The unsatisfactory nature of the frontiers between the independent African states is widely stressed, and provides an additional argument for those who would like to see a regrouping of the African scene in terms of larger political units. This short article discusses the boundary between Ghana and Togo—a classic example (it might be thought) of colonial division calling for early revision along rational lines. It was demarcated between Britain and France some 40 years ago: now African governments have come into existence on both sides under leaders who have given their support at one time or another to Pan-African movements for closer union. The alternative is likely to be constant friction, the interruption of trade, the harbouring of refugees seeking a base from which to continue a struggle already lost in their own country, and accusations by the party leaders in Ghana and Togo that these refugee organisations are actively sponsored by the Lomé or Accra governments. These unhappy consequences are indeed present today following the independence of Ghana in 1957 and Togo in 1960; and it is worth enquiring why they should have come about, in view of the great advantages which it is generally assumed would flow from a more cordial, open association between the two republics. In January 1963, the assassination of Sylvanus Olympio added a further, tragic element to the problem, although whether the coup d'état which installed a new, quasi-military government in Lome will materially alter the relationship between Ghana and Togo remains to be seen.

Somali attitudes towards Pan-Africanism, and more particularly towards the federation of African states, have to be understood in relation to the very special conditions of the Horn of Africa. It will be necessary therefore to begin this survey with a few general remarks about the Somali Peninsula and the special characteristics of Somali nationalism.

The absence of an efficient framework of economic institutions is frequently regarded as a major hindrance to the effective carrying out of economic policies, particularly in development planning2. However, rather little attention has been paid to the possibilities and problems of multi-purpose economic institutions, designed for the joint promotion of several government policies at the same time. This gap is particularly noticeable and particularly crucial in regard to Africa. To date, there have been several African examples of multi-purpose institutions, although these have not necessarily been intended as such originally. Set up to fulfil one or two main purposes, they have come to serve a multitude of aims as the need arose, and in doing so have demonstrated a considerable degree of institutional flexibility. Their example might well be deliberately followed in future.

The British Protectorate of Zanzibar, comprising the two islands of Zanzibar and Pemba and a number of small adjacent islands, is progressing from Protectorate status towards self-government. In strict constitutional terms, Zanzibar is a multi-racial state with an Arab Sultan under the protection of the Government of Great Britain. Though the concept of protectorate implies a limited domestic role on the part of the protecting power, Great Britain has—through usage, agreement, and concession—come to occupy a position of decisive ascendancy within Zanzibar. The present policy of the British administration is to devolve full political power into local hands through a process of constitutional development which will result in a fully representative system of government. This policy has expressed itself in Zanzibar, as elsewhere in the British African territories, in the expansion of the unofficial side of the Legislative Council, in the gradual replacement of nominated and ex-officio members of the Legislative Council by members chosen on the basis of nation-wide common roll elections, and in the introduction of a ministerial system, which is now to be followed by internal self-government.

In examining the question of the unification of laws in East Africa, we must bear in mind that we are faced with two distinct problems: on the one hand, territorial unification of the different types of law prevailing within each territory; and on the other, inter-territorial unification as between the systems of law in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika.

In 1959 the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London received a grant from the Nuffield Foundation to finance a comprehensive plan for the systematic recording and restatement of African customary law. The Project was an ambitious one, aiming to cover 16 countries in Anglophonic Africa, containing several hundred different bodies of customary law. Although limited in the first instance to the law relating to marriage, the family, land tenure, and succession, this is still an enormous undertaking. After a rather slow start, the Project is now well under way, and the appearance in print of its first major publication1 affords a convenient opportunity for an assessment of its methods, aims, and progress to date.

Although many scholars scoff and old hands grow exasperated, Africanists refuse to stop trying to ‘introduce’ the politics of Africa to the uninitiated. Doubtless some of this effort is sustained by visions of cash customers, laymen, and students, eager to state the curiosities awakened by the great changes that have transformed the continent since 1955. As the revolution shows few signs of losing momentum, the prospects are rather dim for any immediate shrinkage in the mass market. But a purely exploitative interest should not mask the basic importance of a reliable guide to the dynamics of political reconstruction in Africa today.

The 6th Section of l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes is devoted to teaching and research in the economic and social sciences, Although recently established, this section has the most professors (called directors of studies )and the greatest number of research centers, of which the African Studies Centre is one. It was organised out of the first ‘Directorship of Studies in the Sociology of Black Africa’ established in 1954 under G. Balandier During succeeding years, four new directors of studies—and one associate director—were appointed, besides others in charge of courses and practical work. The Centre is thus effectively equipped for work of various kinds, which includes teaching and the initiation of research.

This Program is one of the five area studies operating in conjunction with the School of International Affairs at Columbia. It consists entirely of graduate work, and offers a Certificate in African Studies, which must be taken together with a post-graduate degree; this normally requires two years' residence at the University. The aim is to educate a limited number of highly qualified graduate students concerning the peoples and problems of tropical Africa especially, and to give them knowledge in depth of a particular area of the continent. Through this training, students will be prepared for careers dealing with African political, social, and economic affairs. The program also hopes to perform a national service by increasing American understanding of our relations with the new states of Africa.

