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^2. Ibid., xiii.

^3. “SNCC: Founding Statement,” in Albert, Judith C. and Albert, Stewart E., The Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade (New York, 1984), 113Google Scholar. More generally, see Burns, Stewart, Social Movements of the 1960s: Searching for Democracy (Boston, 1990), 188ff.Google Scholar; Morgan, Edward P., The 60s Experience (Philadelphia, 1991), 37.Google Scholar

^4. For information on the spiritual/political quests of those who came of age in the 1960s, see Roof, Wade Clark, A Generation of Seekers (San Francisco, 1993)Google Scholar; Mc-Adam, Doug, Freedom Summer (New York, 1988)Google Scholar; and Hammond, Philip, Religion and Personal Autonomy (Columbia, S.C., 1992).Google Scholar

^5. Others have occasionally and rather unsystematically applied the concept of an “awakening” to the 1960s. For example: Carson, Clayborne, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge, Mass., 1981)Google Scholar; Anderson, Walter, The Upstart Spring: Esalen and the American Awakening (Reading, Mass., 1983)Google Scholar; Ellwood, Richard, The 60s Spiritual Awakening (New Brunswick, 1994)Google Scholar; Morgan, The 60s Experience, chap. 7, “A New Awakening?” Characteristically enough, Sixties activists may remember their movement participation as “a holy time,” or a discovery time of letting their “light shine.” Quoted in Anderson, Terry H., The Movement and the Sixties (New York, 1995), 86.Google Scholar

^6. McLoughlin, Revivals, p. 2.

^7. In 1994 the Louis Harris poll reported the lowest level of confidence in government institutions since the question began to be asked in 1966. Other polls show those trusting the government to do what is right all or most of the time declined from 76 percent in 1964 to 19 percent in 1994. Those seeing government run by a few big interests looking out for themselves rather than run for the benefit of all the people had risen from 29 percent in 1964 to 80 percent in 1992. Lipset, S. M., “American Democracy in Comparative Perspective” (reproduced), 3 November 1994.Google Scholar

^8. Dionne, E. J. Jr., Why Americans Hate Politics, 2d ed. (New York, 1992).Google Scholar

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^10. Eisenach, Eldon J., The Lost Promise of Progressivism (Lawrence, Kan., 1994), 45–46Google Scholar; and more generally, Himmelfarb, Gertrude, The De-Moralization of Society (New York, 1994)Google Scholar. This in turn recalled the spiritual quest of social reformers from the prior Great Awakening before the civil war, when New Lights were confident that “that is the only true church organization, when heads and hearts united in working for the welfare of the human-race.” Lydia Maria Child quoted in Abzug, Robert H., Cosmos Crumbling: American Reform and the Religious Imagination (New York, 1994), 229.Google Scholar

^11. Surely among the more portentous seeds was the young Oliver Wendell Holmes and his war-induced skepticism toward all causes based on claims of morality or justice. His later judicial support for Progressive economic and social legislation would be grounded in acknowledging no higher law than the democratic community's demands for action, anticipating what others would embrace as interest-group liberalism. White, G. Edward, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes: Law and the Inner Self (New York, 1995)Google Scholar. However, for a vivid account of how at the nonelite level America was still functioning as an “ought culture” in the 1930s, see Gelernter, David, 1939: The Lost World of the Fair (New York, 1995).Google Scholar

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^13. Fowler, Robert Booth, Unconventional Partners: Religion and Liberal Culture in the United States (Grand Rapids, 1989), chaps. 1–3.Google Scholar

^14. See, for example, Elson, Ruth, Guardians of Tradition (Lincoln, 1964)Google Scholar; Zimet, Sara Goodman, What Children Read in School (New York, 1972)Google Scholar; Marsden, George M., The Soul of the American University (New York, 1994)Google Scholar. The claim here runs to the presumptive self-confidence in a culture asserting such authority, not that college students have morally changed much over the centuries. Cf. Horowitz, Helen Lefkowitz, Campus Life: Undergraduate Cultures from the End of the Eighteenth Century to the Present (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

^15. Ellwood, The 60s Spiritual Awakening, chap. 3, 104–75. Writing in 1955, Will Herberg described being Protestant, Catholic, or Jew as “the alternative ways of being an American,” with the underlying culture-religion represented by “the American way of life.” Protestant, Catholic, Jew (Garden City, N.Y., 1960).Google Scholar

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^23. Bums, Social Movements of the 1960s, xii. For a rich evocation of this distressed passage of 1960s youth, see Cheever, Susan, A Woman's Life (New York, 1994)Google Scholar. Estimates of protest participation are from a 1989 Gallup poll of thirty- to forty-nine-year-olds, Washington Post, 24 July 1994, C5.

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The Government is my shepard/ Therefore I need not work./ It alloweth me to lie down on a good job./ It leadeth me beside still factories;/ It destroyeth my initiative./ It leadesth me in the path of a parasite for politic's sake./Yea, though I walk through the valley of laziness and deficit-spending,/I will fear no evil, for the Government is with me./ It prepareth an economic Utopia for me, by appropriating the earnings of my own grandchildren./It filleth my head with false security;/My inefficiency runneth over./Surely the Government should care for me for all the days of my life!!/And I shall dwell in a fool's paradise for ever.

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^32. John Milton, Paradise Lost, Book IX, line 825. Eve is pondering the reason why not to give Adam the forbidden fruit she has eaten: “But keep the odds of Knowledge in my power without Copartner? So to add what is wanting in Female Sex, the more to draw his Love, and render me more equal, and perhaps, a thing not undesirable, sometime Superior: for inferior who is free?”

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