¹ See, for example, the work of the new French Africanist school, known as ‘Popular Modes of Political Action’, in particular Bayart, Jean-François, L'État en Afrique: la politique du ventre (Paris, 1989).Google Scholar

² Durkheim, Émile, Les Règles de la méthode sociologique (Paris, 1986), pp. 5–13.Google Scholar

³ Coulon, Christian, ‘Les Itinéraires politiques de l'Islam au Nord Nigeria’, in Jean-François, Bayart (ed.), Les Mediations religieuses en Afrique noire (Paris, 1991).Google Scholar

⁴ Ekeh, Peter, ‘Colonialism and Social Structure’, Inaugural Lecture, University of Ibadan, 1983, p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵ Ekeh, Peter, ‘Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: a theoretical statement’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History (Cambridge), 17, 1975, pp. 91–112.Google Scholar

⁶ Sunday New Nigerian (Kaduna), 23 10 1988.Google Scholar

⁷ Federal Government of Nigeria, Report of the Political Bureau (Lagos, 1987), Vol. 2, pp. 460–1.Google Scholar

⁸ Ilogu, C. E., ‘The Religious Situation in Nigeria Today: a sociological analysis’, in Présence africaine (Paris), 96, 4, 1975, p. 516.Google Scholar

⁹ Probst, Peter, ‘The Letter and the Spirit: literacy and religious authority in the history of the Aladura movement in Western Nigeria’, in Africa (London), 59, 4, 1989.Google Scholar See also, Makinde, K. J. A., ‘L'Islam en pays Yoruba: religion et politique’, Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Bordeaux I, 1989.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Abasiattai, M. B., ‘The Oberi Okaime Christian Mission: towards a history of an Ibibio independent church’, in Africa, 59, 4, 1989, pp. 496–515.Google Scholar

¹¹ The Guardian (Lagos), 17 10 1988.Google Scholar

¹² Sunday Concord (Lagos), 27 10 1985.Google Scholar

¹³ African Guardian (Lagos), 15 05 1988, p. 16.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid. p. 21.

¹⁵ Mbembe, Achille, Afriques indociles: christianisme, pouvoir et état en société postcoloniale (Paris, 1988), p. 96.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Mbembe argues, in ibid. pp. 77–85, that the current explosion of religious revivalism in Africa is another ruse by the common man to create a counter-ideology and alternative political space in response to the totalitarian ambitions of African dictators. According to a report in West Africa (London), 21 August 1989, p. 1594, two religious sects were banned in Ghana, and 10 others were not registered, presumably for suspected non-conformity with the régime's vision of society.

¹⁷ The Guardian, 8 12 1988.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Doi, Abdorrahman, Islam in Nigeria (Zaria, 1984), p. 242.Google Scholar For information about pagan practices in Hausa and Yoruba Islamic communities, see ibid. pp. 93–5 and 236–42.

¹⁹ For more details, see Gilliland, D. S., ‘Religious Change Among the Hausa, 1000–1800’, in Journal of Asian and African Studies (Leiden), 14, 3–4, 1979, pp. 241–56,Google Scholar and Last, Murray, ‘Some Aspects of Conversion in Hausaland’, in Nehemia, Levtzion (ed.), Conversion to Islam (New York, 1979).Google Scholar

²⁰ Uzukwu, E. E., ‘Liturgical Creativity in Igbo Christian Communities’, in Cahiers des religions africaines (Kinshasa), 20–1, 39–42, 1987, p. 523.Google Scholar

²¹ See the plea by Mbembe in op. cit. pp. 92–3, that those who want to study factionalism, patrimonialism, clientelism, etc. in Africa might benefit a lot by focusing on this rising social group.

²² For the notion of ‘fundamentalism’ as the emergence of Puritanist movements committed to the eradication of syncretist practices, see Ibrahim, Jibrin, ‘The Politics of Religion in Nigeria: the parameters of the 1987 crises in Kaduna State’, in Review of African Political Economy (Sheffield), 45–6, 1989, pp. 65–82.Google Scholar

²³ Sunday New Nigerian, 22 05 1988.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid. 1 May 1988.

²⁵ New Nigerian (Kaduna), 15 04 1988.Google Scholar

²⁶ Umar, M. S., ‘Islamic Revivalism Today: the case of Jama'atu Izalat Al-Bidah Wa Iqamat Al-Sunnah’, B.A. thesis, University of Jos, 1983, pp. 31–42.Google Scholar

²⁷ Amune, Stephen, Work and Worship: selected speeches of Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto (Zaria, 1986), pp. 177–8.Google Scholar

²⁸ Ibrahim, loc. cit.

