Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 October 2011
Beginning in the 1970s, historians and social scientists published a great deal on the birth-control movement in the United States, a subject that had been neglected. They were seeking perspective on the issues raised by profound changes in society that rendered problematic the gender system and family values of previous generations. It is no fluke that these scholars began to write the history of the effort to promote the separation of sex from procreation during the same decade that Congress removed contraception from the practices and information prohibited by the national obscenity laws (1971), and the Supreme Court ruled that married couples had a constitutionally protected right to practice contraception (1965), that the unmarried had a similar right of “privacy” (1972), and that pregnant women had the right to induced abortions performed by physicians during the first trimester of their pregnancies (1973). The Court's affirmation of a limited right to “abortion on demand” in Roe v. Wade followed a decade of intense political struggle and judicial action at the state level, and Justice Harry A. Blackmun, who wrote the majority opinion, was self-consciously attempting to forge a consensus in areas of human behavior and public policy where conflicts were literally lethal and threatened the social order. In turn, much of the vitality of the scholarship on reproductive history that coincides with changes in the law sprang from the self-consciousness of women.
1. Twelve states reformed their abortion laws between 1967 and 1975, with four permitting abortion virtually on request. In response, a nascent right-to-life movement mobilized coalitions of political fundamentalists opposed to reform or repeal of abortion laws, and a bitter struggle was launched between contending interests. Blackmun seems to have been personally moved by the agonies of women who had late trimester saline abortions performed by unskilled or callous practitioners.
For the social history that informed the emergence of an aggressive women's rights movement for legal abortion, see Reagan, Leslie Jean, “When Abortion Was a Crime: The Legal and Medical Regulation of Abortion, Chicago, 1880–1973” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1991)Google Scholar. For the legal history that led to the “right to privacy” doctrine and the decisions affirming the rights of individuals to control their fertility, see Garrow, David J., Liberty and Sexuality: The Right to Privacy and the Making of Roe v. Wade (New York, 1994)Google Scholar. Skolnick, Arlene, Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty (New York, 1991)Google Scholar, provides an analysis of the changes in social structure and the family that proved profoundly unsettling to many Americans.
2. Gordon's, LindaWoman's Body, Woman's Right: Birth Control in America (New York, 1976Google Scholar; rev. ed., 1990) is an influential example of the new feminist history. For review essays on the emerging scholarship by feminist historians, see Ryan, Mary P., “The Explosion of Family History,” Reviews in American History 10 (December 1982): 181–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Estelle B. Freedman, “Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America: Behavior, Ideology, and Politics,” ibid., 196–215; Elaine Tyler May, “Expanding the Past: Recent Scholarship on Women in Politics and Work,” ibid., 216–33; Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth, “Comment on the Reviews of Woman's Body, Woman's Right,” Signs 4 (Summer 1979): 804–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3. This account draws heavily on Reed, James, From Private Vice to Public Virtue: The Birth Control Movement and American Society Since 1830 (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, hereafter cited as Private Vice. For a defense of this approach to the history of the struggle for reproductive rights, see “Preface to the Princeton Edition” of Private Vice, published under the title The Birth Control Movement and American Society: From Private Vice to Public Virtue (Princeton, 1984)Google Scholar, and “Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian,” Journal of Social History 18 (March 1985): 383–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
4. Himes, Norman, Medical History of Contraception (Baltimore, 1936)Google Scholar; McLaren, Angus, A History of Contraception: From Antiquity to the Present Day (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar.
5. Reed, Private Vice, 6–7; McLaren, Angus, Birth Control in Nineteenth-Century England (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; Wells, Robert V., “Family Size and Fertility Control in Eighteenth-Century America: A Study of Quaker Families,” Population Studies 25:1 (1971): 73–82CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.
