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¹¹ Cintas, P., ‘Un sanctuaire précarthaginois sur la grève de Salammbô’, Rev. Tun. (1948), 1 ff.Google Scholar; Céramique punique (1950), 490 ff.; Picard, C., Carthage (1951), 20 ff.Google Scholar; Picard, G., Le monde de Carthage (1956), 24 ff.Google Scholar; , G. and Picard, C., La Vie quotidienne à Carthage (1958), 36 ff.Google Scholar

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¹³ J. I. S. Whitaker, Motya, a Phoenician colony in Sicily (1921).

¹⁴ Pesce, G., Sardegna Punica (Cagliari, 1961).Google ScholarThe latest reports in Oriens Antiquus III (1964), 135, 137 ff.; IV (1965), 130.

¹⁵ Vuillemot, G., Reconnaissances aux échelles puniques d'Oranie (Autun, 1965).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Jodin, A., ‘Note préliminaire sur I'établissement préromain de Mogador’, BAM II (1957), 9 ff.Google Scholar; Villard, F., ‘Céramique grecque du Maroc’, BAM IV (1960), 1 ff.Google Scholar

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^20a See now MEFR LXXVIII (1966), 7–48.

²¹ Virg., Aen. VIII, 85–5; cf. 60.

²² Virg., Aen. IV, 371.

²³ Serv., ad Aen. VIII, 84.

²⁴ Hdt. I, 166 ff.

²⁵ Hdt. I, 167. It is generally agreed that a few words are missing (Brunel, J., ‘Marseille et les fugitifs de Phocée’, REA L (1948), 9, n. 3).Google Scholar But Jehasse, J., ‘La “victoire à la cadméenne” d'Hérodote et la Corse dans les courants d'expansion grecque’, REA LXIV (1962), 241–286CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 249, thinks that the text can be kept as it is, and that ‘par Tyrsènes, dès le début, Hérodote sous-entend les Agylléens’.

²⁶ Agylla, supposed to be the oldest name of Caere, might be a Phoenician name, meaning ‘the round city’; A. J. Pfiffig, Uni-Hera-Astarte (see n. 53). 13, n. 34.

²⁷ L. Pareti, 312 ff., no. 324, pl. XLIV. On these bowls, D. B. Harden, o.c. (n. 8), 186 ff.; Hopkins, Clark, ‘Two Phoenician bowls from Etruscan tombs’, Studi in onore di Luisa Banti (1965), 191–203.Google Scholar

²⁸ L. Pareti, 228 ff., nos. 168–176, pl. XVIII–XIX; Huls, Y., Ivoires d'Etrurie (1957), 31 ff.Google Scholar, nos. 1–6, pl. 1–111.

²⁹ Hus, A., ‘Quelques cas de rapports d1rects entre Etrurie, Cappadoce et Syrie du Nord vers 600 av. J–C.’, MEFR LXXI (1959), 7–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ Rebuffat, R., ‘Une pyxis d'ivoire perdue de la tombe Regolini-Galassi’, MEFR LXXIV (1962), 349–431, especially 413 ff.Google Scholar

³¹ Llewellyn Brown, W., The Etruscan Lion (1960), 2.Google Scholar

³² Guarducci, M., ‘Iscrizioni greche su vasi locali de Caere’, Arch. class. IV (1952), 241 ff.Google Scholar

³³ F. Villard, , Les Vases grecs (1956), 60.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ricci, G., Mon. Ant. Lincei XLII (1955), 241–313Google Scholar (tomb of the Attic vases) and passim.

³⁵ Virg., Aen. VII, 648; VIII, 481 ff.

³⁶ Strab. v, 2, 3 = 230; de La Coste Messelière, P., Au Musée de Delphes (1936), 476 ff.Google Scholar

³⁷ Heurgon, J., ‘Valeurs féminines et masculines dans la civilisation étrusque’, MEFR LXXIII (1961), 146 ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ Colozier, E., ‘Les Etrusques et Carthage’, MEFR LXV (1953), 66.Google Scholar

³⁹ J. Jehasse, l.c. note 25, 251.

