^{Page 97 note 1} See, for instance, the comparative studies of such ‘affinity in office and function between kingship and priesthood’, in James, E. O., The Nature and Function of Priesthood: a comparative and anthropological study (London, 1961), ch. IV.Google Scholar

^{Page 97 note 2} Cf. ancient Rome, where, in spite of the continual importation of foreign cults, religious organisation seemed conterminous with the secular polity: ‘The gods of the Romans were not jealous gods. They were too serenely secure in their own position sensitively to resent intrusion on their domain.’ Merrill, Elmer T., Essays in Early Christian History (London, 1924), p. 35.Google Scholar

^{Page 97 note 3} The order banning the Society's activities is contained in Malawi Gazette Supplement (Blantyre), 20 10 1967.Google Scholar

^{Page 98 note 1} The historical background of American millenarianism is discussed in Ira Brown, V., ‘Watchers for the Second Coming: the millennial tradition in America’, in Mississippi Valley Historical Review (Lincoln, Nebraska), xxix, 3, 1952, pp. 441–58Google Scholar. On the Miller movement, see especially Nichol, Francis D., The Midnight Cry (Washington, 1944).Google Scholar

^{Page 98 note 2} This view of history is elaborated in an article entitled ‘What has God's Kingdom Been Doing since 1914?’, in The Watchiower (Brooklyn), 15 10 1966, pp. 613–26.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 1} The Society's conception of ‘religion’ has been historically ambiguous. Originally the Witnesses equated ‘religion’ with demonism, but the present position is that ‘religion’ can be true or false. See What has Religion Done for Mankind? (Brooklyn, Watch Tower Society, 1951).Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 2} Cf. Let God be True (Brooklyn, Watch Tower Society, 1952), p. 111.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 3} See Life Everlasting in Freedom of the Sons of God (Brooklyn, Watch Tower Society, 1966), pp. 157–87Google Scholar. The sociological implications are discussed in Sprague, Theodore W., ‘Some Notable Features in the Authority Structure of a Sect’, in Social Forces (Chapel Hill, N.C.), XXI, 3, 1943, pp. 344–50.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 4} The Watchtower, 1 01 1969, p. 25.Google Scholar

^{Page 99 note 5} On the doctrines of the Society, see especially Let God be True. See also McKinney, G. D., The Theology of the Jehovah's Witnesses (Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1962)Google Scholar; Stroup, H. H., The Jehovah's Witnesses (New York, 1945)Google Scholar; and Pike, E. R., Jehovah's Witnesses (London, 1954).Google Scholar

^{Page 100 note 1} What do Jehovah's Witnesses Believe? (Watch Tower tract, n.d.), p. 4.Google Scholar

^{Page 101 note 1} This point is made especially in Babylon the Great has Fallen! (Brooklyn, Watch Tower Society, 1963), pp. 530–56Google Scholar; and in a more recent article, ‘An Abortive Attempt to Establish a New World Order’, in The Watchtower, 15 02 1967, pp. 120–5.Google Scholar

^{Page 101 note 2} This suggestion is made in Life Everlasting in Freedom of the Sons of God, especially pp. 28–35. For the views of a former Jehovah's Witness concerning the 1975 date, see Stevenson, W. C., Year of Doom, 1975: the story of Jehovah's Witnesses (London, 1967).Google Scholar

^{Page 101 note 3} Zion's Watch Tower (Brooklyn), 15 02 1907, pp. 3, 942–3Google Scholar. Joseph Booth's evangelical labours, especially in Malawi (then Nyasaland), and his involvements in theJohn Chilembwe native uprising in that country in 1915, are extensively discussed in Shepperson, George and Price, T., Independent African (Edinburgh, 1958).Google Scholar

^{Page 101 note 4} ‘An Adventist Propaganda’, in Livingstonia News (Livingstone, Malawi), 04 1909, p. 24.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 1} MacMinn, R. D., ‘The first Wave of Ethiopianism in Central Africa’, in Livingstonia News, 08 1909, p. 58.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 2} Cf. Hooker, J. R., ‘Witnesses and Watchtower in the Rhodesias and Nyasaland’, in The Journal of African History (Cambridge), vi, I, 1965, p. 99.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 3} Cf. Rotberg, R. I., The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: the making of Malawi and Zambia, 1873–1964 (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), p. 136.Google Scholar

^{Page 102 note 4} Letter of 10 April 1919 from District Commissioner, Kasama, to Goddall; file no. KSL. 1/2/1. This and subsequent file numbers cited are from the National Archives of Zambia.

