^{page 2 note 1} Journal of the British and American Archaeological Society, 1911, p. 353, ff; cf. also Rivoira's Lombardic Architecture (transl. Rushforth), i, 75-80.

^{page 2 note 2} See also the account he gave of the Thermae in his inaugural speech, Exhib. Cat. p. 5, ff. Mr. A. H. S. Yeames points out to me that on p. 8 Montaigne is made, by a slip, to visit Rome in 1506. In fact he was there in 1580 and 1581. It was during his second visit after his return from Bagni di Lucca that he saw the feats of horsemanship in the Baths of Diocletian which Prof. Lanciani mentions, but at that time the central hall had already been converted into the church of S. Maria degli Angeli.

^{page 2 note 3} A new edition has just been issued, October, 1911.

^{page 3 note 1} Matz-Duhn, , Antike Bildwerke, iii, 41111 Google Scholar.

^{page 3 note 2} C.I.L. x, 16.

^{page 3 note 3} Tomassetti, , Römische Mittheilungen, i, 1886 Google Scholar, plate i. Ashby, T., Papers of the British School at Rome, v, 284 Google Scholar. Our illustration is from a photograph of the original taken by the kind permission of the exhibition authorities.

^{page 4 note 1} Clarac-Reinach, i, 68; see Fröhner, Sculpture Antique du Louvre, no. 449.

^{page 4 note 2} This frieze has a parallel in painting in the long friezes from a columbarium in the Museo delle Terme, Sala xvi, no. 488, representing the exploits of Aeneas, the foundation of Alba Longa, etc.

^{page 5 note 1} Sieveking, in Oesterr. Jahreshefte, x, 1907, p. 187 Google Scholar. Both in the exhib. cat. and my Roman Sculpture, p. 46, the old interpretation of this slab as the “Senatus” and “Populus” is given.

^{page 5 note 2} C.I.L. iii, 247.

^{page 5 note 3} Cat. p. 28, where the building is still called the Temple of Neptune. It has however been shown by Hülsen to be the Hadrianeum built in honour of his adopted father by Antoninus Pius. Jordan-Hülsen, , Topographie, i, 3, p. 608 Google Scholar.

^{page 5 note 4} See selection of casts from the Aurelian column in section Germania, cat. p. 85 and in north apse of Apodyterium, cat. p. 128.

^{page 5 note 5} Strong, Roman Sculpture, plates 55 and 60 (after Cichorius).

^{page 6 note 1} With the exception, however, of the superb slab (found in the latest excavation under the Palazzo Fiano) upon which Dr. Sieveking has identified the portrait of Augustus; see Studniczka, F., Zur Ara Pacis, pl. iii, I, and iv, p. 916, fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 7 note 1} Strong, Roman Sculpture, pl. 15.

^{page 8 note 1} I am indebted to Signor Beretti, the draughtsman of the Museo delle Terme and of the mission that was sent to Ancyra, for this explanation of the ornament of the frieze of the cella.

^{page 8 note 2} The frieze and its subject have been recently discussed by Reinach, A. J., Bull. Cor. Hell, xxxiv, 1910, pp. 433–468 Google Scholar.

^{page 8 note 3} C.I.L. iii, 14203, 22.

^{page 9 note 1} Tome ii, fasc. I, plate xvi.

^{page 9 note 2} For Furtwängler's discovery that the three friezes with marine deities in Munich and the Louvre slab with the “Sacrifice” belong together, see his Intermezzi, 1896, pp. 35, ff, and Bescbreibung der Glyptotek under no. 239. Domaszewski has since shewn (Abhandlungen zur römischen Religion, p. 230) that the sacrifice is in honour of Mars, who is represented on the left of the altar; but the early date proposed by him for the reliefs is untenable. Sieveking, (Oesterr. Jahreshefte, xii, 1910, p. 98 Google Scholar, ff.) allots the reliefs, not to an altar in front of the temple, but to the basis within the temple that supported the group by Skopas (Plin. N.H. xxvi, 26).