⁴⁰ Pallottino, M.–Colonna, G.–Garbini, G.–Vlad Borrelli, L., ‘Scavi nel santuario etrusco di Pyrgi e scoperta di tre lamine d'oro iscritte in etrusco e in punico’, Arch. class. XVI (1964), 39–117.Google Scholar

⁴¹ I have tried to discuss this problem in CRAI (1965), 115 ff.

⁴² Diod. XV, 14, 3 ff.

⁴³ Ps. Arist., Oecon. II, 2, 20 = 1349 b; Strab. v, 2, 8 = 226; Polyaen v, 2, 21; Ael., V.H. I, 20; Serv. ad Aen. X, 184. On the goddess, Ross Taylor, L., Local Cults in Etruria (1933), 115 ff.Google Scholar; Maule, Quentin F.-Smith, H. R. W., Votive Religion at Caere (1959), 82 ff.Google Scholar: the authors think Ino Leukothea ‘was an Etruscan double of Mater Matuta’; A. J. Pfiffig, Uni-Hera-Astarte (o.c., n. 53), 49 ff.

⁴⁴ Pallottino, M., ‘Scavi nel santuario etrusco di Pyrgi’, Arch. class. IX (1957), 206 ff.Google Scholar; X (1958), 316 ff.; XI (1959), 251 ff.; XIII (1961), 240 ff.; XV (1963), 248 ff.; ‘Le scoperte di Pyrgi’, Atti VII Congr. intern. di Arch. class. (1961) II, 153–163; Bartoccini, R.-Pallottino, M.–Foti, G.-Colonna, G.–Ciasca, A., ‘Santa Severa, Scavi e ricerche nel sito dell'antica Pyrgi (1957–1958)’, Not. Sc. XIII (1959), 143–263.Google Scholar

^44a Of peculiar interest is a small series of antefixes (Pallottino, M., Arch. class. IX (1957), 216–218Google Scholar; Foti, G., Not. Sc. XIII (1959), 183–188Google Scholar) of a type hitherto unknown; not surrounded by the usual shell, but with a figure standing on a background of radiating lanceolate leaves or with a moulded edge (‘a bordo sagomato’). They represent running Victories, winged horses, and a strange human winged figure with a cock head, running to right, which it has been impossible to trace back to any analogue: to the references given by Pallottino we could add the Cicirrus who in the Atellan show—an Etruscan tradition—was disguised as a cock (Hor., Sat. I, 5, 52; with Hesych. II, 481, 2647, Schmidt: ‘Cicirrus’ in Oscan meant ‘cock’) and, perhaps, the cock which plays a curious part in the Atargatis cult at Hierapolis (Luc., De Dea Syria 48; Goossens, G., Hiérapolis de Syrie (1943), 60, n. 1Google Scholar). These antefixes, of a mediocre and hasty workmanship, are ascribed to a temple of small dimensions (Colonna, G., Not. Sc. XIII (1959), 252).Google Scholar As they belong to the end of the sixth century or the beginning of the fifth, it would not be chronologically impossible to attribute them to Thefarie Velianas' shrine.

⁴⁵ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. IX (1957), 222Google Scholar; X (1958), 319, pl. CXI, 3; Colonna, G., Not. Sc. XIII (1959), 225 ff.Google Scholar, fig. 79–81.

⁴⁶ Colonna, G., ‘Il santuario di Pyrgi alla luce delle recenti scoperte’, St. Etr. XXXIII (1965), 92–201.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. X (1958), 319–322, pl. 108–110.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Colonna, G., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 54 ff., pl. 30–33.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Andrén, A., Architectural Terracottas from Etrusco-italic temples (1939), 44, pl. 12 (42).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ For a very precise description of the circumstances of the find, Colonna, G., Arch. class. XVI, 53 ff.Google Scholar; St. Etr. XXXIII (1965), 202 ff.

^50a See now St. Etr. XXXIV (1966), 175–209.

⁵¹ Colonna, G., St. Etr. XXXIII (1965), 203 ff.Google Scholar, has given new and valuable information about these na1ls. Together with the bronze nails which had been used for fixing the inscribed sheets on their support, eight other nails of iron with a larger golden head were found which could only have a decorative function on the door of the temple (bullae aureae; cf. at Tarquinia, Tomba degli Auguri; infra, n. 71a).

