 167 ff.

142 Macrob. 3, 4, 11; Serv. M. Aen.2, 296; 3, 12; Val. Max. 1, 6, 7; SHA M. Ant. Phil. 27, 4; P- W 19, 428.

143 cf. Alföldi, Röm. Mitt. 50, 1935, 116 f. Ascanius holds a stick on a relief in Turin, Barocelli, Il R. Museo di Antichità di Torino 23; 45; Mostra Augustea, Catal. pl. 6; on a painting in Pompei, CAH Plates 4, 176b.

144 Ryberg, Rites pl. 14 f.