^{page 9 note 3} The reliefs were first published in 1901 by E. Ferrero, L'arc d'Auguste à Suse; see also Espérandieu, C., Bas-Reliefs de la Gaule Romaine, i, pp. 13–20 Google Scholar.

^{page 10 note 1} See especially Das Tropaion von Adamklissi u. provinzial-römische Kunst in Abhandl. der k. bayer. Akad. der Wiss. i, Cl. xxii, part iii and separately, Munich 1903. The first of Furtwängler's papers appeared in Intermezzi, 1895, pp. 51-77; the last in the Transactions of the Bavarian Academy for 1904, where reference to the intermediate literature can be found. The monument was first published by Tocilescu, Benndorf and Niemann, Monument von Adamklissi, in 1895.

^{page 10 note 2} E.g. Mus. Chiar. nos. 6a-13a; Amelung, Vaticanische Sculpturen, i, plates 31, 32.

^{page 10 note 3} I have, basing myself on the researches of Riegl, tried to make this process clear in Roman Sculpture, ch. xiv.

^{page 11 note 1} Organized by Professors Tzigara-Samurças, Onciul and Pãrvan. The section is in two parts; see cat. pp. 131-136 for the second part, and below.

^{page 11 note 2} Studniczka, Tropaeum Traiani, pp. 18, f, adduces in support of a later dating of the Adamklissi monument the similar broad proportions of the mausoleum of Hadrian, but these only prove the conservative character of Roman sepulchral sculpture. On the other hand the slender Tropaeum Alpium at La Turbie, though of Augustan date (6-7 B.C.), should be left out of the discussion altogether, as betraying the Graeco-Ionian influences everywhere apparent in southern Gaul.

^{page 11 note 3} Studniczka, Tropaeum Traiani, p. 7, and fig. 1.

^{page 12 note 1} Ch. Diehl, En Méditerranée, p. 3, f; cf. Freeman, E. A., Hist. Essays, 3rd ser. p. 55 Google Scholar.

^{page 13 note 1} This is the current view. It must, however, be borne in mind that the ground plan may already have been adopted for the palace begun by Gallienus at Antioch and said to have been copied by Diocletian; see the brochure by Hébrard and Zeiller, Le Palais de Dioclétien à Spalato, p. 18.

^{page 13 note 2} Niemann, , Der Palast Diokletians in Spalato, Vienna, 1910 Google Scholar.

^{page 13 note 3} Adam, R., Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalato in Dalmatia. London, 1763 Google Scholar.

^{page 13 note 4} E. Freeman, Studies of Travel, “Greece,” p. 140 (“Spalato is the direct parent of all that came after it”), ibid. “Italy,” p. 113; see also Subject and Neighbour Lands of Venice, 1881, pp. 157-186; and above all The Illyrian Emperors and their Land, in Hist. Essays, 3rd series.

^{page 14 note 1} Cumont, F., Mystères de Mithra, i, 175 Google Scholar, f, and fig 10. The relief was found at Konjica; like the relief from Heddernheim (Cumont, 251), the Konjica example probably also turned on a pivot, so that we may imagine the scene of the reverse to have been brought before the faithful at a given moment of the service, probably that of consecration and communion. For the fragment of a second mithraic communion see the same writer in Rev. Archéol, xl, 1902, p. 10, figs. I and 2Google Scholar.

^{page 14 note 2} Mr. H. Stuart-Jones kindly informs me that, in his opinion, these two figures represent the Heliodromus (Sun's messenger, Cumont, i, 315) and the pater (i.e. the priest as direct representative of the god, see Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, p. 510). He further communicates to me the suggestion of Mr. Phythian Adams, of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, to the effect that the figure interpreted by Cumont, i, 176 as the soldier, miles, is more probably a cryphius. Mr. Adams holds, it seems, that miles, if a grade at all, was the lowest, the ordinary member of the congregation; and that the initiated were of six grades only, corax, cryphius, leo, persa, heliodromus, pater.

^{page 14 note 3} On the significance of the sacramental repast in later cults generally see Dieterich, A., Mithrasliturgie, p. 102 Google Scholar.