This Institute came into being in order to provide information on Africa and its problems for official institutions, private organisations, and the general public throughout Scandinavia. It functions as a part of the University of Uppsala, but has its own board of governors and its own budget. The need for such a centre was first discussed in the Swedish Parliament in 1961; the matter was then referred to a Royal Commission which at the time was dealing with Swedish aid to under-developed countries, in particular with the recruitment and training of technical assistance experts.

This seminar was held in accordance with a resolution of the third session of the Economic Commission for Africa, which sponsored it jointly with the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations; it was the first U.N. activity in the field of public administration in Africa. The participants included representatives from 17 African countries, and from the following specialised organisations: F.A.O., I.C.A.O., I.L.O., W.H.O., E.C.A., and the International Union of Local Authorities.

This Colloquium on the Politics of Development and Different African Ways to Socialism was attended by delegates from 16 African countries, and observers from several others. They included such distinguished Africans as the Senegalese President, Léopold Sédar Senghor, who acted as host, and the Premier, Mamadou Dia; Jacques Rabemananjara, Malagasy Minister of Economic Planning; Auguste Anfuille, Gabon Minister of National Education; Mohamed El Moktar Marouf, Mauritainan Minister of Economic Planning; Asséfa Demisse, Ethiopian Deputy Minister of Finance; Boubou Hama, President of the National Assembly of Niger; Abdelmajed Chaker, Tunisian Scretary of Agriculture; Dr S. O. Biobaku, Pro-Vice Chancellor of the University of Ife, Nigeria; Osman Ahmed Hassen Somali Ambassador to France; and Namamodou Diakité Guinean Ambassdor to Senegal.

To this American, some aspects of the Dakar colloquium were curiously nostalgic and unreal. They were reminiscent of the discussions of left-wing intellectuals in the early thirties—in the U.S. at least—when any proposed solution of a pressing social, economic, or political problem had first to be blessed by the appropriate ideological rationale or actually couched in ideological terms. The compulsion to make obeisance to socialist ideology before getting down to discussion of the concrete problems confronting African countries was apparent in many of the addresses. At the same time the discussion of the problems themselves and the solutions proposed frequently bore little relation to socialist ideology. Non-socialists might very well have discussed them in exactly the same terms and come up with the same conclusions or solutions.

President Nkrumah, in opening this Congress in the Great Hall of the University of Ghana, called for the objective scientific study of Africa. He urged: ‘While some of us are engaged with the political unification of Africa, Africanists everywhere must also help in building the spiritual and cultural foundations of the unity of our continent.’ This appeal had in a sense already been answered by the arrival of scholars from nearly every State in Africa.

Over 50 people attended this seminar, organised by the Department of Natural Sciences of U.N.E.S.C.O., including 32 specialists from 22 African university institutions. Documents had previously been submitted by each participating country, summarising the following data on science faculties: numbers of lecturers and students, capacity of departments, facilities for teaching and research, and development plans. The working languages were English and French; simultaneous interpretation was provided. The seminar was conducted mainly in plenary sessions; papers written mostly by U.N.E.S.C.O. consultants served as bases for discussing the teaching of specific subjects (mathematics, physics, geology, chemistry, and biology), the emphasis throughout being on first-year university work. More general topics included co-operation between university and government, and between African countries in science teaching.

C.C.T.A. combined this formal Session, attended by representatives of the member governments, with meetings of its Administrative Committee and its technical assistance organ, the Foundation for Mutual Assistance in Africa (F.A.M.A.). This year's Administrative Committee meeting was notable as the first presided over by the new secretary-general, M Mamoudou Touré, formerly Mauritanian Ambassador in Paris. Delegates warmly welcomed the first African to hold the post, as well as paying tribute to the energetic guidance of his predecessor, M C. Cheysson. Two new member governments, Rwanda and Uganda, were welcomed, and Ghana resumed its place in the Commission, showing a desire to co-operate fully in its activities. There are now 25 African States as full members. The delegates elected as their chairman for the Session Mr A. Z. N. Swai, Minister without Portfolio in the Tanganyika Government, whose business-like approach enabled the agenda to be disposed of on time but without undue hurry.

This Program of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology was conceived in January 1960 as a means for bringing well-trained, working-level assistance to development institutions at a time of acute need. The aim was to aid a few African governments by recruiting to their service exceptionally able young Americans whose education is directly relevant to problems facing these governments. A corollary objective was to expose these promising graduates to front-line experience within African institutions, in the belief (i) that such men and their wives would present a favourable image of highquality young Americans, (ii) that they would mature rapidly through responsible action in the actual business of economic planning and development, and (iii) that upon completing a two-year tour in Africa they would form a promising pool of talent for meeting the manifold needs of the United States in its role towards emerging Africa.