^{Page 275 note 1} Throughout this article, federalism is used in Dicey's, A. V. sense of a constitutional system which distributes ‘the force of the state among a number of co-ordinate bodies each originating in and controlled by the constitution’. Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (London, 9th ed., 1952), p. 157.Google Scholar See also Wheare, K. C., Federal Government (London, 4th ed., 1963), pt. 1.Google Scholar

^{Page 276 note 1} See Deutsch, Karl W., Political Community at the International Level (Garden City, 1954), pp. 43–4,Google Scholar and Deutsch, Karl W. et al. , Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton, 1957), pp. 41–3.Google Scholar

^{Page 277 note 1} Nkrumah, Kwame, Africa Must Unite (London, 1963), pp. 214–15.Google Scholar

^{Page 277 note 2} On Lumumba's hostility to federalism, see Gérard-Libois, J. and Verhaegen, Benoit, Congo 1960 (Brussels, 1961), vol. I, pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

^{Page 277 note 3} Evening News (Accra), 19 04 1961.Google Scholar

^{Page 278 note 1} Daily Times (Lagos), 30 09 1961;Google Scholar and Brett, Lionel (ed.), Constitutional Problems of Federalism in Nigeria (Lagos, 1961), p. 1.Google Scholar

^{Page 278 note 2} West Africa (London), 3 03 1962, p. 243.Google Scholar

^{Page 278 note 3} On the circumstances involved in the adoption of Nigeria's federal system, see my Toward Unity in Africa: a study of federalism in British Africa (Washington, D.C., 1960), pp. 151–77.Google Scholar

^{Page 278 note 4} Dr M. I. Okpara, the Premier of the Eastern Region, expressed these feelings in 1960 when he described the federal system as having many drawbacks (i.e. expense and lack of strength). At the same time he observed that it was ‘better to have a united country with a federal system of government than to disintegrate. We as a party have not found favour with the federal system of government. We prefer the unitary system where the little tribalist will be eliminated.’ Daily Times, 25 03 1960.Google Scholar

^{Page 278 note 5} For the purposes of this article, the Bantu nomenclature is used throughout. Thus the place is Buganda and the people are the Baganda.

^{Page 279 note 1} For a more detailed description of Obote's relations with Kabaka Yekka, see Rothchild, Donald and Rogin, Michael, ‘Uganda’, in Carter, Gwendolen M. (ed.), National Unity and Regionalism in Eight African States (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966), pp. 359–60 and 400–2.Google Scholar

^{Page 279 note 2} Uganda Argus (Kampala), 9 10 1963.Google Scholar

^{Page 279 note 3} With the publication of the Western Kingdoms and Busoga Act soon after independence, the quasi-federal nature of Kingdoms other than Buganda became apparent to all. See my ‘Majimbo Schemes in East Africa’, in Boston University Papers in African Politics (Boston, 1967).Google Scholar

^{Page 279 note 4} Uganda Argus, 20 02 1963.Google Scholar

^{Page 280 note 1} Uganda Argus, 17 07 1961, and 12 05 1965.Google Scholar

^{Page 280 note 2} The same preference for unitary government was evident among Soudanese leaders of the Mali Federation. See Foltz, William J., From French West Africa to the MaliFederation (New Haven, 1965), p. 179;Google Scholar and see p. 183 for subsequent Senegalese disillusionment.

^{Page 280 note 3} Young, Crawford, Politics in the Congo: decolonization and independence (Princeton, 1965), pp. 504 and 511.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Also see Lemarchand, René, ‘The Limits of Self-Determination: the case of the Katanga secession”, in The American Political Science Review (Menasha), LVI, 2, 06 1962, pp. 412–16.Google Scholar

^{Page 280 note 4} It is significant that Articte 1 of Resolution 3 agreed upon by the Tananarive round-table conference described the future constitutional structure of the Congo as ‘a confederation of states’. Verhaegen, Benoit, Congo 1961 (Brussels, 1962), p. 37.Google Scholar