^{page 14 note 4} The best discussion of the Pannonian grave-reliefs that has yet appeared is by H. Hofmann, Romische Militärgrabsteine der Donauländer (Sonderschriften des Oesterr. Arch. Inst. 1905), cf. the same writer's article in Oesterr. Jahreshefte, xii, 1909, pp. 224, ff.

^{page 14 note 5} The inscription is not reproduced in the exhibition. I owe the following copy to the courtesy of Prof. E. Bormann and of Mr. Maurice Platnauer of Oxford: —D(is) M(anibus ÷ Augustaniae Cassiae Marciae ÷ coniugi incomparabili quae ÷ vixit annos xxxiiii mens(es) xi dies ÷ xiii, quaequae (sic), dum explesset fa ÷ ti sui laborem, meliora sibi spe ÷ rans vitam functa est, et ÷ M(arco) Ant(onio) Augustanio Phileto filio ÷ innocentiss(imo) q(ui) v(ixit) ann(os) iii mens(es) viii ÷ dies x, cui dii nefandi parvulo contra ÷ vot(um) genitor(um) vita privaverunt; ÷ M(arcus) Ant(onius) Basilides frum(entarius) leg(ionis) x gem(inae) ÷ coniugi et filio pientissimis. ÷ Simplici, Urani, vobi ÷ s terra(m) leve(m). The wish that the earth may lie lightly over the dead is in a later hand. Prof. Bormann adds that the slab was found in 1908 in the legionary fortress at Carnuntum, serving as the cover of a drain of (perhaps) the late fourth century. It is now in the Carnuntum museum.

^{page 16 note 1} Römische Bildwerke einheimischen Fundorts, iii, pl. xi-xii, and pp. 5-8 (in Denkschriften der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, xxvii, 1878 Google Scholar).

^{page 16 note 2} Stele of Petronius Classicus from Poetovio, cat. p. 56; Hofmann, p. 27 and fig. 17. Stele of P. Calidius Severus from Carnuntum, cat. p. 58; Hofmann, p. 29 and fig. 18.

^{page 16 note 3} Medallion from Klagenfurt, cat. p. 52, and Hofmann, p.8 5 and fig. 60; from Gratz, cat. p. 60, f. and Hofmann, p. 35.

^{page 16 note 4} Done justice to by Hofmann, p. 85, f.

^{page 16 note 5} For this meaning of the wreath on Syrian stelae see Cumont, F., “l'aigle funéraire des Syriens et l'apothéose des empereurs” in Revue de l'Hist. des Religions, lxii, 1910, p. 26 Google Scholar and passim. Another stele from Gratz, put up by L. Cantius Secundus for himself and his family, has three busts within laureate medallions (cat. p. 60). See also the stele of T. Flavius Draccus (cat. p. 57), and the wreaths on the stele of the centurion Petronius Classicus from Pettau, and on various other stelae throughout the exhibition, and compare the portrait medallions, wreathed in laurel, of Antistius and Antistia in the British Museum (cat. no. 2275).

^{page 17 note 1} See Körber, , Mainzer Zeitschrift, iii, 3 Google Scholar; H. Hepding, Attis und seine Mythen, 1903, p. 202. The monuments are collected by Cumont, F., Notice sur un Attis funéraire in Bulletin de l'Institut Archéologique Liégeois, xxix, 1901, pp. 65–73 Google Scholar; see also his Mithras, ii, 437, and his article Attis in Pauly-Wissowa. The opinion of Bruno Schröder, Bonner Jahrbücher, 108-109 (p. 75, note) that the “so-called” Attis figures have nothing to do with Attis and that in sepulchral Roman art these figures are employed “rein als Zierrat,” is in my opinion, absolutely inadmissible.

