^{page 417 note 1} Interview, Lisala, 7 April 1975 No. 32, p. 2.

^{page 417 note 2} ‘Vigilance et Engagement Révolutionnaire’, exposé du Citoyen Engulu Baangampongo Bakolele Lokunga aux cadres de la J.M.P.R. en Session Spéciale de l'Institut Makanda Kabobi, N'Sélé, 1 March 1975, p. 52.

^{page 417 note 3} On the expansion of the educational infrastructure since 1960, see Verheust, Thérése, ‘L'Enseignement en République du Zaïre’, in Cahiers du CEDAF (Brussels), 1, 1974.Google Scholar The rôle of education in upward social mobility is discussed in Michael G. Schatzberg, ‘Bureaucracy, Business, Beer: the political dynamics of class formation in Lisala, Zaïre’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1977, pp. 157–63.

^{page 418 note 1} In 1974 there were 10,011 students in Lisala and they accounted for 36·15 per cent of the town's total population of 27,689. There were 5,361 pupils in the primary schools and 4,650 undergoing secondary education. Schatzberg, op. cit. p. 16.

^{page 418 note 2} Gérard-Libois, Jules (ed.), Congo 1967 (Brussels and Kinshasa, 1969), pp. 182–202, especially pp. 193 and 196.Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 1} Bonnafé, Pierre, ‘Une Classe d'âge politique: la J.M.N.R. de la République du CongoBrazzaville’, in Cahiers d'études africaines (Paris), 8, 1968, PP. 327–68.Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 2} See Zaïre, République du, Histoire du mouvement populaire de la révolution (Kinshasa, 1975), p. 29;Google Scholar and Gatarayiha Majinya, Kangafu Gudumbagana, and Didier de Lannoy, ‘Aspects de la réforme administrative au Zaïre: l'administration publique et le politique de 1965 à 1975’, in Cahiers du CEDAF, 4–5, 1976, pp. 30–1.Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 3} For a discussion of these events as they pertain to one Zaïrian university, see Galen Hull, ‘Université et état: l'UNAZA-Kisangani’, in ibid. 1–2, 1976.

^{page 419 note 4} Gatarayiha, Kangafu, and de Lannoy, loc. cit. pp. 31 and 49.

^{page 420 note 1} Administrative correspondence, 1 October 1969, Archives des affairs politiques, Lisala. The difficulties which faced the M.P.R. are described in Schatzberg, op. cit. pp. 278–88.

^{page 420 note 2} Administrative correspondence, 24 September 1968, Archives des affaires politiques, Lisala.

^{page 420 note 3} Histoire du mouvement populaire de la révolution, p. 75. The dispute between church and state in Zaïre is covered in illuminating detail by Goovaerts, Leo, ‘L'Église et l'état au Zaïre: à l'épreuve de “l'authenticité”’, in Cultures et développement (Leuven), 7, 1975, pp. 243–82.Google Scholar

^{page 420 note 4} The relevant Statutes, Nos. 75–038 and 75–039 of 19 February 1975, may be found in Zaïre (Kinshasa), 10 03 1975, pp. 48–51.Google Scholar

^{page 421 note 1} The Disciplinary Brigade of the J.M.P.R. in fact tends to operate as a paramilitary arm of the local political authorities, and specialises in reporting any deviations from the party line to those in power. The young brigade members often abuse their positions and are not well liked by the local population.

^{page 421 note 2} Field Log, Lisala, 23 May 1975, p. 89.

^{page 421 note 3} Interviews, Lisala, 7 April 1975, No. 32, p. 3; 17 April 1975, No. 34, p. 4; 29 April 1975, No. 48, p. 5; and Administrative correspondence, 4 July 1973, Archives de l'education nationale, Lisala.

^{page 422 note 1} Ibid.

^{page 422 note 2} On the 1970 legislative elections, see Schatzberg, op. cit. pp. 288–309.

^{page 422 note 3} Interview, Lisala, 7 April 1975, No. 32, p. 3.

^{page 422 note 4} Interview, Lisala, 22 April 1975, No. 47, p. 4.

^{page 422 note 5} Robert Harms, personal communication.

^{page 422 note 6} Interview, Lisala, 8 July 1975, No. 50, p. 1.

