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On the Importance of Naming: Gender, Race, and the Writing of Policy History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 April 2009

Eileen Boris
Affiliation:
University of California at Santa Barbara
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Twenty years ago, just as the study of policy was emerging out of the morass of political history, historians of women rediscovered the state. What I will name the policy turn challenged a kind of intellectual separate sphere in which women's history addressed home, family, and intimate life and left to other historians everything else. The policy turn shifted attention from Carroll Smith Rosenberg's “Female World of Love and Ritual” without losing the self-activity and focus on female difference that investigations of women on their own terms had supplied. It answered the “Politics and Culture” debate of 1980, which revolved around the efficacy of domesticity as an arena for power with a resounding move toward the public, political realm—namely, to social politics. The Reaganite assault on the New Deal order and accompanying New Right attack on women's rights intensified investigation into the origins and growth of a welfare state whose strength seemed precarious and whose history was up for grabs—a welfare state that blurred the separation of private and public and constructed, even as it reinforced, unequal social locations.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. 2005

References

Notes

1. The best account of the development of policy history is Zelizer, Julian E., “Clio's Lost Tribe: Public Policy History Since 1978,” Journal of Policy History 12 (2000), 369394Google Scholar; for a personalistic one hostile to gender analysis, see Alchon, Guy, “Policy History and the Sublime Immodesty of the Middle Age Professor,” Journal of Policy History 9 (1997): 358374.Google Scholar

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16. For example, Quadagno, Jill, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (New York, 1994)Google Scholar; Hamilton, Dona C. and Hamilton, Charles V., The Dual Agenda: Race and Social Welfare Policies of Civil Rights Organizations (New York, 1997)Google Scholar; Lieberman, Robert C., Shifting the Color Line: Race and the American Welfare State (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar; and Brown, Michael K., Race, Money, and The American Welfare State (Ithaca: 1999).Google Scholar

17. See my “‘The Right to Work Is the Right to Live!’ Fair Employment and the Quest for Social Citizenship,” in Berg, Manfred and Geyer, Martin H., eds., Two Cultures of Rights: The Quest for Inclusion and Participation in Modern America and Germany (New York, 2002), 121141Google Scholar, in which I consider “working-class voices” in the conception of fair employment; and Kornbluh, Felicia, “‘To Fulfill Their Rightly Needs’: Consumerism and the National Welfare Rights Movement,” Radical History Review, no. 69 (1997): 76113Google Scholar, for poor women's reconceptualization of their rights. These also take the form of local history or case studies: for one model, see Williams, Rhonda on mid-century Baltimore, The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women's Struggles Against Urban Inequality (New York, 2005)Google Scholar; for another, Lipsitz, George, A Life in the Struggle: Ivory Perry and the Culture of Opposition (Philadelphia, 1988)Google Scholar. Much of the literature on civil rights organizing can be reread through a policy history perspective.

18. For example, Crenshaw, Kimberle, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Anti-discrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Anti-racist Politics,” University of Chicago Legal Forum 139 (1989): 139167.Google Scholar

19. This process they name “racialization.” Omni, Michael and Winant, Howard, Racial Formation in the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1994)Google Scholar. See also Winant, Howard, The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy Since World War II (New York, 2001).Google Scholar

20. Winant, Howard, Racial Conditions: Politics, Theory, Comparisons (Minneapolis, 1994), 23Google Scholar, as quoted by Gordon, Linda, The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction (Cambridge, 1999), 99Google Scholar. Gordon provides an excellent summary of the social constructionist theory of race and of competing and changing racial systems in the Southwest a century ago.

21. For example, Ruiz, Vicki L., “Tapestries of Resistance: Episodes of School Segregation and Desegregation in the U.S. West,” in Lau, Peter, ed., From Grassroots to the Supreme Court: Exploration of Brown V. Board of Education and American Democracy (Durham, forthcoming)Google Scholar, provides a new context for civil rights based on Latina/Latino struggles, showing that these did not necessarily follow the black freedom movement but existed in tandem and perhaps helped to shape its legal strategy.

22. This literature is huge, not usually thought of as part of policy history, but often addresses the impact of policy or state action. See, for example, Fields, Barbara Jeanne, “Slavery, Race, and Ideology in the United States of America,” New Left Review 181 (1990): 95118Google Scholar; Roediger, David, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York, 1991)Google Scholar; Barrett, James R. and Roediger, David, “Inbetween Peoples: Race, Nationality, and the “New Immigrant” Working Class,” Journal of American Ethnic History 16 (1997): 345Google Scholar; Jacobson, Matthew Frye, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar; López, Ian F. Haney, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York, 1996)Google Scholar; Lipsitz, George, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics (Philadelphia, 1998)Google Scholar; Bodkin, Karin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America (New Brunswick, 1998)Google Scholar; and Hale, Grace Elizabeth, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890–1940 (New York, 1999)Google Scholar. For a critical assessment, see Arnesen, Eric, “Whiteness and the Historian's Imagination,” International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (2001): 332Google Scholar, and the rejoinders in the rest of that issue, 33–92.