^{Page 102 note 5} Although date-fixing is an integral part of the theological baggage of the Watch Tower sect, I have not been able to discover any official Watch Tower writing which specifically dated the end of the world for 13 December 1918.

^{Page 103 note 1} See especially R. I. Rotberg, op. cit. pp. 135 ff.; Quick, Griffith, ‘Some Aspects of the African Watch Tower Movement in Northern Rhodesia’, in International Review of Missions (Geneva), xxix, 04 1940, pp. 216–26Google Scholar; Ian Cunnison, ‘A Watchtower Assembly in Central Africa’, ibid. XL, October 1951, pp. 456–69; and Watson, William, Tribal Cohesion in a Money Economy: a study of the Mambwe people of Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1958), passim.Google Scholar

^{Page 103 note 2} Tom Nyirenda's religious adventures are examined in detail in von Hoffman, Carl, Jungle Gods (London, 1929), pp. 42–67Google Scholar. Throughout the court proceedings, he maintained that it was scripturally legitimate, and indeed imperative, to kill witches.

^{Page 103 note 3} The movement sought to dissociate itself from the witch-hunting murders of Nyirenda, with a booklet entitled The Watchtower Story (Brooklyn, 1948).Google Scholar

^{Page 104 note 1} Northern Rhodesia Proclamation No. 28 of 1921 (Livingstone, 1921).Google Scholar

^{Page 104 note 2} It was not in Zambia alone that the colonial authorities prohibited witchcraft activities, although the Bamucapi itinerant witch-finders of 1934–5 in that country made the Government there very sensitive to Africans' perennial fears. See, on this, Richards, Audrey I., ‘A Modern Movement of Witch-Finders’, in Africa (London), VII, 4, 1935, pp. 448–61Google Scholar; Browne, G. St J. Orde, ‘Witchcraft and the Law’, in African Observer (Bulawayo), VI, 6, 1937, pp. 3–7Google Scholar; and Frank Melland, ‘The Problem of Witchcraft’, ibid. 5, 3, 1934, pp. 13–18.

^{Page 104 note 3} Some of the preachers taught that ‘Christ's second coming was going to take place in 1930, when Lake Mweru would boil and the Europeans of the district be cast into it’. Taylor, J. V. and Lehmann, Dorothea, Christians of the Copperbelt (London, 1961), p. 229.Google Scholar

^{Page 104 note 4} Letter of 21 July 1924 from Magistrate, Fort Jameson, to Native Commissioner, Petauke. KSY. /4/1.

^{Page 104 note 5} Letter of 25 August 1925 from Magistrate, Broken Hill, to Assistant Magistrate, Ndola. KSN. 1/4/1.

^{Page 105 note 1} Letter of 9 October 1924 from D. P. Laurie, Nyanje, to Native Commissioner, Petauke. KSY. 1/4/1.

^{Page 105 note 2} Letter of 6 September 1925 from Father Siemienski, Broken Hill, to J. R. Fell. CC. 1//1/6.

^{Page 105 note 3} Letter of 20 June 1924 from Malcolm Moffat to J. R. Fell. CC. 1/1/7.

^{Page 105 note 4} Letters of 10 September 1924 from Thomas Walder to the Native Churches of Watchtower, and of 7 April 1925 from Watch Tower Society, South African Branch, to J. D. Tembo. KSM. 3/1/3.

^{Page 105 note 5} Stokes: Lealue Tour Report No. 3 of 1934; and Confidential Minute of 27 September 1934 from Jalland to the Chief Secretary, Livingstone. ZA. 1/9.

^{Page 105 note 6} Letter of 28 October from South African Branch of the Watch Tower Society to Joshua Mbewe, Broken Hill. B. 1/4/ED/2.

^{Page 106 note 1} Letter of 1 November 1934 from Hall, Zomba, to the Chief Secretary, Livingstone. B. 1/4/ED/2.

^{Page 106 note 2} Various accusations were levelled against the Witnesses during the enquiry into this industrial strike. See, for instance, Northern Rhodesia, Evidence Taken by Commission Appointed to Enquire into the Disturbances in the Copperbelt, July–September 1935 (London, 1935), 3 vols.Google Scholar

^{Page 106 note 3} The Watchtower, 1 01 1969, p.25.Google Scholar

^{Page 106 note 4} Estimates based on figures published in The Watchtower, 1 January 1968.

