Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
Given the socio-political and economic changes that have taken place since independence nearly 30 years ago, the Kenya African National Union (Kanu) Government has been remarkably slow to acknowledge the significance of those small-scale business activities popularly referred to as ‘Jua Kali’—Swahili for ‘hot sun’, since hardly any enjoy the benefit of either adequate shade or shelter.
1 See Macharia, Kinuthia, ‘The Role of Social Networks and the State in the Informal Sector: the case of Nairobi, Kenya’, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley, 1989.Google Scholar
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3 Ibid.
4 East African Statistical Department, African Population of Kenya Colony and Protectorate: geographical and tribal studies (Nairobi, 1950).Google Scholar
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6 Ibid. p. 64.
7 Cf. White, Luise, The Comforts of Home: prostitution in colonial Nairobi (Chicago, 1990).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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11 Macharia, Kinuthia, ‘The State and the Informal Sector in Nairobi, Kenya’, 33rd Annual African Studies Association Meeting. Baltimore, Maryland, 2 November 1990.Google Scholar
12 Cf. Jackson, Robert H. and Rosberg, Carl G., Personal Rule in Black Africa: prince, autocrat, prophet, tyrant (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1982).Google Scholar
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14 Republic of Kenya, Sessional Paper No. 1 of 1986 on Economic Management for Renewed Growth (Nairobi, 1986), p. 1.Google Scholar
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18 Weekly Review, 8 June 1990.
19 Ibid.
20 Sunday Nation and Sunday Standard (Nairobi), 2 December 1990.Google Scholar
21 ‘Demolition of Kibagare’, in Weekly Review, 30 November 1990.Google Scholar
22 Legal Notice No. 89 of [1 June] 1973.
23 Weekly Review, 27 March 1992.
24 See Perlman, Janice, The Myth of Marginality: urban poverty and politics in Rio de Janeiro (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) for a case-study in Latin America of the myth that the troublemakers are residents of shanty towns.Google Scholar