²⁹ Newswatch (Lagos), 10 10 1988.Google Scholar

³⁰ New Nigerian, 8 06 1988.Google Scholar

³¹ Kane, Ousmane, ‘Les Mouvements religieux et le champ politique au Nigéria septentrional: le cas du réformisme musulman à Kano, 1978–1989’, in Islam et société au sud du Sahara (forthcoming).Google Scholar

³² The Guardian, 28 08 1989.Google Scholar

³³ Sunday Concord, 23 10 1988.Google Scholar

³⁴ Abasiattai, loc. cit. p. 504.

³⁵ Umar, op. cit.

³⁶ West Africa, 17 04 1989, p. 584.Google Scholar

³⁷ According to The African Guardian, 5 September 1988, Bernard Idahosa started his Ministry with 419 and turned it into ‘a multi million naira project’, while the Gbagada Deeper Life Ministry nets a minimum of 20,000 every Sunday and has investments in land and other properties. The magazine also quotes accusations by Mahmoud Salga that Mahmoud Gumi's militancy is the outcome of monies received from Saudi Arabia.

³⁸ Jean-François, Bayart, ‘Les Églises chrétiennes et la politique du ventre’, in Politique africaine, 35, 1989, p. 3.Google Scholar

³⁹ C. M. Toulabor, ‘Mgr Dosseh, archevêque de Lomé’, in ibid. pp. 68–76.

⁴⁰ Fabien Ouamba, ‘Le Pasteur face aux contraintes de la vie quotidiennes’, in ibid. p. 28, my translation.

⁴¹ Hervieu-Léger, Danielle, ‘Sécularisation et modernité religieuse’, in Ésprit (Paris), 10, 10 1985, pp. 50–62.Google Scholar

⁴² Olorode, Lai, ‘The Politicisation of Religion in Nigeria’, National Conference on the Political Transition Programme, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos, 04 1988.Google Scholar

⁴³ Usman, Y. B., The Manipulation of Religion in Nigeria: 1977–1987 (Kaduna, 1987), pp. 11–25.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibrahim, loc. cit.

⁴⁵ Coulon, loc. cit. pp. 22–32. See also Sabo Bako's review of Usman's book, ‘The Fallacy of the Manipulation Thesis’, Zaria, 1987.

⁴⁶ Cited in Bello, Sule, ‘State and Economy in Kano: a study in colonial domination’, Ph.D. dissertation, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1982, p. 103.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ For the details, see Gbadamosi, T. G. O. and Ajayi, J. F. A., ‘Islam and Christianity in Nigeria’, in Obaro, Ikime (ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History (Ibadan, 1980), pp. 350–5.Google ScholarOshatoba, S. A., SIM and ECWA in Nigeria: the story of the beginnings (Ilorin, 1985), provides information about missionary plans for Christianising the Hausa.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Cited in Shenton, Robert W., The Development of Capitalism in Northern Nigeria (London, 1986), p. 124.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ The Sudan Interior Mission, for example, was able to establish 30 stations within the Emirates, according to Oshatoba, op. cit. p. 40. An interesting debate between Beitzel and Giles as regareds the tactics used by Christian and Muslim propagandists in colonial Nigeria has been documented in the Gaskiya Corporation Confidential Files, Rhodes House, Oxford.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Manchester Guardian, 29 09 1959.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Ibrahim, loc. cit.

⁵² The Punch (Lagos), 30 08 1988.Google Scholar

⁵³ For an excellent analysis of religious tolerance and non-politicisation of religion in Yorubaland, see David Laitin, ‘Hegemony and Religious Conflict’, American Political Science Association, Denver, Colorado, 1982.

⁵⁴ For details, see Ibrahim, Jibrin, ‘Les Uniformes des lycéennes nigériennes’, in Politique africaine, 29, 05 1988, pp. 101–104.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ In the December 1987 local government elections in Kaduna, the single Christian candidate for the chairmanship won easily against his numerous Muslim rivals, thereby generating an outburst of polemics.

⁵⁶ Newswatch, 7 05 1990.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Newbreed (Lagos), 14 05 1990.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ ‘Federal character enumeration’ and associated canvassing have been some of the most important activites of prospective candidates for political and professional posts, government contracts, development projects, etcetera. It needs to be stressed that Section 13 (3) of the 1979 Nigerian Constitution ruled that ‘The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity’, and Section 14 (4) made the same provision for states and local governments.

⁵⁹ Marx, Karl, ‘The Difference Between the Natural Philosophy of Democritus and the Natural Philosophy of Epicurus’, in A., Selsam and H., Martel (eds.), Reader in Marxist Philosophy (New York, 1963), p. 283.Google Scholar