^{Page 280 note 5} Van Bilsen, A. A. J., L'indépendance du Congo (Brussels, 1962), p. 164.Google Scholar

^{Page 281 note 1} Informations et Documentation Africaines, ‘The Federalist Vocation’ (Brussels, , INDAF, n.d.), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

In a letter to the Prime Minister of Belgium of 14 October 1959, Tshombe and J. B. Kibwe had written: ‘The position of our association on CONAKAT which groups 905 of the autochton population of the Katanga, has always firmly approved an integral federal structure for the Congo, which would grant to each of the federate regions the most extensive powers, especially in budgetary, social (including education) and economic matters, as well as in respect of administrative services, the total devolution of which would relieve the administrative machinery which weighs too heavily upon the federal capital.’ Ibid. pp. 1–2.

^{Page 281 note 2} ‘Report to the Secretary-General from the Officer-in-charge of the United Nations Operation in the Congo on Developments relating to the Application of the Security Council Resolutions of 21 February and 24 November 1961’;U.N. Doc. s/5053/Add. 13, 26 November 1962, Annex ix, p. 2.

^{Page 281 note 3} Ibid. Annex III, p. 3.

^{Page 281 note 4} See Rothchild, Donald, ‘On the Application of the Westminster Model to Ghana’, in Centennial Review (East Lansing), IV, 4, Fall 1960, pp. 465–83.Google Scholar

^{Page 282 note 1} The Federalist (New York, n.d.), no. 10, p. 61.Google Scholar Some of the material in this part is the result of collaboration with Professor J. David Greenstone of the Univeristy of Chicago.

^{Page 282 note 2} See Tarlton, Charles D., ‘Symmetry and Asymmetry as Elements of Federalism: a theoretical speculation’, in The Journal of Politics (Gainesville), XXVII, 4, 11 1965, p. 873.Google Scholar

^{Page 283 note 1} See Johnson, Willard R., ‘The Cameroon Federation: political union between English- and French-speaking Africa’, in Lewis, William H. (ed.), French-speaking Africa: the search for identity, (New York, 1965), pp. 206–11.Google Scholar

^{Page 284 note 1} In February 1966, the military régime appointed Francis Nwokedi as Commissioner on Special Duties, charged with establishing an administrative machinery for a united Nigeria. Sunday Times (Lagos), 13 02 1966.Google Scholar The possibility of some new type of federalism was not precluded for, some weeks after Nwokedi's appointment, General Ironsi appointed a nine-man study group to make proposals on a new constitution. This study group included Dr T. O. Elias, Chief F. Rotimi Williams, Professor E. U. Essien-Udom, and other well known scholars and administrators. Daily Times, 1 03 1966.Google Scholar

^{Page 284 note 2} Ethiopian Herald (Addis Ababa), 16 11 1962.Google Scholar

^{Page 284 note 3} As B. J. Dudley notes, other factors accounting for the decentralisation of constitutional responsibilities included a positive attraction on the part of Nigerian leaders to the ‘Wheare model’, and fiscal self-sufficiency arising from the boom in commodity prices. See his ‘Federalism and the Balance of Political Power in Nigeria’, in Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies (Leicester), IV, I, 03 1966, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar

^{Page 284 note 4} Legum, Colin, ‘The Changing Ideas of Pan-Africanism’, in African Forum (New York), 1, 2, Fall 1965, p. 52.Google Scholar

^{Page 285 note 1} See my article, ‘The Politics of African Separatism’, in Journal of International Affairs (New York), xv, I, 1960, pp. 595–606;Google Scholar also Foltz, op. cit., and Zartman, I. William, International Relations in the New Africa (Englewood Cliffs, 1966), p. 121.Google Scholar