6. Reed, Private Vice, 19–33.
7. Wells, Robert, “Family History and Demographic Transition,” Journal of Social History 9 (1975): 1–19CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Meeker, Edward, “The Improving Health of the United States: 1850– 1915,” Explorations in Economic History 9 (1972): 353–73.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
8. Wells, Robert, Revolutions in Americans' Lives (Westport, Conn., 1982), 75–76Google Scholar; Cassedy, James H., Demography in Early America: Beginnings of the Statistical Mind, 1600–1800 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), 216–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stanton, William, The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward1 Race in America, 1815–1859 (Pittsburgh, 1960)Google Scholar; Horsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Angio-Saxonism (Cambridge, Mass., 1981)Google Scholar.
9. Reed, Private Vice, 198–201.
10. Mohr, James, Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolutions of National Policy (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; Smith-Rosenberg, Carol, “The Abortion Movement and the AMA, 1850–1880,” in Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (Oxford, 1985), 217–44.Google Scholar
11. Mohr, Abortion in America, 168.
12. Reed, Private Vice, 34–35.
13. Broun, Heywood and Leech, Margaret, Anthony Comstock: Rouandsman of the Lord (New York, 1927)Google Scholar; Johnson, R. Christian, “Anthony Comstock: Reform, Vice, and the American Way” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1973)Google Scholar; Pivar, David, Purity Crusade: Sexual Morality and Social Control, 1868–1900 (Westport, Conn., 1973)Google Scholar.
14. Smith, Daniel Scott, “Family Limitation, Sexual Control, and Domestic Feminism in Victorian America,” Feminist Studies 1 (1973): 40–57Google Scholar; Brodie, Janet F., Contraception and Abortion in 19th-Century America, (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994)Google Scholar.
15. Hale, Nathan, Freud and the Americans: The Beginnings of Psychoanalysis in the United States, 1876–1917 (New York, 1971), 116–50Google Scholar; Gosling, F. G., Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community, 1870–1910 (Urbana, 1987)Google Scholar.
16. Gordon, Woman's Body, 95–115. See also Spurlock, John, Free love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825–1860 (New York, 1988)Google Scholar. Lystra, Karen demonstrates that the celebration of erotic mutuality was characteristic of many nineteenth century Americans in Searching the Heart: Women, Men, and Romantic Love in Nineteenth Century America (New York, 1989)Google Scholar.
17. Reed, Private Vice, 3–18, 39–45, and “Doctors, Birth Control, and Social Values: 1830–1970,” in Vogel, Morris and Rosenberg, Charles, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine (Philadelphia, 1979), 109–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18. Reed, Private Vice, 201–2.
19. Hale, Freud and the Americans, Kett, Joseph, Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America (New York, 1977)Google Scholar.
20. Patten, Simon, in The New Basis of Civilization, ed. Fox, Daniel M. (Cambridge, Mass., 1968; 1st ed., 1907)Google Scholar.
21. Connelly, Mark, The Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era (Chapel Hill, 1980)Google Scholar.
22. Kinsey, Alfred et al. , Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (Philadelphia, 1953), 267–69, 300, 330–32.Google Scholar
23. Reiss, Ira L., Premarital Sexual Standards in America (Glencoe, III., 1960), 126–45, 183–92Google Scholar.
24. Reed, Private Vice, 54–63. For a critique of the new expressiveness, with emphasis upon the dangers that women faced with the decline of Victorian standards of self-denial, see White, Kevin, The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.
25. At this time only the most radical proponents of reproductive autonomy for women publicly defended induced abortion as a civil right. During the first half of the twentieth century, birth-control advocates often cited the high mortality and morbidity rates associated with illegal aboriton as justification for contraception. One of the most dramatic changes in the birth-control movement came in the 1960s, when tentative efforts to reform prohibitive abortion laws were suddenly replaced by strong demands that they be abolished, and the great majority of birth-control advocates aggressively defended abortion as a woman's right. Although the birth-control clinics of the 1930s sometimes provided aid to pregnant women who sought abortions, usually in the form of referral to sympathetic physicians, this assistance was offered at great risk of criminal prosecution. See Reed, Private Vice, 118–19.
26. The term “birth control” was coined by Otto Bobsein, a friend of Margaret Sanger, and printed for the first time in the fourth issue of Sanger's radical journal, The Woman Rebel (June 1914). See Chester, Ellen, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York, 1992), 97Google Scholar. Sanger has had numerous biographers, and both Reed and Gordon devote considerable attention to her in their histories of the birth-control movement, but Chesler's work is the most complete interpretation of Sanger's career.
