Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T00:37:49.075Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Remaking Government Institutions in the 1970s: Participatory Democracy and the Triumph of Administrative Politics

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 October 2011

Sidney M. Milkis
Affiliation:
Brandeis University

Extract

Interpreting the 1970s is a difficult business. On the one hand, reformers struggled earnestly and effectively to codify the exalted vision of a good society that was celebrated during the 1960s. And yet in doing so, they appeared to routinize rather than resolve the virulent conflicts of the previous decade. Scholars tend to agree that the reforms of the 1960s and 1970s marked a transformation of political life no less important than the Progressive Era and the New Deal. Unlike these earlier reform periods, however, the 1960s and 1970s did not embrace national administrative power as an agent of social and economic justice. Instead, reformers of the 1960s and 1970s championed “participatory democracy” and viewed the very concept of national governmental authority with deep suspicion. Indeed, Hugh Heclo characterizes the reform legacy of the 1960s and 1970s as one of intractable fractiousness, as a “postmodern” assault on the modern state forged on the anvil of reforms carried out during the Progressive and New Deal eras. “In the end, it appears that a great deal of postmodern policymaking is not really concerned with ‘making policy’ in the sense of finding a settled course of public action that people can live with,” he writes. “It is aimed at crusading for a cause by confronting power with power.”

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. 1998

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1. Heclo, Hugh, “The Sixties' False Dawn: Awakenings, Movements, and Postmodern Policy-Making,Journal of Policy History 8:1 (1996): 56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. Berry, Jeffrey, The Interest Group Society (Boston, 1984), 28Google Scholar.

3. Public Papers of the President of the United States: Lyndon Baines Johnson, 1963–64, vol. 1, 704. Richard Goodwin, who drafted the Great Society speech, acknowledges that it was partly inspired by the Port Huron Statement, which was issued in 1962 by the newly formed Students for a Democratic Society. One aspect of that address, in particular, impressed the presidential aide as expressing a yearning that went well beyond the utopian vision of radical fringe groups, and was shared by many Americans: “Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity–but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed indifference to human affairs, do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present, that something can be done to change circumstances in the schools, the workplaces, the bureaucracies, the government? It is to this latter yearning, at once the spark and agent of change, that we direct our present appeal.” To be sure, it is not easy to imagine Lyndon Johnson embracing New Left doctrine. But, Goodwin argues, persuasively, that such ideas corresponded “to Lyndon Johnson's own impulses, could help define and fuel the larger purposes he wished to pursue.” Students for a Democratic Society, “Port Huron Statement,” printed in The New Left: A Documentary History, ed. Teodori, Missimo (Indianapolis, 1969), 165Google Scholar. See also Goodwin, Richard, Remembering America (Boston, 1988), 274, 276Google Scholar.

4. Moynihan, Daniel P., Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War on Poverty (New York, 1970)Google Scholar.

5. Beer, Samuel, “In Search of a New Public Philosophy,” in The New American Political System, ed. King, Anthony (Washington, D.C., 1979), 2728Google Scholar.

6. de Tocqueville, Alexis, Democracy in America (Garden City, N.Y., 1969), 263Google Scholar.

7. McCann, Michael W., “Public Interest Liberalism and the Modern Regulatory State,Polity 21 (Winter 1988): 392CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Ambrose, Stephen E., Nixon, Volume 3: Ruin and Recovery, 1973–1990 (New York, 1991)Google Scholar.

9. On the tension between the modern executive and the party system, see Milkis, Sidney M., The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System Since the New Deal (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.

10. U.S. v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974).

11. Greenstein, Fred I., “Nine Presidents in Search of a Modern Presidency,” in Greenstein, , ed., Leadership in the Modern Presidency (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 334Google Scholar.

12. On the House Study Group, see Ferber, Mark F., “The Formation of the Democratic Study Group,” in Congressional Behavior, ed. Polsby, Nelson W. (New York, 1971)Google Scholar.

13. Melnick, R. Shep, Between the Lines: Interpreting Welfare Rights (Washington, D.C., 1994), 196200Google Scholar.

14. Ginsberg, Benjamin and Shefter, Martin, Politics by Other Means (New York, 1990), 16Google Scholar.

15. Melnick, R. Shep, “The Politics of Partnership,Public Administration Review 45 (November 1985): 653–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16. Rosenbaum, Walter A., “Public Involvement as Reform and Ritual: The Political Development of Federal Participation Programs,” in Citizen Participation in America: Essays on the State of the Art, ed. Langton, Stuart (Lexington, Mass., 1978)Google Scholar.