^{page 17 note 2} Schröder, op. cit. p. 74, refers to this explanation of the pine-cone only to reject it and believes that the pine-cone represents omphalos and tumulus. J. Strzygowski (Dom zu Aachen, p. 20, f. and Röm. Mittheil, xviii, 1903, p. 185 Google Scholar, ff.) has shown that in Syriac MSS. and miniatures the pine-cone, with water spurting from it, is the symbol of the fountain of life, an observation that confirms the significance attached above to the pine-cones on tombs. There are numerous examples of these pine or fir-cones in Britannia, from the crowning of graves; e.g. Bruce. Lapid. Sept. p. 457, no. 910 (found at Papcastle), where the cone is rightly explained as the symbol of a “hope of a life beyond the grave.” For cognate meanings attached to the pine-cone, see Elmslie, W. A. L., The Mishna on Idolatry, in Texts and Studies, viii, 1911, 2, p. 9 and noteGoogle Scholar.

^{page 17 note 3} The monument from Klausenburg (not published) is typical and confirms the meaning attributed above to the Attis figures and the pine-cone. On the front are portraits of the deceased surmounted by the apotropaic gorgon; on the left is a figure of Attis, and above a dolphin ψεχōπōμπόσ; to the right is a female figure, probably another deceased member of the family, and above an eagle bearing a wreath; the whole is crowned by the pine-cone. Equally convincing is a sepulchral niche from Maros-Néméti (cat. p. 70), where the horse-shoe panel that contains the busts of the deceased is surmounted by dolphin and pine-cone.

^{page 17 note 4} This was undoubtedly the meaning of the eagle within a wreath, grasping a fish(?) in his claws, surmounted by the face of Sol Sanctissimus on the lost stele. C.I.L. iii, 4575 (Hofmann, p. 43, fig. 27).

^{page 17 note 5} Arch. Epigraph. Mittheil. aus Oesterreich-Ungarn, xiii, 1890, p. 58 Google Scholar, fig. 11 (J. Ziehen) where the provenance is given as Aquincum. See Höfer in Roscher's, Lex. vii, col. 65 Google Scholar s.v. Rea. This relief was interpreted symbolically, as above, by Prof. E. Loewy in a lecture in May, 1911.

^{page 18 note 1} Gruppe, s. v. Orpheus, in Roscher's Lex. col. 1200; see also A. Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, p. 173.

^{page 18 note 2} See Cumont, Mithra, p. 85 and Rev. Hist. Rel. lxii, 1910, p. 153 Google Scholar. Good examples of the Dioscuri on sepulchral monuments are the fragment in the Hungarian section (cat. p. 60) and the “aedicula” in Mainz (section “Germania,” cat. p. 81 with illustr.).

^{page 18 note 3} Stele from Intercisa, now in Buda-Pest, cat. p. 67. Examples in the round are numerous (Trier, Cologne, etc.).

^{page 18 note 4} For lions in Greece as guardians of the tomb see Collignon, Les Statues Funéraires dans l'Art Grec, p. 88 ff. and Cook, A. B. in Journal of Hell. Studies, xiv, 112 Google Scholar. Classic examples are the lion from Knidos in the British Museum and the lion of Chaeronea.

^{page 19 note 1} The motive of the lion devouring an animal comes from Asia Minor (e.g. the lions in the archaic sepulchral chest from Xanthos, Brit. Mus. no. 80); for its origin see Usener's, H. epoch-making paper De carmine Iliadis quodam Phocaico, Bonn, 1875 Google Scholar. Examples abound in Britain, e.g. Bruce, Lapid. Sept. p. 57, no. 103; p. 255 (from Carlisle); p. 391, nos. 759, 760 in Lowther Castle and the unfinished group in the Reading Museum found in 1905 at Silchester. These groups and single images of lions were doubtless also placed sometimes as sentinels to guard the entrances of temples. Sometimes the lion overpowers a man instead of an animal (Bruce, Lapid. p. 40). It is unfortunate that this class of monument is not more fully represented in any section of the exhibition; a good example is in section “Belgica” no.17. Like the pine-cone the lion also played a part in connexion with fountains; for the lion in Greece as κρηνōφύλαξ, see A. B. Cook, loc. cit; for the mithraic usage of lions' heads as mouths of fountains see Cumont, , Mithra, i, 102 Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 2} See Cumont, , Mithra, i, 100 Google Scholar, f; and the same writer on the lions in the pediment of an stele, Augustan, Oesterr. Jahreshefte, xii, 1909, Beiblatt, p. 214 Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 3} Roof and “aedicula” do not belong together, but that does not affect the interpretation given above of the symbolism of each.