^{page 423 note 1} Interview, Lisala, 12 July 1975, No. 51, p. 3.

^{page 423 note 2} One J.M.P.R. leader candidly admitted that there was not much difference between the old chef de classe and the J.M.P.R.'s cell chief. Similarly, one secondary school principal could not discern any difference at all between the two rôles. Interview, Lisala, 7 April 1975, No. 32, p. 3, and ibid.

^{page 423 note 3} Interview, Lisala, 10 and 17 June 1975, No. 49, p. 4.

^{page 424 note 1} Administrative correspondence, 4 July 1973, Archives de l'education nationale, Lisala.

^{page 424 note 2} Rivière, Claude, Guinea: the mobilization of a people (Ithaca and London, 1977), p. 230.Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 1} On these points see Leunda, Xavier, ‘La Réforme de l'enseignement et son incidence sur l'évolution rurale en Guinée’ in Civilisations (Brussels), 22, 1972, pp. 244–5;Google Scholar‘Lapido, Adamolekun, Sékou Touré's Guinea: an experiment in nation building (London, 1976), pp. 100–1;Google Scholar and Rivière, Claude, Mutations sociales en Guinée (Paris, 1971), pp. 201–2.Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 2} Nzongola-Ntalaja, ‘The Authenticity of Neo-Colonialism: ideology and class struggles in Zaïre’, African Studies Association Meeting, Boston, 3–6 November 1976, and Tutashinda, N., ‘Leg Mystifications de “l'authenticité”’, in La Pensée (Paris), 175, 06 1974, pp. 68–81.Google Scholar

^{page 426 note 1} Interviews, Lisala, 7 April 1975, No. 32, p. 5; 17 April 1975, No. 34, p. 5; 22 April 1975, No. 35, p. 4; and 21 July 1975, No. 58, p. 4.

^{page 426 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 426 note 3} Ibid.

^{page 427 note 1} A description and evaluation of the career patterns of the party bureaucrats may be found in Schatzberg, op. cit. pp. 122–8.

^{page 427 note 1} The educational attainments and career orientations of educational personnel are presented and discussed in ibid. pp. 128–33.

^{page 428 note 1} Administrative correspondence, 19 October 1973, Archives de l'education nationale, Lisala.

^{page 428 note 2} On these points concerning the implementation of educational reform in Guinea, see Leunda, loc. cit. pp. 245 and 256–7, and Adamolekun, op. cit. pp. 100 and 103.

^{page 428 note 3} See Bady, Paul, ‘L'École et la révolution’, in Projet (Paris), 84, 04 1974, p. 405,Google Scholar and Price, R. F., ‘Continuity and Change in Chinese Education’ in Asia Quarterly (Brussels), 2, 1975, p. 150.Google Scholar For an overview of the educational reforms in China, see Chen, Theodore Hsi-en, ‘The Maoist Model of Education: origins and ideology’, in Asian Affairs (New York), 3, 07–08 1976, pp. 384–400,Google Scholar and ‘The Maoist Model of Education: theory in practice’, in ibid. 4, September-October 1976, pp. 41–61.

^{page 429 note 1} Interviews, Lisala, 12 July 1975, No. 51, p. 3, and 17 June 1975, No. 49, p. 5. For a far more favourable view of Salongo in the schools, see Muhima, Sebisogo, ‘Le Rôle du “Salongo” (travail manuel) dans les écoles’, in Zaïre-Afrique (Kinshasa), 95, 05 1975, pp. 273–90,Google Scholar although I suspect that his optimistic impression may be in large measure due to the fact that his questionnaires were limited to school principals and called for a written response on their part. The author is himself aware of this possibility, ibid. p. 274.

^{page 429 note 2} The bankruptcy of Salongo in all spheres of activity was implicitly recognised by the authorities in July 1975 when they decided that it would no longer be confined to certain periods of the week but would become a ‘permanent notion’. The effect, of course, was to eliminate it as a regular activity. Administrative correspondence, 25 July 1975, Archives des affairs politiques, Lisala.

^{page 430 note 1} See Schatzberg, op. cit. pp. 276–7.

^{page 430 note 2} An important exception to this generalisation is the Disciplinary Brigade of the J.M.P.R. which has not been dealt with here for lack of space and because it has little to do with the schools.