^{page 32 note 1} A Capital (Lisbon), 26 04 1974.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 2} de Spinola, António, Portugal e o Futuro (Lisbon, 1974).Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 3} Speech broadcast on Radio Lisbon, 27 July 1974. The position was reaffirmed during a visit by Kurt Waldheim the following month; see U N Press Release (New York), 74/3, 8 08 1974.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 1} Jonathan, Story, ‘Portugal's Revolution of Carnations’ in International Affairs (London), 52, 3, 07 1976, pp. 427–9.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 2} P.A.I.G.C.: Partido Africano da Independéncia da Guiné e Cabo Verde; Frelimo: Frente de Libertaç¯o de Moçambique; M.P.L.A.: Movimento Popular de Libertaç¯o de Angola.

^{page 35 note 1} Gallagher, Tom, Portugal: a twentieth century interpretation (Manchester, 1983), p. 242.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 1} See Pimlott, Ben, ‘Portugal – Two Battles in the War of the Constitution’, in West European Politics (London), 4, 3, 10 1981, pp. 286–7.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 1} de Figueiredo, António, ‘Portugal's Year in Africa’, in Africa Contemporary Record, 1981–82 (London, 1983), p. A142.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 2} The Democratic Alliance (A.D.), which took 47 per cent of the votes in December 1979, was composed of the two main centre-right organisations, the Social Democratic Party (P.S.D.) and the Social Democratic Centre (C.D.S.), along with the small Monarchist Party (P.P.M.).

^{page 37 note 3} Quoted by Washington, Shirley, ‘Toward a New Relationship’, in Africa Report (Washington, D.C.), 03–04 1980, p. 21. For the specifics of the confrontation over the constitution, see Pimlott, loc. cit. pp. 286–96.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 1} The success of the P.A.I.G.C.'s campaign over the years was such that prior to April 1974 it had been recognised as the Government of Guiné-Bissau by more than 80 states.

^{page 39 note 2} Africa Contemporary Record, 1976–77 (London, 1978), p. B605.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 3} In reality, the coup was considerably less than a revolution. Elements of the previous régime remained in power including, significantly for diplomatic relations, the State Commissioner (Minister) for Foreign Affairs, Vitor Saude Maria.

^{page 40 note 1} During his state visit of 1976, Eanes explicitly referred to the relationship as an example for those with Angola and Mozambique; West Africa (London), 5 03 1979.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 2} See Harvey, Robert, Portugal: birth of a democracy (London, 1978), pp. 23–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 41 note 1} On the nature of party allegiance in Portugal – including that of the retornados – see Lewis, J. R. and Williams, A. M., ‘Social Cleavages and Electoral Performance: the social bases of Portuguese political parties, 1973–83’, in West European Politics, 7, 2, 04 1984, pp. 119–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 41 note 2} Africa Research Bulletin: political, social, and cultural series (Exeter), 05 1976, p. 3996, hereinafter referred to as ARB: psc series.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 1} The views published were those of Daniel Chipenda, a senior figure in the F.N.L.A., who had previously been a leading member of the M.P.L.A.; O Dia (Lisbon), 15 March 1978.

^{page 42 note 2} For a general account of Angola's trade relations after independence, see Zafiris, Nicos, ‘The People's Republic of Angola: Soviet-type economy in the making’, in Wiles, Peter (ed.), The New Communist Third World (London, 1982), pp. 53–88.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 3} These assets were estimated in 1978 at escudos 190,000 million – or six times the I.M.F. emergency loan to Portugal in 05 of that year;Google ScholarThe Times (London), 27 06 1978.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 4} Lisbon, Radio, 22 July 1979.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 1} Africa Research Bulletin: economic, financial, and technical series (Exeter), 02 1980, p. 5400, hereinafter referred to as ARB: eft series.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 2} Radio Lisbon, 9 August 1982. The original report in Expresso (Lisbon), 7 08 1982, and a follow-up in the next issue on 14 08, both indicate that there was more substance in the story than the Government's dismissal of it as black propaganda might suggest.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 1} ARB: psc series, May 1982, pp. 6429–30. At the bilateral level the visit led to an agreement between Angola and the Portuguese national oil company, Petrogal, by which the latter would invest $30 million and provide 600 technicians for the building of the Cambembe dam. Payment would be in petrol which would provide a considerable boost for Portugal's oil-bereft economy. ARB: eft series, January 1983, p. 6709.

^{page 44 note 2} Africa Contemporary Record, 1982–83 (London, 1984), p. B605.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 3} According to Africa Report, March–April 1984, Rosa Coutinho has demonstrated continued sympathy for the M.P.L.A. by recruiting Portuguese ex-regulars for the Angolan army.

^{page 45 note 1} This movement, Fico– ‘I stay’ (an acronym more felicitous than its full title: Front for the Continuation of Western Civilisation), like its Algerian predecessor, completely misjudged the mood of the metropolitan military on whose support it had counted.

^{page 46 note 1} ARB: psc series, April 1976, p. 3964.

^{page 46 note 2} This is not to suggest that any such differences amounted to a significant internal conflict. Frelimo, in contrast to Angola's M.P.L.A., appears to have been free of major ideological schisms.

^{page 47 note 1} Lisbon, Radio, 1 April 1979.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 1} ARB: psc series, April 1981, p. 6004.

^{page 48 note 2} This development certainly alarmed the Soviet Union. See MacQueen, Norman, ‘Mozambique's Widening Foreign Policy’, in The World Today (London), 40, 1, 01 1984, pp. 23–5.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 3} ARB: psc series, January 1984, p. 7067.

^{page 49 note 1} Portugal has continuously maintained business-like contacts with South Africa, dictated largely by the presence of the considerable Portuguese migrant community there. A further dimension to the Lisbon–Pretoria relationship lies in the Cabora Bassa hydro-electric system which is located in Mozambique, albeit utilised by South Africa and still partly owned by Portugal.

^{page 49 note 2} See, for example, the article by Gomes, Alves, international editor of the semi-official Maputo weekly Tempo, in The Guardian (London), 16 11 1984.Google Scholar

^{page 50 note 1} The Guardian, 18 January 1985.

^{page 50 note 2} See Bruneau, Thomas C., ‘Continuity and Change in Portuguese Politics: ten years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974’, in West European Politics, 7, 2, 04 1984, p. 80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar