^{Page 455 note 1} Mikell, Gwendolyn, ‘Ghanaian Women, Rural Economy, and National Stability’, in African Studies Review (Los Angeles), 27, 3, 1986, pp. 67–88,Google Scholar and ‘African Women Within Nations in Crisis’, in TransAfrica Forum (New Brunswick), Summer 1983, pp. 21–33.Google Scholar

^{Page 456 note 1} This nnoboa labour category was not discussed by Hill, Poly, Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana (Cambridge 1963), and has seldom been analysed in other studies of cocoa-farming communities.Google Scholar However, according to Arhin, Kwame, ‘Economic Differentiation Among Ghanaian Migrant Cocoa Farmers’, in Research Review NS (Legon), 4, 1, 1988, pp. 10–18, nnoboa was very important in the maintenance of farms in the Central and Western Regions, and I found that it continues to be relied upon in Brong-Abafo today.Google Scholar See Mikell, Gwendolyn, Cocoa and Chaos in Ghana (New York, 1989).Google Scholar

^{Page 457 note 1} The tendency of rural producers to attempt to remain within an ‘economy of affection’ (primarily local and ethnic), within which the state cannot control or exploit their actions and resources, has been stressed by Hyden, Goran, ‘Prospects and Problems of State Coherence in Africa’, in Rothchild, Donald and Olorunsola, Victor (eds.), State Versus Ethnic Claims: African policy dilemmas (Boulder, 1983).Google ScholarChirot, Daniel, Social Change in the Modern Era (Orlando, Florida, 1986), pp. 118–19,Google Scholarmentions the grievances which peasants around the world have had against prevailing capitalist systems, which disrupted their own pre-capitalist or lineage/communal types of economic organisation and village solidarity, and concludes that it is contact with the export sector which provides the incentive for peasants to act as a class. The Ghanaian case suggests that in the aftermath of colonial pressures, peasants began to engage willingly in cash-crop production in order to serve their own individual interests, and that they sought to weave these new capitalists patterns together with their previous emphasis on the importance of the family and the community.Google Scholar

^{Page 458 note 1} Kimble, David, A Political History of Ghana: the rise of Gold Coast nationalism, 1850–1928 (Oxford, 1963), pp. 50–1,Google Scholar and Beckman, Björn, Organising the Farmers: cocoa politics and national development in Ghana (Uppsala, 1976).Google Scholar

^{Page 458 note 2} See Austin, Dennis, Politics in Ghana, 1946–1960 (London, 1970), pp. 250–315,Google Scholar and also Tordoff, William, ‘The Brong-Ahafo Region’, in The Economic Bulletin of Ghana (Legon), 3, 5, 05 1959, pp. 2–18.Google Scholar

^{Page 458 note 3} Mikell, op. cit. In 1973 interviews, the farmers from the co-operative societies in Sunyani district stated that they were always outunmbered by outside élites or C.P.P. appointees on the local committees of the U.G.F.C., and hence could neither implement locally-desired policies nor invest locally-derived capital in village projects.

^{Page 459 note 1} Chazan, Naomi, An Anatomy of Ghanaian Politics: managing political recession, 1969–1982 (Boulder, 1983),Google Scholar and Pellow, Deborah and Chazan, Naomi, Ghana: coping with uncertainty (Boulder, 1986).Google Scholar See also, Amamoo, Joseph G., The Ghanaian Revolution (London, 1988), pp. 62–3.Google Scholar

^{Page 459 note 2} Mikell, loc. cit. pp. 67–88, and Nyanteng, V. K., The Declining Cocoa Industry: an analysis of some fundamental problems (Legon, 1978), University of Ghana, I.S.S.E.R. Technical Publication 40.Google Scholar

^{Page 460 note 1} Quoted by Diaw, Kofi, ‘Monopoly Intervention of Cocobod’, in West Africa (London), 6 10 1986, p. 2097,Google Scholar originally published in ibid. 19 Septembers 1977. See also, Price, Robert M., ‘Neo-Colonialism and Ghana's Economic Decline: a critical assessment’, in Canadian Journal of African Studies (Ottawa), 18, 1, 1984, pp. 163–93.Google Scholar

^{Page 460 note 2} Bates, Robert H., Markets and States in Tropical Africa: the political basis of agricultural policies (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1981).Google Scholar

^{Page 460 note 3} Chazan, op. cit. and Amamoo, op. cit.