27. Reed, Private Vice, 130–34.
28. Haller, Mark H., Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes in American Thought (New Brunswick, 1963)Google Scholar; Ludmerer, Kenneth M., Genetics and American Society (Baltimore, 1972)Google Scholar; Lorimer, Frank and Osborn, Frederick, Dynamics of Population: Social and Biological Significance of the Changing Birth Rate in the United States (New York, 1934)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Osborn, Frederick, Preface to Eugenics, rev. ed. (New York, 1951)Google Scholar; Notestein, Frank W., “Demography in the United States: A Partial Account of the Development of the Field,” Population and Development Review 8:4 (1982): 651–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Burnham, John C., “Medical Specialists and the Movement Toward Social Control in the Progressive Era: Three Examples,” in Israel, Jerry, ed., Building the Organizational Society (New York, 1971)Google Scholar; Reed, Private Vice, part 3, “Robert L. Dickinson and the Committee on Maternal Health,” 143–93; Interview with Howard Taylor Jr., 27 April 1971, New York City; Alan F. Guttmacher, “Memoirs,” autobiographical manuscript, Allan F. Guttmacher Papers, Countway Library of Medicine, Boston.
29. Grob, Gerald N., Mental Illness and American Society, 1875–1940 (Princeton, 1983), 166–78Google Scholar; Paul, Julius, “Population ‘Quality’ and ‘Fitness for Parenthood’ in the Light of State Eugenic Sterilization Experience, 1907–1966,” Population Studies 21 (1967): 295–99Google Scholar; Reilly, Philip R., The Surgical Solution: A History of Involuntary Sterilization in the United States (Baltimore, 1991)Google Scholar; Reed, James, “Misguided Scientism,” Science 252 (28 June 1991): 1863.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
I do not mean to imply that eugenic sterilizations were ethically insignificant. They are a tragic fact of American medical and social history. The point is that the eugenics program would have required millions of sterilizations in order to have any statistically significant impact upon the gene pool of fertile citizens of the United States.
30. Samelson, Franz, “On the Science and Politics of IQ,” Social Research 42 (1975): 467–88Google Scholar; “World War I Intelligence Testing and the Development of Psychology,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 13 (1977): 274–82.3.0.CO;2-K>CrossRefGoogle Scholar
31. Chesler, Woman of Valor, 74–242.
32. The Birth Control Clinical Research Bureau was opened with funds that Sanger solicited from Clinton Chance, a British manufacturer, and it was not legally affiliated with the American Birth Control League because, as a membership corporation, the league could not operate a medical dispensary, and, as usual, Sanger's plans seemed too bold to other leaders of the ABCL. Once Sanger demonstrated that a birth-control clinic could stay open, this form of service became one of the principal activities of the ABCL and its successors. Reed, Private Vice, 112–20.
33. Dennett, Mary Ware, Birth Control Laws (New York, 1926)Google Scholar. For example, see Gordon, Woman's Body, 370–90, and Rothman, Sheila M., Woman's Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practices, 1870 to the Present (New York, 1978), 200–209.Google Scholar
Probably the fundamental influence on Sanger's feminist critics of the 1970s was the women's health movement. As the sociologist and feminist Dixon-Mueller, Ruth observed in Population Policy and Women's Rights (Westport, Conn., 1993)Google Scholar, “The feminist critique of the ‘medicalization’ of birth control focused on two related issues: the health risks and neglect of women's interests in the development of new birth control technology, and the appropriation of technology and service delivery by physicians” (47). I think that Gordon's and Rothman's treatments of Sanger's relationship with the medical profession provide an example of how presentist concerns sometimes lead to distorted interpretations of the past. See Reed, , “Public Policy on Human Reproduction and the Historian,” Journal of Social History 18 (March 1985): 383–98.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
34. Reed, Private Vice, 98–105.
35. This opportunism, pragmatism, or plain dishonesty was characteristic of Sanger and accounts for the considerable confusion that exists concerning her positions on many issues, and especially her relationship to the eugenics movement, other feminists, and the medical establishment. See Jensen, Joan M., “The Evolution of Margaret Sanger's Family Limitation Pamphlet, 1914–1921,” Signs 6 (1981): 548–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reed, Private Vice, 129–39, and Chesler, Woman of Valor, passim.