^{Page 107 note 1} The effects of institutionalisation on the dynamics of religious movements have been analysed in O'Dea, Thomas F., ‘Five Dilemmas in the Institutionalization of Religion’, in Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (Wetteren, Belgium), 1, 1961, pp. 32–9Google Scholar. See also Niebuhr, H. R., The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Connecticut, 1954)Google Scholar.

^{Page 107 note 2} For a recent specification of the typology of religious movements, see Wilson, B. R., ‘An Analysis of Sect Development’, in Wilson, B. R. (ed.), Patterns of Sectarianism (London, 1967), pp. 22–45Google Scholar. See also Berger, Peter L., ‘The Sociological Study of Sectarianism’, in Social Research (New York), XXI, 1954, pp. 467–85.Google Scholar

^{Page 107 note 3} On the notion of ‘contraculture’, see Yinger, J. M., ‘Contraculture and Subculture’, in American Sociological Review (Washington, D.C.), XXV, 5, 1960, pp. 625–35.Google Scholar

^{Page 107 note 4} James, I, 27.

^{Page 108 note 1} For a study of some of these groups, see Holloway, Mark, Heavens on Earth: Utopian communities in America 1680–1880 (London, 1951).Google Scholar

^{Page 109 note 1} Gilbert, Arthur, ‘Religious Freedom and Social Change in a Pluralistic Society: a historical review,’ in Religion and the Public Order (Chicago), II, 1964, p. 111Google Scholar. For a fuller discussion of the Witnesses' court cases in America on the flag question, see Manwaring, David R., Render unto Caesar: the flag salute controversy (Chicago, 1962).Google Scholar

^{Page 109 note 2} See, for instance: Cohn, Werner, ‘Jehovah's Witnesses as a Proletarian Movement’, in American Scholar (Washington, D.C.), xxiv, 3, 1955, pp. 281–98Google Scholar; Seguy, Jean, “Messianisme etéchec social: les témoins de Jehovah’, in Archives de sociologie des religions (Paris), 21, 1966, pp. 89–99Google Scholar; and Bram, Joseph, ‘Jehovah's Witnesses and the Values of American Culture’, in Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences (New York), Series II, xix, I, 1956, pp. 47–54.Google Scholar

^{Page 109 note 3} Henschel, M. G., ‘Who are Jehovah's Witnesses?’, in Rosten, Leo (ed.), Religions of America (London, 1957), p. 61.Google Scholar

^{Page 109 note 4} Czatt, M. S., The International Bible Students, Jehovah's Witnesses (Scottdale, Pa., 1933), p. 28Google Scholar. See also W. C. Stevenson, op. cit. pp. 157–71, ‘Society within Society’.

^{Page 110 note 1} M. S. Czatt, op. cit. p. 25. Cf. Braden, Charles S., These also Believe (New York, 1949), pp. 358–84.Google Scholar

^{Page 110 note 2} The relationship between religious prophetism and African nationalism has been discussed, for instance, by Shepperson, G., ‘Ethiopianism and African Nationalism’, in Phylon (Atlanta), XIV, I, 1953, pp. 9–18Google Scholar; Ranger, T. O., ‘The Early History of Independency in Southern Rhodesia’, in ‘Religion in Africa’ (proceedings of a seminar held in the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 1964, mimeo.), pp. 52–74Google Scholar; and R. I. Rotberg, op. Cit.

^{Page 110 note 3} James, C. L. R., A History of Negro Revolt (London, 1938), p. 83.Google Scholar

^{Page 111 note 1} Republic of Zambia, Statutory Instrument No. 310 of 1966 (Lusaka).Google Scholar

^{Page 111 note 2} Daily Graphic (Accra), 17 02 1964.Google Scholar

^{Page 111 note 3} Times of Zambia (Ndola), 25 10 1966.Google Scholar

^{Page 112 note 1} Ibid. 25 June 1966.

^{Page 112 note 2} Shillito, Edward, Nationalism: man's other religion (London, 1933)Google Scholar. In Africa, this problem is particularly acute because, despite their convergence as weapons in the early phases of African nationalism, the goals of spiritual milenarianism and of the technological millennium have lately tended to diverge.