17. For a more detailed discussion of the meaning and significance of social regulation, see Harris, Richard A. and Milkis, Sidney M., The Politics of Regulatory Change: A Tale of Two Agencies, 2d ed. (New York, 1996)Google Scholar, especially chapters 1 and 3.

18. Falk cited in Berry, The Interest Group Society, 36.

19. Nader, Ralph, “The Case for Federal Chartering,” in The Consumer and Corporate Accountability (New York, 1973), 365Google Scholar.

20. McCann, “Public Interest Liberalism and the Modern Regulatory State,” 389, 394.

21. Interview with Richard A. Harris and Sidney M. Milkis, July 11, 1986.

22. Rosenbaum, “Public Involvement as Reform and Ritual,” 81.

23. Ibid., 83.

24. Aron, Joan B., “Citizen Participation at Government Expense,Public Administration Review 39 (September–October 1979): 477–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25. Peglin, Max D. and Shore, Edgar, “Regulatory Agency Responses to the Development of Public Participation,Public Administration Review 37 (March–April 1977): 142Google Scholar.

26. Indeed, the list of grants made under the intervenor funding program looked very much like an honor role of staunch consumer advocates, including Americans for Democratic Action ($177,000 in grants to participate in five separate rule-making proceedings), Action for Children's Television ($84,614 to participate in a children's advertising proceeding), and the Consumers Union ($132,257 to participate in four separate rule-making proceedings). For a list of grants made under the FTC public-intervenor funding program, see Hearings, Subcommittee for Consumers, Committee on Commerce, 96th Cong., 1st sess., “Oversight to Examine the Enforcement and Administrative Authority of the FTC to Regulate Unfair and Deceptive Trade Practices,” September 18, 19, 27, 28; October 4, 5, 10, 1979, 158–60.

27. Boyer, Barry, “Funding Public Participation in Agency Proceedings: The Federal Trade Commission Experience,Georgetown Law Journal 70:1 (1980): 71Google Scholar.

28. On this development, see Melnick, Between the Lines.

29. Shapiro, Martin, “APA: Past, Present, and Future,Virginia Law Review 72 (1986): 461–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30. Stewart, Richard B., “The Reformation of American Administrative Law,Harvard Law Review 88:8 (June 1975): 1712CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31. Wilson, James Q., “The Politics of Regulation,” in Wilson, James Q., ed., The Politics of Regulation (New York, 1980), 370–71Google Scholar.

32. Pertschuck, Michael, Revolt Against Regulation: The Rise and Pause of the Consumer Movement (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1982), 130Google Scholar.

33. Rabkin, Jeremy, “The Judiciary in the Administrative State,The Public Interest 71 (Spring 1983): 63Google Scholar.

34. Hugh Heclo, “Issue Networks and the Executive Establishment,” in King, ed., The New American Political System, 124.

35. Ralph Nader, “A Citizen's Guide to the American Economy,” in Nader, ed., The Consumer and Corporate Accountability, 4.

36. Karl, Barry D., The Uneasy State: The United States from 1915 to 1945 (Chicago, 1983), 238Google Scholar.

37. Ceaser, James, Presidential Selection: Theory and Development (Princeton, 1979), 283Google Scholar.

38. R. Shep Melnick, “The Politics of Partnership: Institutional Coalitions and Statutory Rights,” Occasional Paper No. 84–3, Center for American Political Studies, Harvard University, 8.

39. For a review of these institutional developments and how they were modified during the Reagan years, see Harris and Milkis, The Politics of Regulatory Change, chapter 4.

40. Carter, Jimmy, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (New York, 1982), 80Google Scholar.

41. Hargrove, Erwin, Jimmy Carter as President: Leadership and the Politics of the Public Good (Baton Rouge, La., 1988), 192Google Scholar.

42. “The Scramble Starts,” Editorial, Los Angeles Times, July 17, 1979, part II, 4; and Robert Shogan, “Carter Returns to Moralistic Themes,” ibid., I, 1, 15.

43. Transcript of President Carter's Address to the Country on Energy Problems,” New York Times, July 16, 1979.

44. McWilliams, W. Carey, “Conclusion: The Meaning of the Election,” in Pomper, Gerald et al. , The Election of 1996: Reports and Interpretations (Chatham, N.J., 1997), 258–59Google Scholar.