^{page 19 note 4} The allusion to the Mithraic sacrifice is suggested by Cumont, , Arch. Epigr. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungarn, xvii, 1894, p. 24 Google Scholar. He also explains the pine-cone in this “aedicula” as the symbol of immortality.

^{page 19 note 5} See also what Cumont says of these snakes of this “aedicula,” loc. cit. In Greek mythology, too, the snake is a familiar emblem of the soul (Rohde's Psyche, p. 223).

^{page 19 note 6} Cumont, Mithra, p. 79.

^{page 19 note 7} Hofmann, op. cit. p. 89, fig. 62; also in a stele from Waldesdorf, Hofmann, in Oesterr. Jahreshefte, xii, 1909, p. 234, fig. 115Google Scholar. Like the lion, the cock also appears on Greek graves, especially in Asia Minor (e.g. the well-known frieze of cocks and hens from Xanthos, Brit. Mus.)

^{page 19 note 8} Weicker, , Der Hahn im Seelencult, in Athen. Mittheil. xxx, 201 Google Scholar.

^{page 19 note 9} Cumont, , Mithra, i, 201 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 19 note 10} Schröder, Banner Jahrbücher, 108-109, pp. 66, ff.

^{page 19 note 11} For the significance of the dolphin, see Cumont, F., Oesterr. Jahreshefte, xii, 1909, p. 214 Google Scholar; for the combination of lion and dolphins on an Etruscan tomb, see H. Usener, op. cit. p. 6, note 4.

^{page 20 note 1} I do not forget the attempt made by Bruno Schröder in a suggestive monograph to elucidate Roman sepulchral iconography (“Studien zu den Grabdenkmälern der römischen Kaiserzeit,” Bonn, 1902, his article, already referred to above, in Bonner Jahrbücher, cviii, 46-79). But he only touches on a few of the images and does not seem to me to reckon sufficiently with the new meaning acquired by various symbols under the influence of later cults. His interpretation of the pine-cone has already been referred to.

^{page 21 note 1} Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegovina, i, p. 278, pl. i, fig. 4. The relief is there said to have been found at Holac. But Dr. Patsch, director of the museum of Serajevo, kindly informs me that the provenance is Senitza. According to Dr. Truhelka, who published the relief, the two couples each represent a man and a woman, the two female figures being in the centre, and the two male on the outside. The sex is difficult to decide. I hope to return to this stele when I discuss more at length Roman sepulchral iconography.

^{page 21 note 2} Note especially the column in the Wallraf-Richartz Museum at Cologne, Klingenberg, Das römische Köln, p. 242 (in Kunstdenkmöler der Rheinprovinz, vi.)

^{page 21 note 3} Hampel, J., Alterthümer des frühen Mittelalters in Ungarn, ii, 410–425 Google Scholar; iii, plates 288-309; Reinach, S., Répertoire des Reliefs, i, 188 Google Scholar.

^{page 21 note 1} χρι(στὸσ) μϵτὰ ὕδαιōσ ἀν(θρώπōεσ) ἀπέλεσ(ϵν) ἀ(ν)ϵὶσ τὸ ν(έ)ōν πν(ϵῦμα ἄγ(ι)ōν, on the bottom of a cup, Hampel, iii, plate 305, a. b. The reading is Dr. Keil's, Br., Repert. für Kunstwissenschaft, xi, 1888, p. 261 Google Scholar; see Hampel, ii, p. 316.

^{page 22 note 1} Organized by Professor Dragendorff and Professor Kehr.

^{page 22 note 2} The best and fullest discussion of the stelae of the Rhineland is still that of R. Weynand, Bonner Jahrbücher, 108-109, pp. 185-237. See also Furtwängler Das Tropaion von Adamklissi.

