The central argument of this paper is that, rather than simply absorbing democratic values diffusely, Koreans have acquired their support for democratization incrementally through experience with the consequences of regime change. In order to account for this pattern, we develop an empirical model that distinguishes between democracy as an ideal (desirability) and democracy understood as a viable political system (suitability). We draw on a survey of the Korean public to demonstrate that changes in these dimensions follow distinct trajectories, according to the recollections of our respondents, during the course of democratization. While beliefs about democracy-in-principle appear to be fairly impervious to political events and socioeconomic conditions, attitudes toward democracy-in-practice reflect a learning curve as the transition unfolds. We estimate the relative impact of evaluations of the economy, of the quality of life, and of governmental performance and political experience on support for democracy in practice. On the whole, democratic commitment is ‘earned’ through increasingly favorable perceptions of improvements in the quality of life, in economic growth, and especially in the performance of successive democratic governments, as contrasted with the workings of the previous authoritarian regime.

This paper surveys the direction of change to employment regimes in the EU, in which fiscal consolidation constitutes the macro-economic foundations to labour markets in virtually every member-state. Attempting to address budget deficits has had important spillover effects, most notably on the conduct of pay determination. In particular, multi-tier bargaining in Europe has been revived not to conclude the social corporatist deals of the past but to reorient labour market behaviour to the introduction of a single currency. Support systems for the unemployed are also experiencing wide-ranging reforms across the EU: governments are attempting to shift expenditure from passive measures to more direct initiatives to help people get back to work. The prospect for closer cross-national collaboration on labour market matters has increased by Brussels launching a programme to benchmark employment policies across the EU. Together, these changes are streamlining Social Europe and reorganising the sovereign boundaries of economic citizenship.

This paper examines recent European policy changes designed to support small and medium size enterprises (SMEs). These changes have resulted in both the development of specific support programs for SMEs and more general deregulatory measures to improve the economic environment for business. The rationale often provided is that SMEs contribute to a dynamic and innovative environment and generate high quality employment. An analysis of OECD material and a review of the literature on SMEs reveals that their role in innovation, employment growth and the adoption of new forms of work organisation is often over-emphasised. The vast majority of SMEs do not carry out research and development and are associated with low quality and insecure employment. Policies in support of SMEs need to be formulated with an awareness of the diversity of SMEs. There are only a very limited number of SMEs which make an important contribution to employment and innovation. Efforts to facilitate the establishment and growth of these high quality SMEs need to be based on targeted programs rather than general measures such as tax reduction or labour market deregulation. Targeted policies include R&D support, the improvement of SMEs' intangible investments and regional access to capital and technology. General measures are more likely to create an environment in which low quality, low wage employment is generated in SMEs with little future.

This paper offers sectoral evidence in support of the argument that a partial transference of sovereignty has occurred within the EU with the gradual shift in regulatory authority from national capitals to Brussels. This transfer of policy competence is evident even in politically sensitive areas such as civil aviation. However, whilst Europe's supranational institutions have gained in de jure power, they often remain lacking in de facto authority. Democratic legitimacy ensures that nation-states retain real authority in areas such as air transport. This authority is nonetheless being steadily challenged by Brussels and a genuine balance of power is emerging. This has been evident in the development of air transport liberalisation, where a Commission-led coalition of interests ensured that deregulation occurred – despite the resistance of several influential national governments. State aid regulation has been more contentious, with EU rulings frequently encountering resistance from governments seeking to preserve perceived national interests.