^{Page 285 note 2} See Nye, Joseph S. Jr, Pan-Africanism and EastAfrican Integration (Cambridge, Mass., 1965);CrossRefGoogle ScholarRothchild, Donald, ‘A Hope Deferred: East African Federation, 1963–64’, in Carter, Gwendolen M. (ed.), Politics in Africa: seven cases (New York, 1966);Google Scholar and Mazrui, Ali A., ‘Tanzania Versus East Africa: a case of unwitting federal sabotage’, in Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies, III, 3 11 1965, pp. 209–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{Page 285 note 3} A statement of the working party disagreements on the nature of federal structure was published by the East African Standard (Nairobi), 3 06 1964.Google Scholar

^{Page 286 note 1} United Nations, Report on the Alternatives for Association between the Gambia and Senegal, TAO/Gambia/Senegal/I (New York, 1964), p. 26.Google Scholar

^{Page 286 note 2} West Africa, 18 07 1964, p. 791.Google Scholar

^{Page 287 note 1} For a statement of the advantages of coalition government in Africa, see Lewis, W. A., ‘Beyond African Dictatorship,’ in Encounter (London), xxv, 2, 08 1965.Google Scholar

^{Page 287 note 2} ‘The Crisis in Nigeria’, in The World Today (London), XXII, 2, 02 1966, p. 44.Google Scholar

^{Page 287 note 3} In April 1965, Prime Minister Balewa did include five members of Chief S. L. Akintola's Nigerian National Democratic Party in his cabinet. However, because the Action Group was excluded from the federal government, a significant proportion of Yoruba opinion remained outside the system.

^{Page 288 note 1} See the discussion by Birch, A. H., ‘Opportunities and Problems of Federation’, in Leys, C. and Robson, P. (eds.), Federation in East Africa: opportunities and problems (Nairobi, 1965), pp. 6–9.Google Scholar

^{Page 288 note 2} Schachter, Ruth, ‘Single-Party Systems in West Africa’, in The American Political Science Review, LV, 2, 06 1961, p. 305.Google Scholar

^{Page 290 note 1} A situation ‘where any gain by one or more players must be equal to the loss of one or more rivals’. Deutsch, Karl W., The Nerves of Government (New York, 1963), p. 66.Google Scholar

^{Page 290 note 2} See Rothchild, Donald, Safeguarding Nigeria's Minorities (Pittsburgh, Duquesne University Institute of African Affairs, reprint no. 17, 1964);Google Scholar and Schwarz, Frederick A. O. Jr, Nigeria: The Tribes, the Nation, or the Race (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), pp. 82–100.Google Scholar

^{Page 290 note 3} The same anxieties were evident in the discussions over the proposed East African federation, not only among the spokesmen for traditionalist Buganda or the moderately conservative Kenya African Democratic Union but also, more significantly, among such leaders as Prime Minister Obote of Uganda. A comment on this might be the statement of the Kenya Minister of State, Joseph Murumbi, at the height of the federation debates: ‘ I feel that in Uganda, we have this difficulty of the leadership there fearing they will be absorbed into an East African Federation. Some of the Uganda leaders feel they might become non-entities overnight.’ Uganda Argus, 25 10 1963.Google Scholar

^{Page 291 note 1} In 1964, Tanganyika, which had domestic exports totalling £70, 111, 861, sold £4,109,794 worth of goods to Kenya and £1,020,935 worth to Uganda. Such trade patterns are likely to foster a sense of national self-interest rather than trans-national community, a tendency apparent in recent Tanganyikan trade restrictions and quotas. Reporter (Nairobi), 9 04 1965, p. 37.Google Scholar

^{Page 291 note 2} Etzioni, Amitai, Political Unification: a comparative study of leaders and forces (New York, 1965), p. 252.Google Scholar

^{Page 291 note 3} See Haas, Ernst B. and Schmitter, Philippe, ‘Economics and Differential Patterns of Political Integration: projections about unity in Latin America’, in International Organization (Boston), XVIII 4, Autumn 1964, p. 726.Google Scholar See also Haas, Ernst B., The Uniting of Europe (Stanford, 1958), pp. 291–9.Google Scholar

^{Page 293 note 1} West Africa, 3 09 1966, p. 992.Google Scholar