^{page 22 note 3} Hettner, F., Illustrierter Fübrer durch das Provinzialmuseum in Trier (1903), pp. 76–81 Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 4} Owing to a dearth of subscribers, though only 12 are needed, no cast yet exists of this splendid monument. The column was dedicated in A.D. 67 to the “genius of Nero,” and is signed by the sculptors Samus and Severus.

^{page 23 note 1} This type of column, however, is not restricted to Germany. There are examples in France (see a paper by Hertlein cited in note 6). In Britain, a curious inscribed base from one of these columns is in the Bathurst Museum at Cirencester, “with a socket at the top for a column and another socket beneath for insertion into another stone or base,” see Prof. Haverfield's paper in Archaeologia Oxoniensis (1895), p. 215 with illustr. I have little doubt that a large capital with busts of the four seasons, found at Corinium and now in Col. Dugdale's garden (“The Abbey”), belonged likewise to a “Juppiter and Giant” column.

^{page 23 note 2} The view was first put forward by Loeschke, Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1893, p. 220; cf. Reinach, S., Chroniques d'Orient, vi, 279 Google Scholar; Mommsen's, Roman Provinces, i (Engl. trans, ed. 1909), 114 Google Scholar, ff; Michaelis, A Century of Archaeological Discoveries (tr. Kahnweiler), p. 287.

^{page 23 note 3} Hettner, op. cit. p. 50.

^{page 23 note 4} F. Koepp, Die Römer in Deutschland, p. 146.

^{page 23 note 5} Hertlein, , Die Juppitergigantensäulen, Stuttgart, 1910 Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 6} Imperial of Gordian III; the sun-god of the reverse wears a radiate Phrygian cap and is brandishing a club, Journal Hell. Stud. xv, 1895, p. 129 Google Scholar (G. F. Hill). For the sun as rider see Dussaud, Notes de Mythologie Syrienne, p. 52, ff; also Calice, F. G. in Oesterr. Jahreshefte, xi (1903), Beiblatt, p. 198 Google Scholar, f. (stele from Dorylaion); Cumont 220; in Rev. Hist. Rel. 1910, p. 153; the same, s.v. Gennaios in Pauly-Wissowa, viii, col. 1174, for still another type of Helios ἒϕιππōσ.

^{page 24 note 1} As even Strzygowski assumes, Dom zu Aachen, pp. 22, f.

^{page 24 note 2} Campaign in France, transl. Fairlie, p. 7.

^{page 24 note 3} Vol. i, plates 96, 97, reproduced from Laborde by Reinach, , Répertoire des Reliefs, i, 167–169 Google Scholar, The four sides of the ‘column’ were drawn and lithographed by Chr. Hawich, and published with text by J. M. Neurohr: Abbildung des romischen Monumentes in Igel, Trier, 1826 Google Scholar; there is a poor engraving in Bonner Jahrbücher, xix (1853), 33 Google Scholar to accompany an article by Marie-Anne Libert in which the attempt was made, in the spirit of the time, to find an allegorical meaning for the reliefs.

^{page 24 note 4} The mythological subjects have been identified by the late Dr. Graeven, H., Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst, neue Folge, vol. xvi, 1905, pp. 165–170 Google Scholar, but with little reference to their symbolism.

^{page 25 note 1} Dr. Graeven believes that the male figure on the left is not one of the Secundinii, but Hermes, and derives the composition from the famous “Orpheus, Eurydice and Hermes” relief.

^{page 25 note 2} Propertius, I, xx, 22, ah dolor! ibat Hylas, ibat hamadryasin. But Baehrens and Postgate read Enhydriasin.

^{page 25 note 3} The subject is not uncommon on sepulchral stelae and other monuments of the period (cf. Haverfield, Romanisation of Britain, p. 17, note I.) The corresponding scene, with Hercules rescuing Hesione, is susceptible of the same interpretation.

