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^31. On the role of emotion in these groups, and in movements more generally, see Taylor, Verta, “Watching for Vibes: Bringing Emotions into the Study of Feminist Organizations,” in Ferree, Myra Marx and Martin, Patricia Yancey, eds., Feminist Organizations: Harvest of the New Women's Movement (Philadelphia, 1995), 223–33.Google Scholar

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^40. In writing about the student movement of the 1960s, Breines, Wini, Community and Organization in the New Left, 2d ed. (New Brunswick, N.J., 1989)Google Scholar, calls this process of connecting ends and means in microcosm, “prefigurative” politics. The movement against violence against women valued this practice highly.

^41. Brodyaga et al., Rape and its Victims; Gornick, Burt, and Pittman, “Structure and Activities of Rape Crisis Centers,” 247–68; Largen, “Grassrots Centers,” 46–51; Matthews, Confronting Rape.

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^48. New York Times, 21 February 1974.

^49. Blair, Ian, Investigating Rape: A New Approach for Police (Dover, N.H., 1985)Google Scholar; Brodyaga et al., Rape and Its Victims; Carrow, Rape: Guidelines, 1–2; Largen, “Grassroots Centers,” 46–51; Marsh, Geist, and Caplan, Rape and the Limits of Law Reform; Spohn and Horney, Rape Law Reform.

^50. There is a broad consensus that the reforms initiated in localities across the country—in hospitals, police departments, and prosecutors' offices—were brought about largely by the efforts of anti-rape activists. For example, two national studies commissioned by the U.S. Department of Justice reached this conclusion. In a study of local responses to rape, completed for the LEAA, Brodyaga et al., Rape and Its Victims, xi, found that:

Much of the recent attention has been stimulated by citizens concerned with equalizing the status of women. The women's movement has often focused on the inequities inflicted upon victims of rape.… Citizens' activities to increase public awareness of these problems have brought about efforts to … improve medical treatment for rape victims, and to encourage police departments and prosecutors' offices to examine their procedures in the investigation and prosecution of rape cases.

Similarly, at the end of the decade, Carrow (Rape: Guidelines, 1–2) reported to the National Institute of Justice that:

The early 1970s marked the beginning of a change in the treatment of rape incidents. … At the forefront of this changing perspective was the rape crisis center. As the offspring of the feminist movement, these centers hellip; have provided the impetus for improved hospital procedures. … Police and prosecutors … have instituted procedural and policy reforms reflecting this emphasis.

^51. Matthews, Confronting Rape.

^52. Largen, “Grassroots Centers,” 47–48.

^53. Csida and Csida, Rape: How to Avoid It; Largen, “Anti-Rape Movement,” 1–13; Scott, Ellen Kaye, “How to Stop the Rapists? A Question of Strategy in Two Rape Crisis Centers,” Social Problems 40 (August 1993): 343–61.Google Scholar

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^56. Carrow, Rape: Guidelines.

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^58. Battelle Law and Justice Study Center, Police, 46.

^59. Battelle Law and Justice Study Center, Prosecutors, 30.

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^68. Largen, “History of Women's Movement,” 69–73.

^69. Lystad, Mary Hanemann, “The National Center for the Prevention and Control of Rape,” in Burgess, Ann Wolbert, ed., Rape and Sexual Assault (New York, 1985), 14.Google Scholar

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^73. Myhre and Capps, “Conferences,” 35.

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^75. Carrow, Rape: Guidelines; Gornick, Burt, and Pittman, “Structure and Activities of Rape Crisis Centers,” 247–68; Largen, “Grassroots Centers,” 46–51.

^76. Steven Rathgeb Smith and Michael Lipsky, Non-Profits for Hire: The Welfare State in the Age of Contracting (Cambridge, Mass., 1993), in a careful study of nonprofit organizations, document the transforming effects that public monies have on the organizational structure, and ultimately missions, of nonprofits.

^77. Brodyaga et al., Rape and Its Victims; Gornick, Burt, and Pittman, “Structure and Activities of Rape Crisis Centers.”

^78. Matthews, Confronting Rape.

^79. Largen, “Anti-Rape Movement.”

^80. Burt, Martha, Gornick, Janet, and Pittman, Karen, “Feminism and Rape Crisis Centers,” Sexual Coercion and Assault 2 (1984): 8–13.Google Scholar

^81. Carrow, Rape: Guidelines, 7.

^82. Gornick, Burt, and Pittman, “Structure and Activities of Rape Crisis Centers,” 250.

^83. Largen, “Grassroots Centers,” 50.

^84. Ibid.

^85. Brodyaga et al., Rape and Its Victims, 137.

^86. Matthews, Confronting Rape.

^87. New York Times, 5 August 1976.

^88. New York Times, 22 August 1976.

^89. Matthews, Confronting Rape.

^90. Largen, “Grassroots Centers,” 46–51; Matthews, Confronting Rape.

^91. Gornick, Burt, and Pittman, “Structure and Activities of Rape Crisis Centers.”

^92. U.S. Department of Justice, First Annual Report of the Justice improvement Act Agencies (Washington, D.C., 1980).Google Scholar

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^94. Notable in Figure 2 is a second peak near the end of the 1970s, reflecting the emergence of a new issue in the “sex crimes” category, marital rape. The 1978 Rideout case marked the emergence of marital rape in the public debate on rape; see also Cuklanz, Lisa M., Rape on Trial: How the Mass Media Construct Legal Reform and Social Change (Philadelphia, 1995)Google Scholar. More important, the emergence of marital rape as a public issue signaled a shift in public attention toward domestic violence, and away from violence against women occurring outside the home, including rape. Activists reframed their claims about rape in response to these changes.

^95. Matthews, Confronting Rape.

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