^{Page 461 note 1} Although scholars — such as Hyden, loc. cit. p. 74 — emphasise the problems facing the ‘soft state’ because it does not control the means of production, they also point out that the operation of market forces within such states can generate incentives for peasants to participate in ways that move them out of the ‘ethnically-based’ economy of affection. In Ghana of the late 1970s, it was clear that withdrawal from the market was a rational decision for many peasant farmers, and unrelated to ethnic/local factors.

^{Page 461 note 2} Kassanga, K. and Avis, M., ‘Rural Exodus’, in West Africa, 1 December 1986, pp. 2492–4.Google Scholar

^{Page 461 note 3} Rothchild, Donald, ‘Collective Demands for Improved Distributions’, in Rothchild and Olorunsola (eds.), op. cit. pp. 184–9.Google Scholar

^{Page 461 note 4} West Africa, 1 December 1986s, p. 2494. For a treatment of the economic and political crisis of the period, see Rothchild, Donald, ‘Ghana's Economy: an African test case for political democracy. President Limann's Economy Alternatives’, in Legum, Colin (ed.), African Contemporary Record, 1979–80 (New York, 1980).Google Scholar

^{Page 462 note 1} The challenge has been discussed by Balandier, Georges, Political Anthropology (New York, 1967), as how to define the internal dynamics of the party and the state through time, and by Elliott P. Skinner, ‘Anthropologists and the Rise of a Global Civilization’, in Brooke Schoepf (ed.), ‘Proceedings of Conference on Global Links’, Tuskegee Institute, 1980, as how to define these changing dynamics within a multi-level and global context.Google Scholar

^{Page 462 note 2} Owusu, Maxwell, Uses and Abuses of Political Power: a case study of continuity and change in the politics of Ghana (Chicago and London, 1970), pp. 195–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 462 note 3} Austin, op. cit. pp. 293–5, and Skinner, Elliott P., ‘Sankara and the Burkinabé Revolution: charisma and power, local and external dimensions’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), 26, 3, 09 1988, pp. 437–55.Google Scholar

^{Page 463 note 1} Prior to 1961, the Brong, Ahafo, Dormaa, Kukuom, and other ethnically-mixed constituencies had faced the problem that profits from their lucrative cocoa and timber industries were drained off in ‘tributes’ which they owed to Ashanti and Kumasi chiefs, by virtue of their early political conquests. The Dormaahene and others had promised Brong loyalty to Nkrumah and the C.P.P. if he guaranteed them economic security through regional autonomy. But the people of Brong-Ahafo were ill-prepared for the prolonged challenge to their economic and political autonomy which continued into the 1970s, as shown by Mikell, op. cit.

^{Page 463 note 2} Kimble, op. cit. p. 274. See also, Drah, F. K., ‘The Brong Political Movement’, in Arhin, Kwame (ed.), Brong Kyempim: essays on the society, history and political of the Brong people (Accra, 1979), pp. 119–70.Google Scholar

^{Page 463 note 3} Rawlings had been a member of the group of soldiers who staged a coup in June 1979 against the Supreme Military Council, then headed by Lt.-General F. W. K. Akuffo. However, they handed over power a few months later to the leaders of the People's National Party, which had gained a majority of seats in the new National Assembly, and the Third Republic was inaugurated after Hilla Limann had been elected President of Ghana.

^{Page 464 note 1} Novicki, Margaret A., in Africa Report (New Brunswick), 29, 5, 09-10 1984, p. 43.Google Scholar

^{Page 464 note 2} ‘Ghana's Rawlings, 34, is Admirer of Qaddafi’, in The Washington Post, 17 February 1982.

^{Page 464 note 3} This trend was rationalised by reference to the traditional system which had been widely utilised in cocoa farming, known as abusa, whereby a hired labourer was given one-third of the crop. See Hill, op. cit.

^{Page 465 note 1} See Agyeman-Duah, Baffour, ‘Ghana, 1982–6: the politics of the P.N.D.C.’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 25, 4, 12 1987, p. 621. He points out that Rawlings's experience with the exaggerated enthusiasms of the P.D.C.s is not unique, and that in neighbouring Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara also had to politically rein in the C.D.R.s and attempt to involve them in national development. See also, Skinner, ‘Sankara and the Burkinabé Revolution’.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{Page 466 note 1} Konings, Piet, The State and Rural Class Formation in Ghana: a comparative analysis (London, 1986), pp. 2–4.Google Scholar

^{Page 466 note 2} Balandier, op. cit. p. 181.