36. Probably the most important single medical publication in the history of contraception was Hannah Stone's 1928 monograph demonstrating the effectiveness of the diaphragm-with-spermicidal-jelly regimen. It proved amazingly difficult to collect this data and to get it published. This accomplishment owed much to Hannah Stone and Robert L. Dickinson, but Sanger also deserved a great deal of credit, and this kind of achievement depended upon her opportunism in comparison to Dennett's hard-line civil liberties strategy. See Reed, Private Vice, 115–16, 167–80, and Hannah Stone, “Therapeutic Contraception,” Medical Journal and Record (21 May 1928): 8–17.
37. “Congressional Report: January 1 to May 1, 1926,” American Birth Control League papers, Houghton Library, Cambridge, Mass.; Reed, Private Vice, 100–104.
38. Dienes, C. Thomas, Law, Politics, and Birth Control (Urbana, 1972), 82–83, 89–91, 104–15, 195–96Google Scholar; Chesler, Woman of Valor, 373–76.
39. Reed, Private Vice, 187–90.
40. Kinsey gathered data on contraceptive practice but did not publish it. It is available in Reed, Private Vice, 124–26.
41. Ibid., 114–28.
42. D. Kenneth Rose, quoted in ibid., 265.
43. Hansen, Alfred, “Economic Progress and Declining Population Growth,” American Economic Review 29 (March 1939): 1–15Google Scholar; Myrdal, Gunnar, Population: A Problem for Democracy (Cambridge, Mass., 1940), 18–19, 22, 24, 57–58, 102–3, 105Google Scholar; Riesman, David, The Lonely Crowd: A Study in the Changing American Character (New Haven, 1950), 7–31.Google Scholar
44. Reed, Private Vice, 239–56.
45. Beebe, Gilbert, Contraception and Fertility in the Southern Appalachians (Baltimore, 1942)Google Scholar; Reed, Private Vice, 247–56.
46. Freedman, Ronald et al. , Family Planning, Sterility, and Population Growth (New York, 1959), 62, 168, 257, 402.Google Scholar
47. Commonweal, 12 September 1958, 583. Quoted in Littlewood, Thomas, The Politics of Population Control (Notre Dame, Ind.), 22–24Google Scholar. For the biography of one influential Roman Catholic birth-control advocate, see McLaughlin, Loretta, The Pill, John Rock, and the Church (Boston, 1982).Google Scholar
48. Gardner, James F. Jr., “Microbes and Morality: The Social Hygiene Crusade in New York City, 1892–1917” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1973)Google Scholar; Aberle, Sophie and Corner, George W., Twenty-Five Years of Sex Research: History of the National Research Council Committee for Research in Problems of Sex, 1922–1947 (Philadelphia, 1953)Google Scholar; Hall, Diana Long, “Biology, Sex Hormones, and Sexism in the 1920s,” Philosophical Forum 5 (1973–74): 81–96.Google Scholar
49. Reed, Private Vice, 202–8; Hodgson, Dennis, “The Ideological Origins of the Population Association of America,” Population and Development Review 17 (March 1991): 1–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
50. Notestein, Frank, “Differential Fertility According to Social Class,” Journal of the American Statistical Association 25 (March 1930): 9–32.Google Scholar
51. Hodgson, Dennis G., “Demographic Transition Theory and the Family Planning Perspective: The Evolution of Theory Within American Demography” (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1976)Google Scholar; idem, “Demography as Social Science and Policy Science,” Population and Development Review 9 (March 1983): 1–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
52. Notestein, Frank W., “Summary of the Demographic Background of Problems of Underdeveloped Areas,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 26 (July 1948): 250, 252CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Quoted in Reed, Private Vice, 282.
53. For Rockefeller's biography, see Harr, John E. and Johnson, Peter J., The Rockefeller Century (New York, 1988)Google Scholar, and The Rockefeller Conscience: An American Family in Public and in Private (New York, 1991)Google Scholar.
54. Frederick Osborn to James Reed, 2 May 1973; quoted in Reed, Private Vice, 287.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid., 286–88.
57. Ibid., 303–8.
58. James Reed interview with Frank Notestein, 12 August 1974, Princeton. Quoted in Reed, Private Vice, 307.
59. Pincus, Gregory, The Control of Fertility (New York, 1965), 5–6.Google Scholar
60. Reed, Private Vice, 309–66; Djerassi, Carl, “The Chemical History of the Pill,” in The Politics of Contraception (New York, 1979), 227–55Google Scholar; McFayden, R., “Thalidomide in America: A Brush with Tragedy,” Clio Medica 11 (1976): 79–93.Google Scholar
61. Back, Kurt W. provides a substantial discussion of the multiple demographic studies and population-control pilot projects that were the empirical basis for the acceptance of birth control in public health and economic development plans in Family Planning and Population Control: The Challenges of a Successful Movement (Boston, 1989), 77–110Google Scholar. See also Sharpless, John B., “The Rockefeller Foundation, the Population Council, and the Groundwork for New Population Policies,” Rockefeller Archive Center Newsletter (Fall 1993): 1–4.Google Scholar
62. Reed, Private Vice, 303–4.
63. Barnett, Larry D., “Zero Population Growth, Inc.,” Bioscience 21 (1971): 759–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “Zero Population Growth, Inc.: A Second Study,” Journal of Biosocial Science 6 (1974): 1–24.Google Scholar
64. Filene, Peter, Himself/Herself: Sex Roles in Modern America (New York, 1974), 177–232Google Scholar; Braverman, Harry, Labor and Monopoly Capitalism (New York, 1974), 271–83Google Scholar; Evans, Sara, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York, 1979)Google Scholar. On Sanger's alienation from Alexander Berkman and Big Bill Haywood, see Reed, Private Vice, 76–78.
65. Morris Ernst, quoted in Dienes, Law Politics and Birth Control, 114 n. 29.
66. Garrow, Liberty and Sexuality, 233–69, 457, 473–599.
67. Piotrow, Phyllis T., World Population Crisis: The United States Response (New York, 1973), 129, 153, 154, 103–11.Google Scholar
68. The high tide of public support for family planning programs was reached in the early 1970s, when Louisiana, a poor state with a particularly reactionary social order, witnessed the growth of a comprehensive effort to provide reproductive health services to poor women under the auspices of federal and foundation grants. By 1974 the Louisiana Family Health Foundation had begun to collapse and its leader, pediatrician and Tulane Medical School professor Joseph Beasley, went to jail for misuse of grant funds. This tragic story illustrates the barriers to social justice for women, which would become higher in the 1980s. See Ward, Martha, Poor Women, Powerful Men: America's Great Experiment in Family Planning (Boulder, Colo., 1986).Google Scholar
69. “Message from The President of the United States Relative to Population Growth,” House of Representatives, 91st Cong., 1st sess., Document No. 91–139 (Washington, D.C., 1979), 9.
70. U.S. Commission on Population Growth and the American Future, Population and the American Future (New York, 1972)Google Scholar; Harr and Johnson, The Rockefeller Conscience, 395–420.
71. Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women s Rights, 66–78.
72. Shapiro, Thomas M., Population Control Politics: Women, Sterilization, and Reproductive Choice (Philadelphia, 1985)Google Scholar; Reed, James, “Misconstruing Social Change,” Family Planning Perspectives 19 (March–April 1987): 89–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gordon, Woman's Body (rev. ed., 1990), 436.
73. Vinovskis, Maris A., An “Epidemic” of Adolescent Pregnancy? Some Historical and Policy Considerations (New York, 1988)Google Scholar; Solinger, Rickie, Wake Up Little Susie: Single Pregnancy and Race Before Roe v. Wade (New York, 1992), 205–31Google Scholar; Gordon, Woman's Body (rev. ed., 1990), 386–488; Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights, passim.