⁵² Colonna, G., ‘L'identificazione del tempio di Astarte e la questione dello ŠR QDŠ’, St. Etr. XXXIII (1965), 201–209.Google Scholar

⁵³ Pfiffig, A. J., Uni-Hera-Astarte, Studien zu den Goldblechen von S. Severa-Pyrgi mit etruskischer und punischer inschrift (Österr. Akad. der Wissenschaften, Philos.-Hist. Kl., 88, 2), (1965), 42.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ D. B. Harden, o.c. (n. 8), 91 ff.; G. Pesce, Sardegna Punica, fig. 10; Lézine, A., Architecture punique (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres de l'Université de Tunis 1, 5) (1961), 19 ff., 40.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Garbini, G., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 76.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 80 ff., 106.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Kharsekin, A. I., Vestnik Drevnei Istorii III (1965), 108–131Google Scholar, especially 115; A. J. Pfiffig, 22, 40 ff. Ferron, J., Oriens Antiquus IV (1965), 194Google Scholar, on the contrary, maintains for P, from the palaeographical point of view, a date in the second half of the sixth century.

⁵⁸ Friedrich, J., Phönizisch-Punische Grammatik (Analecta Orientalia 32) (1951), Schrifttafel 1.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Février, J. G., Histoire de l'Écriture, 2nd ed. (1959), 218.Google Scholar—A second argument alleged by Pfiffig is that the tau presents at the top of its vertical stem a small hook which is only to be found again in the Batnoam-inscription (end of the fourth century): in fact this hook appears only in two out of the fourteen tau, it looks very different from the flexible stem of Friedr. 19, and can be explained by a particular ‘attack’ of the stroke.

⁶⁰ The most obvious sign of archaism is the regular expression of interior vowels: turuce (E 1, lines 6/7, later turce). The lead sheet of Magliano (TLE 359), dated fifth/fourth century, has more samples of syncopated forms.

⁶¹ Hammarström, M., Atti I Congr. intern. Etrusco (1929), 254.Google Scholar

⁶² Not. Sc. (1937), 396 and 450 (seventh century); 395 (sixth century).

⁶³ Not. Sc. (1937), 386 ff., nos. 21–23; Mon. Ant. Lincei XLII (1955), 1007, no. 17 and 1029, nos. 65–6.

⁶⁴ Jeffery, L. H., The Local Scripts of archaic Greece (1961)Google Scholar. it seems to be a peculiarity of Achaian colonies (50), whence it has spread to Taras (283, pl. 53 (1): graffito on an Attic eye-kylix, c. 540–530) and Lokroi (286, pl. 54 (3): bronze plaque, c. 500–480 ?). Two other examples from Petelia and Krimissa (261: two bronze plaques (28–29, pl. 50), c. 475 ?; cf. 249, 259).—A third objection concerns m and n: they are not of the oldest form the three vertical strokes go down to the ground-line Pfiffig now distinguishes two phases: in the first, the oblique bars would extend to the foot of the stems; in the second they would be shortened and touch the stems in the middle. From this point of view, our inscriptions would be placed at the transition between 1 and 2. But the theory does not seem to be well founded: if we consider the documents of the sixth century in which we can study the passage from the early to the classical for instance at Caere (Not. Sc. (1937), 383, no. 12; 386, no.20; 389, nos.29–30), at Veii (St. Etr. (1939), 455 ff., nos. 1, 4, 6), at Orvieto (Bizzardi, M., La necropoli di Crocefisso del Tufo in Orvieto (1963), 141 ff., nos. 9, 12, 14Google Scholar), we see that the letter is generally drawn in one stroke, starting from the foot of the outer right stem to the top of the outer left stem, with the result that the oblique bars touched the extremity of the stems; if the hand stopped in course of work (Not. Sc. (1937), 383, no. 12) or if it drew all the stems downwards (M. Bizzardi, 144, no. 14), the meeting-points were not necessarily at extremities. Besides, it is difficult to place E 1 or E 2 in the alleged development: the forms 1 and 2 are mixed: tmia, E 1, l. 1, has an m of the first form; heramasva, 1. 2, of the second form; itanim, l. 14, combines a n of the first form, a m which is of the second in its right half and of the first in its left half. The ductus seems to have been from top to bottom, and rather hasty, and the point where the oblique bar touched the next stem was accidental, not due to the evolution of the letter-form.