^{Page 466 note 3} Owusus, op. cit. pp. 195–7. Also, Owusu, Maxwell, ‘The Power of the Periphery: traditionalism and the democratic revolution in Ghana’, African Studies Association, Chicago, 1988.Google Scholar

^{Page 467 note 1} Agyeman-Duah, loc. cit. p. 622.

^{Page 467 note 2} Skinner, ‘Anthropologists and the Rise of a Global Civilization’.

^{Page 467 note 3} ‘Ghana: the economic base for democracy’, in West Africa, 11 January 1988, p. 48.

^{Page 467 note 4} ‘Ghana: Rawlings on “changing situations”’, in ibid. 7 March 1988, p. 431. See also, ‘Authorities Seize Ivory Coast Bound Cocoa’, Foreign Broadcast Information Service, West Africa, Washington, D.C., 3 May 1988, pp. 19–20.

^{Page 467 note 5} ‘Ghana: the export package’, in West Africa, 18 January 1988, p. 73.

^{Page 468 note 1} ‘Investors Bid on Coffee, Cocoa Plantations’, F.B.I.S., West Africa, 22 January 1988, p. 21, and ‘World Bank to Assist Economic Recovery Programme’, in ibid. 10 May 1988, p. 14.

^{Page 468 note 2} ‘Year Six of the PNDC’, in West Africa, 11 January 1988, p. 30.

^{Page 468 note 3} ‘Ghana's Divestiture’, in ibid. 27 June 1988, pp. 1152–3, and ‘Massive Exercise to Cut Back Civil Service’, F.B.I.S., West Africa, 1 July 1988, p. 11.

^{Page 468 note 4} It is hardly surprising that many Ghanaians have reacted to the contradictions between the P.N.D.C.'s initial ‘revolutionary’ rhetoric and its later unabashedly capitalist manipulations of the economy. According to Balandier, op. cit. p. 88, such ideological and practical fluctuations are probably unavoidable, since new African states have to deal with a ‘dynamic reality’ in which conflicts, disputes, and struggles are ever present.

^{Page 469 note 1} ‘Recognise Basic Rights’, in West Africa, 11 April 1988, p. 641, and ‘Labour Views and Choices’, in ibid. 2 May 1988, p. 775.

^{Page 469 note 2} ‘The Management View’, in ibid. 6 June 1988, p. 1012.

^{Page 469 note 3} Cf. Owusu, Maxwell, ‘Politics Without Parties: reflections on the Union Government proposal’, in African Studies Review, 22, 1, 1979, pp. 89–108. In a fashion reminiscent of the Acheampong experiment, the P.N.D.C. held local elections in 1988 which did not offer the public a choice between competing political parties at the national level, but sought to institutionalise itself by creating local-level participatory structures.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{Page 469 note 4} Bentsi-Enchill, Nii K., ‘Steps at Grassroots’, in West Africa, 3 08 1987, p. 1477.Google Scholar

^{Page 470 note 1} Ato Dadzie, P.N.D.C. Secretariat, as reported in ibid. 10–16 October 1988, p. 1919.

^{Page 470 note 2} ‘The District Blue-Print’, in ibid. 9 November 1987, p. 2199.

^{Page 470 note 3} ‘Mixed Results’, in ibid. 3–9 April 1989, p. 510.

^{Page 471 note 1} Bentsi-Enchill, loc. cit.

^{Page 471 note 2} ‘Growing the Grassroots’, in West Africa, 25 January 1988, p. 124. See also, The Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report, No. 1 (London, 1988).Google Scholar

^{Page 472 note 1} ‘Farmers Urged to Organise’, in West Africa, 21 12 1987, p. 2414.Google Scholar

^{Page 472 note 2} The Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report, No. 2 (London, 1988), p. 8.Google Scholar

^{Page 472 note 3} Ibid. pp. 5–10. See also, ‘District Assembly Elections End’, in West Africa, 13–19 March 1989, p. 416.

^{Page 472 note 4} Rawlings was unperturbed by the issue of any further elections, or the links between local elections and national policies. He stated that the rôle of the Government was to act as a catalyst, ‘trusting the good sense of the people to arrive at an appropriate system… It is not for a handful of people in Accra to say when and how, or even if regional and national assemblies should be established.’ See ‘Cue for District Assemblies’, in West Africa, 20–26 March 1989, p. 456.