23. Glenn, Evelyn Nakano, Unequal Freedom: How Race and Gender Shaped American Citizenship and Labor (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar, and, most powerfully, Ngai, Mae M., Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton, 2004)Google Scholar, nicely exemplify these trends. See also Yu, Henry, Thinking Orientals: Migration, Contact, and Exoticism in Modern America (New York, 2001)Google Scholar; Lowe, Lisa, Immigrant Acts (Durham, 1996)Google Scholar; Foley, Neil, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1997)Google Scholar; Koshy, Susan, “Morphing Race into Ethnicity: Asian Americans and Critical Transformations of Whiteness,” boundary 2, no. 28 (2001): 151191Google Scholar; Palumbo-Liu, David, Asian/American: Historical Crossings of a Racial Frontier (Stanford, 1999)Google Scholar; Gutíerrez, David, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1995)Google Scholar; and Almaguer, Tómas, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1994).Google Scholar

24. The other essays in this special issue testify to that generative scholarship.

25. Weir, Margaret, Orloff, Ann Shola, and Skocpol, Theda, The Politics of Social Policy in the United States (Princeton, 1988).Google Scholar

26. This discussion of maternalism elaborates upon Boris, Eileen and Kleinberg, S. J., “Mothers and Other Workers: (Re)Conceiving Labor, Maternalism, and the State,” Journal of Women's History 15 (2003): 100103.Google Scholar

27. For one excellent account, see Cobble, Dorothy Sue, The Other Women's Movement: Workplace Justice and Social Rights in Modern America (Princeton, 2003), esp. 215–19.Google Scholar

28. Gilligan, Carol, In a Different Voice (Cambridge, 1982).Google Scholar

29. Kessler-Harris, Alice, Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States (New York, 1982)Google Scholar; for how this argument became twisted against her in the 1986 drama of EEOC v. Sears, Roebuck and Co. and the impact of this case on feminist theory, see Scott, Joan W., “Deconstructing Equality-Versus-Difference: or, the Uses of Poststructuralist Theory for Feminism,” Feminist Studies 14 (Spring 1988): 3250.Google Scholar

30. Kessler-Harris, Alice, A Women's Wage: Historical Meanings and Social Consequences (Lexington, 1990)Google Scholar; idem, In Pursuit of Equity: Men, Women, and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in 20th-Century America (New York, 2001).

31. Koven, Seth and Michel, Sonya, “Womanly Duties: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States in France, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States, 1880–1920,” American Historical Review 95 (10 1990): 10761109.Google Scholar

32. Skocpol, Theda, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, 1992), 56.Google Scholar

33. Ann Shola Orloff made a similar argument for old-age pensions; see The Politics of Pensions: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, Canada, and the United States, 1880–1940 (Madison, 1993).Google Scholar

34. More recently Willrich, Michael has explored the use of the courts to control the working-class, predominantly urban European immigrant, in “Home Slackers: Men, the State, and Welfare in Modern America,” Journal of American History 87 (2000): 460489Google Scholar. See also my Home to Work: Motherhood and the Politics of Industrial Homework in the United States (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

35. Alice Kessler-Harris, review of Skocpol, Theda, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States, The Journal of American History 80 (10 1993): 10351037.Google Scholar

36. Sklar, Kathryn Kish, Schuler, Anja, and Strasser, Susan, Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885–1933 (Ithaca, 1998), 57Google Scholar. See also Goodwin, Joanne, Gender and the Politics of Welfare Reform: Mothers' Pensions in Chicago, 1911–1929 (Chicago, 1997)Google Scholar. For other rejections of maternalism, see Storrs, Landon R. Y., Civilizing Capitalism: The National Consumers' League, Women's Activism, and Labor Standards in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill, 2000)Google Scholar, who uses feminist, and Lipschultz, Sybil, “Social Feminism and Legal Discourse: 1908–1923,” Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 2 (1989): 131160Google Scholar, who refers to industrial feminism.

37. For a fuller critique, see Gordon, Linda, “Gender, State, and Society: A Debate with Theda Skocpol,” Contention 2 (1993)Google Scholar, reprinted in Keddie, Nikki R., ed., Debating Gender, Debating Sexuality (New York, 1996), 129146, quote at 141.Google Scholar

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40. Gordon, Linda, “The New Feminist Scholarship on the Welfare State,” in Gordon, , ed., Women, the State, and Welfare, 25Google Scholar; Gwendolyn Mink, “The Lady and the Tramp: Gender, Race, and the Origins of the American Welfare State,” in ibid., 93, 111. She elaborates her thesis in The Wages of Motherhood.

41. See Boris, Eileen, “The Power of Motherhood: Black and White Activist Women Redefine the ‘Political,’Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 2 (Fall 1989): 2549Google Scholar, reprinted in Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World, 213–45.

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