⁶⁵ A. J. Pfiffig, 41, answering Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 81, n. 43.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Livy iX, 36, 3.

⁶⁷ Garbini, G., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 66–76Google Scholar (with the suggestions of Prof. Levi Delia Vida); Garbini, G.–Levi Della Vida, G., ‘Considerazioni sull'iscrizione punica de Pyrgi’, Oriens Antiquus IV (1965), 35–52Google Scholar; Moscati, S., ‘Osservazioni sull'iscrizione fenicio-punica di Pyrgi’, RIV. degli St. orientali XXXIX (1964), 257–260Google Scholar; Dupont-Sommer, A., ‘L'inscription punique récemment découverte á Pyrgi’, Journ. Asiat. (1964), 289–299Google Scholar; Février, J. G., ‘L'inscription punique de Pyrgi’, CRAI (1965), 9–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Remarques sur l'inscription punique de Pyrgi’, Or. Ant. IV (1965), 175–180; ‘À propos du hieros gamos de Pyrgi’, Journ. Asiat. (1965), 11–13; Ferron, J., ‘Quelques remarques à propos de l'inscription phénicienne de Pyrgi’, Or. Ant. IV (1965), 181–198Google Scholar; A. J. Pfiffig, 8–22; 1. A. Kharsekin, 109–114.

⁶⁸ Verr. Flacc., in Schol. Veron. ad Verg., Aen. X, 183: Cisra.—The construction ‘king over’, or ‘reigning over’, attested at Byblos, Idalion and in the inscription of Mesa, is equivalent to ‘king of’.

⁶⁹ A. J. Pfiffig, 9.

⁷⁰ Garbini, G., Or. Ant. IV (1965), 41.Google Scholar

⁷¹ In a private letter (15th May, 1965). J. Ferron defends the reading with a mem (Or. Ant. IV (1965), 186).

^71a The iines 9–11 had been first translated: ‘And the years of the statue of the goddess in her temple are as many as these stars.’ The stars were understood in a metaphorical meaning of the word as being the golden nails, with reference to the Etrusco-Roman use of the claui annales. This interpretation, after A. Dupont-Sommer's refutation, seems to be given up. Still, Durante, M. (‘Le formule conclusive dei testi etruschi di Pyrgi’, Rendic. Lincei (1965), 308–321Google Scholar) has ventured to recognize in pulumχva at the end of E 1 and E 2 the Etruscan equivalent of Latin bullae (supra n. 51).—For a similar wish for the perpetuity of a treaty, cf. the foedus Cassianum in Dion. Hal. VI, 95, 2: ‘as long as the heavens and the earth shall remain as they are.’

⁷² Heurgon, J., ‘Les inscriptions de Pyrgi et I'alliance étrusco-punique autour de 500 av. J–C.’, CRAI (1965), 89–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The arguments I then presented for a mention of the sicilian god Adranos in E i do not seem to me as cogent as they once did.

⁷³ A. J. Pfiffig, 46 ff.

⁷⁴ A. I. Kharsekin believes in the indo-european character of the Etruscan language, and his effort consists mainly in explaining the inscriptions through not only Greek loan-words but Greek roots.—Prof. Georgiev has also tried an interpretation through Hittite (La bilingue di Pyrgi e l'origine ittita dell'Etrusco (Académie bulgare des Sciences, Linguistique balkanique IX, 1) (1964), 71–75).

⁷⁶ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 104.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Masson, O., Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques (1961): 224, no. 215; 226 ff., no. 216Google Scholar; 246 ff., no. 220.—H. Donner–W. Röllig, Kanaanische und Aramäische inschriften (KAI): no. 39 (= no. 215 M); no. 41 (= no. 220 M). 216 M is not in KAI, which gives (no. 42) a dedication to Anat, from Lapethos, in Phoenician and Greek, not Cypriot. See also Masson, O., ‘Cultes indigènes, cultes grecs et cultes orientaux à Chypre’, in Eléments orientaux dans la religion grecque ancienne (1960), 129–142.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ O. Masson, no. 215; KAI no. 41.

⁷⁸ O. Masson, no. 220; KAI no. 39.