^{page 25 note 4} For the zodiac, see inter alia, the, beautiful relief with the mithraic Kronos at Modena, published by Cumont, , Revue Archéol. xl, 1899, p. 9 Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 5} Cumont, , Rev. Hist. Rel. lxii, 1910, p. 151 Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 6} Cf. the Winds on the Modena relief (above, note 4) and often on mithraic reliefs.

^{page 25 note 7} Cumont, Rev. Hist. Rel. 1910.

^{page 25 note 8} Hettner, , Führer, xxiii, 23 Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 1} For the rape of Ganymede, as image of the ascension of the soul, see Cumont, , Rev. Hist. Rel. lxii, 1910, p. 140 Google Scholar, f. and the examples cited by him, ibid, note 2; the Igel column, however, is not mentioned.

^{page 26 note 2} Camille Jullian, Gallia, p. 204.

^{page 27 note 1} See the reconstruction, Hettner, Führer, p. 13.

^{page 27 note 2} Strzygowski, Dom zu Aachen, pp. 2, f.

^{page 27 note 3} The notion that it was imitated from the Vatican “pigna” has been disposed of by Strzygowski, op. cit. pp. 16, f.

^{page 27 note 4} Organized by M. Seymour de Ricci, with the assistance of M. Champion for Saint-Germain and of M. Matruchot for Alesia.

^{page 28 note 1} Roman Empire, p. 58.

^{page 29 note 1} C.I.L. xii, 118.

^{page 29 note 2} The formulas of the old world fit in ill with those of to-day. In antiquity. “Tres Galliae” were the three provinces of Lugudunensis, Aquitania and Belgica. In the Mostra, the section thus denominated includes Narbonensis, Lugudunensis and Aquitania, with contributions from Belgica and Germany, while most of Belgica is treated either under Germany or in a section (no. 18) which really represents rather the modern kingdom of Belgium.

^{page 29 note 3} These models were made about 1850 by one pelet, who also wrote a book (now valuable and rare) to explain them.

^{page 29 note 4} See Rudolf Schneider, Die antiken Geschütze der Saalburg.

^{page 29 note 5} Roman Journals, transl. Hamilton, p. 156.

^{page 30 note 1} Revue Archéologique, 1905, i, 400, f.

^{page 30 note 2} Espérandieu, , Recueil Général des Bas-Reliefs de la Gaule Romaine. Three vols. have appeared (Paris 1907-1910 Google Scholar); the work is to be complete in six.

^{page 31 note 1} Les Vases céramiques ornés de la Gaule Romaine, i, 294.

^{page 31 note 2} See Dr. Ashby's article on the work of the French architects at the Mostra. Builder, vol. ci, 15th Sept., 1911 (no. 3580), p. 303 Google Scholar.

^{page 31 note 3} M. de Loë also organised the section.

^{page 31 note 4} Organised by Professor Lehmann.

^{page 32 note 1} See Ihm in Roscher s.v. “Nehalennia,” vol. iii, col. 77.

^{page 32 note 2} No special commission was appointed by Great Britain to organise this section; the few exhibits were arranged with care and skill by Dr. Ashby, Director of the British School of Rome, and were supplemented from his own collection of photographs. For the International Fine Arts branch, on the other hand, a large committee, with Sir Isidore Spielmann as Commissioner-General, was appointed under the Exhibitions branch of the Board of Trade; while for the British section on Castel Sant Angelo a small commission was formed, composed of the British Ambassador and the Director and Assistant-Director of the British School.

^{page 32 note 3} Ad. Michaelis, A Century of Archaeological Discoveries, p. 288.

^{page 35 note 1} F. Haverfield, The Romanisation of Roman Britain, 1905, fig. 11; also the same scholar's Roman Somerset in the Victoria County Histories.

^{page 35 note 2} A good instance of the λέων κρηνōϕύλαξ, see above, p. 19, note 1.

^{page 35 note 3} See Cumont, , Rev. Hist. Rel. lxii, 1910, p. 152 Google Scholar and fig. 21. The same interpretation of this relief was independently suggested by Sir A. J. Evans and others.

^{page 35 note 4} It must not be forgotten that a notable British exhibit, the electrotype of the Corbridge lanx, is exhibited in another section with other gold and silver work.