^{Page 473 note 1} The problem of ethnic coalitions in government is an old one for Ghana, and dates back to the problems between Nkrumah and the National Liberation Movement in Ashanti, as well as the determination of the Brong to reassert their separate identity and political influence. Although the P.N.D.C. headed by Rawlings has eschewed ethnic conflict, there have been criticisms about its ethnic composition. For example, in his 1988 Danquah Memorial Lecture in Accra, A. Adu Boahen talked about the pervading culture of silence, called for an interim national coalition by February 1989, and expressed concern about the domination of the P.N.D.C. by the Ewes. The Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report, No. 2, 1988, p. 12.

^{Page 474 note 1} Ofuatey-Kodjoe, W., ‘Ideology and Public Policy in Ghana, 1982–1988’, African Studies Association, Chicago, 28–31 10 1988.Google Scholar

^{Page 474 note 2} ‘The Cocoa Conundrum’, in West Africa, 6–12 March 1989, p. 350. Ghana is scheduled to reach its 300,000-ton rehabilitation target for cocoa by 1991. But with the slump in the world market, production may have to be cut back in order to induce price stability, thus raising questions as to who will subsidise the affected farmers.

^{Page 474 note 3} Ghana's Pamscad, which was endorsed at a meeting of donors in Geneva, February 1988, aimed to create 40,000 jobs over two years, to help communities implement labour-intensive self-help projects, and to provide basic health and education needs. Donors include Austria, Britain, Canada, Japan, the United States, West Germany, the World Food Programme, Unicef, and U.N.D.P. See The Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report, No. 2, 1988, p. 13.

^{Page 475 note 1} Rawlings has stepped up his overtures to western powers for assistance. The Washington Post, 20 January 1989, p. F25, reported that he used the occasion of President George Bush's inauguration to send Ghana's congratulations, assurances of continued co-operation with the United States, and invitations for business investments in several priority areas of the economy, i.e. agriculture, manufacturing, construction, and tourism.

^{Page 475 note 2} ‘Cooperative Approach to Agriculture’, in West Africa, 14–20 08 1989, p. 1340.Google Scholar

^{Page 475 note 3} Mikell, op. cit.

^{Page 476 note 1} Young, Crawford, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven, 1982), p. 308.Google Scholar

^{Page 476 note 2} Wiseman, John, ‘Urban Riots in West Africa, 1977–85’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 24, 3, 09 1986, pp. 509–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{Page 477 note 1} Barriata, Mary, ‘Africans Denounce Economic Reforms’, in The Washington Post, 15 April 1989, pp. A15–16.Google Scholar See also, Williams, Gavin, ‘The World Bank and the Peasant Problem’, in Heyer, Judith, Roberts, Pepe, and , Williams (eds.), Rural Development in Tropical Africa (New York, 1981).Google Scholar

^{Page 477 note 2} Amin, Samir, ‘Self-Reliance and the New Economic Order’, in Singham, Archie (ed.), The Non-Aligned Movement in World Politics (Washington, D.C., 1976), pp. 145–57.Google Scholar

^{Page 477 note 3} Nkrumah, Kwame, Neo-Colonialism: the last stage of imperialism (London, 1965), pp. 15–36.Google Scholar See also, Brown, Robert S. and Cummings, Robert J., The Lagos Plan of Action vs. the Berg Report (Lawrenceville, Va., 1984).Google Scholar

^{Page 478 note 1} Ofuatey-Kodjoe, W., ‘U.S. Economic Policy Towards Africa: impact and implications’, in TransAfrica Forum, 5, 2, Winter 1988, pp. 3–15.Google Scholar

^{Page 478 note 2} West Africa, 18 July 1988, p. 1318.

^{Page 478 note 3} At a recent meeting of the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa, the participants acknowledged that the medicine of Structural Adjustment was sometimes more devastating than the actual malady it was designed to correct. Hence their commitment to search for authentic solutions which combined macro-economic frameworks with micro-social perspectives that were more compatible with the experiences of their countries. See the foreword by Adedeji, Adebayo in African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programs for Socio-Economic Recovery and Transformation (U.N.E.C.A., 1989).Google Scholar

^{Page 478 note 4} ‘Applications for Pamscad Funding’, in West Africa, 3–9 04 1989, p. 533.Google Scholar