⁷⁹ O. Masson, 225 ff.

⁸⁰ O. Masson, 248.

⁸¹ Hdt. IV, 76–80.

⁸² On the kingship at Carthage, Gsell, St., Hist. anc. de I'Afrique du Nord II (1918), 173–192Google Scholar; Maurin, L., ‘Himilcon le Magonide: crises et mutations à Carthage au début du ive siècle’, Semitica XII (1962), 5–43Google Scholar; Picard, G., ‘Les sufètes de Carthage dans Tite-Live et Cornelius Nepos’, REL XLI (1963), 269–281Google Scholar; J. Ferron, 185.

⁸³ Just. XVIII, 7.

⁸⁴ Hdt. V11, 165.

⁸⁵ Pallottino, M., Etruscologia, 5th ed. (1963), 226Google Scholar; Heurgon, J., ‘L'Etat étrusque’, Hist. VI (1957), 79 ff.Google Scholar; Lambrechts, R., Essai sur les magistratures des républiques étrusques (1959), 89 ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ TLE 98, 170, 172, 195.

⁸⁷ A. J. Pfiffig, 30.

⁸⁸ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 87Google Scholar. Pfiffig's attempt to interpret it as a nominative with the ‘hyperurbanistic’ ending −ei for −e is not convincing.

⁸⁹ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 86Google Scholar; cf. TLE, 87: zilaθ meχl rasnal = ‘praetor Etruscorum populorum’.

⁹⁰ Ernout, A., Le dialecte ombrien (1961), 99.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Vetter, E., Handb. der italischen Dialekte (1953), 440.Google Scholar ‘Meddix tuticus’ = ‘iudex publicus’.

⁹² Olzscha, K., ‘Confronti di parole etrusco-umbre’, St. Etr. XXIX (1961), 495.Google Scholarcepen tuθiu = ‘sacerdos publicus’.—The metathesis θuta, tuθa creates no difficulty. Above all the proximity to meχ is interesting.

⁹³ ukriper fisiu tutaper ikuvina: ‘for the Fisian arx, for the Iguvine state’, in the Tabulae Iguvinae; spureri meθlumeric: ‘for the city and the people’, in the inscription of Zagreb.

⁹⁴ sal occurs several times in the inscription of Zagreb and other texts; it is generally translated by ‘gift, offering’ (M. Pallottino, 88 ff., A. J. Pfiffig, 29). it corresponds to BMTN' in P. Pfiffig supposes it governs the following genitive cluvenias: ‘as a gift for Cluvenia’, Cluvenia being an epithet of Uni-Astarte. in our translation, it would be postponed to the word it governs.

⁹⁵ Owing especially to Pfiffig's commentary, 30 ff.

⁹⁶ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 91.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Corresponding to K in P, line 6.

⁹⁸ TLE 2, 8 and 18, where Pfiffig, after Vetter and Slotty, adopts the better reading anpilie. A gloss tells us that ‘Ampiles’ was the name of the month of May in the Etruscan calendar (TLE 805).

⁹⁹ Olzscha, K., ‘Götterformeln und Monatsdaten in der grossen etruskischen inschrift von Capua’, Gl. XXXIV (1954), 71–93, especially 83 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ A. J. Pfiffig, 30 ff. This interpretation does not take into account the obvious parallelism of the two sentences.

¹⁰¹ Which Dr. Pfiffig has kindly communicated to me (2nd May, 1966).

¹⁰² Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 93.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ TLE I, X, 4 and 17.

¹⁰⁴ Olzscha, K., ‘Interpretation der Agramer Mumienbinde’, Klio, Beih. XL (1939), 55.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ A. J. Pfiffig, 19; W. Gesenius, Hebr. Deutsches Wörterbuch, 17th ed., s.v. KRR.

¹⁰⁶ Février, J. G., Journ. Asiat. (1965), 13.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Pallottino, M., Arch. class. XVI (1964), 116.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Livy V, 1, 3.

¹⁰⁹ J. Ferron, 195 ff.

¹¹⁰ Hdt. VII, 165; Dunbabin, T. J., The Western Greeks (1948), 419 ff.Google Scholar; G. Vallet, Rhégion et Zancle, 360 ff.