^{page 36 note 1} P. Paris: Promenades Archéologiques, p. 45; Espagne Primitive, i, 159.

^{page 37 note 1} Promenades, p. 81, ff.

^{page 37 note 2} Strong, Roman Sculpture, pl. cxii.

This, at any rate, was the opinion of the excavators. But the inscription, besides being late, is very faint, and the catalogue (p. 102) does not even refer to it, but merely states that the statue is “perhaps that of Agrippa who constructed the theatre” of Merida.

^{page 38 note 1} C.I.L. ii, 5041.

^{page 38 note 2} See the admirable publication of these finds in the Annuari d'Estudis Catalans, 1908, pp. 150-240.

^{page 38 note 3} Mr. George Bonsor, the only Englishman who has of late years seriously contributed to our knowledge of Iberia, devotes himself exclusively to the city of his adoption, Carmona near Seville.

^{page 39 note 1} Organised by M. Merlin for the monuments of Tunisia, and by M. Ballu for those of Algeria.

^{page 39 note 2} R. Cagnat, Cartbage, Timgad, Tébessa, p. 157.

^{page 39 note 3} Hettner, Führer, p. 64, f. Unfortunately none of the important mosaics from Trier of the neighbourhood are represented in the exhibition.

^{page 39 note 4} The reliefs may perhaps be referred to the Parthian victory of A.D. 165. They were found in front of the library of Tiberius Julius Celsus, where at a later date they had been adapted as decoration of a fountain.

^{page 39 note 5} See Cumont in Rev. Hist. Rel. 1911, p. 37, f.

^{page 42 note 1} C.I.L. iii, 14, 147, 5.

^{page 42 note 2} Mau-Kelsey, Pompei, p. 467, fig. 258.

^{page 43 note 1} The most important are well illustrated by Venturi, A., Storia dell' arte Italiana, i, figs. 435–441 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 2} Engraved in the Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 338, no. 652 (plate); reproduced thence in Duruy's History of Rome (tr. Mahaffy, v, p. 38 and elsewhere; a new illustration is given in C. J. Jackson's English Silver Plate, fig. 53, p. 40; the object is about to be described by Prof. Haverfield and well illustrated in the Corbridge volume of the Northumberland County History.

^{page 43 note 3} Mr. C. W. King (whose view is adopted in the Lapidarium) took the seated figure to be the Pythian priestess and the figure standing next to her to be Themis; other English writers have suggested Vesta and Latona; M. S. Reinach tells me that he inclines to suggest Demeter (seated), and Persephone (standing).

^{page 44 note 1} Published in A. Odobesco's sumptuous work Le Trésor de Petrossa (1900).

^{page 44 note 2} See Dalton, O. M., Archaeologia, 1902, pp. 267, fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 44 note 3} The excellent and fully illustrated catalogue of this section is by Dr. Kavvadias who, I believe, largely organised the section.

^{page 44 note 4} Vitruv. vii, praef. § 15, § 17; C.I.A. iii, 561.

^{page 44 note 5} There is a close resemblance between the two; cf. W. Altmann: Italische Rundbauten, p. 28, f.

^{page 46 note 1} For the two Niobids, probably from a pediment, see the Ny Carlsburg catal. 398, 399; for the Apollo, ibid. 32. The Apollo seems too small to have filled, as Furtwängler supposed, the centre of the companion pediment to the one to which belonged the three Niobids.

^{page 46 note 2} Ny Carlsberg, cat. 83.

^{page 46 note 3} The Boston throne is now published by Studniczka, F., Archäol. Jahrbuch, xxvi, 1911, p. 50 Google Scholar, ff. and plate i.

^{page 48 note 1} See Lanciani's account of the Queen's excavations, Athenaeum, 2nd Sept. 1911.

^{page 48 note 2} Frothingham, Roman Cities in N. Italy and Dalmatia, p. 1.

^{page 48 note 3} Reinach, S. in Rev. Archéol. 1911, p. 190 Google Scholar (review of Mr. Frothingham's book).