^{Page 69 note 1} Kimble, David, A Political History of Ghana, Vol. I, The Rise of Gold Coast Nationalism, 1850–1928 (Oxford, 1963);Google ScholarSimensen, Jarle, ‘The Asafo of Kwahu, Ghana: a mass movement for local reform under colonial rule,’ in The International Journal of African Historical Studies (Boston), VIII, 1975, pp. 383–406;Google Scholar and Addo-Fening, R., ‘Akyem-Abuakwa, c. 1974–1943: a study of the impact of missionary activities and colonial rule on a traditional state’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Ghana, Legon, 1981.Google Scholar

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^{Page 71 note 1} Owusu, Maxwell, ‘Rebellion, Revolution and Tradition: culture and coups in Africa. A Reinterpretation’, 1985, unpublished manuscript.Google Scholar

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^{Page 71 note 3} Cf. Gluckman, Max, Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa (New York, 1963).Google Scholar

^{Page 71 note 4} See Asante, S. K. B., Property Law and Social Goals in Ghana, 1844–1966 (Accra, 1975), esp. ch. 3 for a detailed critical examination of the idea of trusteeship.Google Scholar

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^{Page 72 note 2} Owusu, Maxwell, ‘Politics Without Parties: reflections on the Union Government proposals in Ghana’, in African Studies Review (Waltham), XXII, 1, 04 1979, pp. 89–108,Google Scholar and ‘Colonial and Post-Colonial Anthropology of Africa:scholarship or sentiment?’, in Huizer, Gerrit and Manheim, Bruce (eds.), The Politics of Anthropology (The Hague, 1979), pp. 145–60.Google Scholar

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^{Page 73 note 1} Hobsbawm, Eric J.. Revolutionaries. Contemporary Essays (New York, 1973), p. 190.Google Scholar

^{Page 74 note 1} Wells, loc. cit.; Johnson, Thomas H., Slater, Robert O., and McGowan, Pat, ‘Explaining African Military Coups d'Etat, 1960–1982’, in The American Political Science Review (Menasha), 78, 3, 09 1984, pp. 622–40.Google Scholar and Welch, Claude E. Jr, ‘African Military and Political Development: reflections on a score of years, and several of studies’, in Issue: quarterly journal of opinion (Los Angeles), XIII, 1984, pp. 41–4.Google Scholar

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^{Page 75 note 2} Gluckman, Custom and Conflict in Africa, p. 110.

^{Page 75 note 3} Ibid. p. 48.

^{Page 75 note 4} Ibid. p. 109.

^{Page 76 note 1} Wolff, Kurt H. and Bendix, Reinhard (trans.), Georg Simmel. Conflict and the Web of Croup Affiliations (New York, 1955).Google Scholar See also Coser, Lewis S., The Functions of Social conflict (Glenoce, 1956);Google Scholar and Bottomore, T. B., Sociology as Social Criticism (New York, 1974), ch. 11.Google Scholar

^{Page 76 note 2} Gluckman, Order and Rebellion Tribal Africa, p. 131, my emphasis.

^{Page 76 note 3} Ghana Today (Accra), 10, 2, 23 03 1966, p. 1, my emphasis.Google Scholar

^{Page 76 note 4} Rattray, R. S., Ashanti Law and Constitution (New York, 1969), p. 406. It is worth nothing that the essential aspects of the English ideas of the rule of law, and the independence of the judiciary, have been sufficiently institutionalised and supported by the westernised middle-class professionals to call forth organised reactions against their flagrant abuse. There is also a small group of educated people committed to a Marxist-Leninist transformation of society. However, most of the inhabitants seem to be concerned with the successful adaptation of traditional values and customs to the demands of contemporary dependent capitalist and modern technological society.Google Scholar According to Ghana News (Accra), 14, 1, 01 1985, pp. 2–3, the new P.N.D.C. conception of participatory democracy is expected to replace the old alien system in which the ballot box was used merely ‘to ensure that politicians got elected into power after which communication between the electorate and politicians completely broke down… The P.N.D.C. was determined to make the ballot box the beginning of the electoral process and not the end of it as existed before’.Google Scholar

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^{Page 77 note 2} Schapera, Isaac, Government and Politics in Tribal Societies (London, 1956).Google Scholar

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^{Page 78 note 1} Pinkey, Robert, Ghana under Military Rule, 1966–1969, (London, 1972);Google ScholarOwusu, , Uses and Abuses of Political Power, and ‘Politics Without Parties’; Austin and Luckham (eds.), op. cit.;Google Scholar and Kraus, Jon, ‘Ghana's Radical Populist Regime’, in Current History (Philadelphia), 04 1985, pp. 164–8 and 186–7.Google Scholar

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^{Page 80 note 1} Gluckman, , Custom and Conflict in Africa, pp. 27–8.Google Scholar

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^{Page 82 note 1} Cohen, Abner, The Dimensional Man: an essay on the anthropology of power and symbolism in complex society (Berkeley and Los Angels, 1976), ch. 4, p. 53.Google Scholar

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^{Page 85 note 1} Gluckman, , Custom and Conflict in Africa, pp. 42–3.Google Scholar

^{Page 85 note 2} Ibid. p. 43.

^{Page 85 note 3} Austin, and Luckham, (eds.), op. cit.; Owusu, Uses and Abuses of Political Power, ‘Politics Without Parties’, and ‘Traditional Rule and the Revolutionary Tradition in Ghana’, Conference sponsored by the African Institute for the Study of Human Values on ‘Our Enduring Heritage in a Changing World’, Accra, 23–25 June 1982;Google ScholarChazan, Naomi, An Anatomy of Ghanaian Politics:managing political recession, 1969–1982 (Boulder, 1983); and Odetola, op. cit.Google Scholar

^{Page 85 note 4} In the third anniversary celebrations of the 31 December 1981 revolution, the Chairman of the P.N.D.C. reminded Ghanaians that his Government was still ‘committed to raising an equitable and progressive social order which will provide food, clothing and shelter to meet our needs’, and that the key to victory lay in the maintenance and exhibition of military virtues of moral, physical and spiritual courage in the face of privation and discouragement. It also lay in ‘personal integrity in professional and private dealings; it lay in technical and tactical competence’. Ghana News, 14, 2, 02 1985, p. 1.Google ScholarPubMed

^{Page 86 note 1} The Guidelines for People's Defence Committees (Accra, 1982).Google Scholar

^{Page 86 note 2} Self-styled leftist intellectuals, students, army officers, and ‘revolutionary’ activists provided the major support and key leadership of the P.N.D.C. régime until an abortive coup in November 1982 implicated a number of them, notably Sergeant D. A. Akata-Pore, Secretary to the Armed Forces Defence Committees. The principal leftist organisations included the June 4th Movement, the Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards, the Pan-African Youth Movement, the Peace and Solidarity Committee, and the New Democratic Movement led by Captain Kojo Tsikata, a Marxist-Leninist in charge of state security. See Kraus, loc. cit.

^{Page 86 note 3} Provisional National Defence Council (Establishment) Proclamation (Supplementary and Consequential Provisions) Law, 1982.

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^{Page 88 note 4} Asante, , op. cit. p. 82. In fact, under the new P.N.D.C. Head of Family (Accountability) Law of 1985, the head of each family, or any person holding family property, must make an inventory for which he is held accountable to all concerned, and any member of the family who has, or claims to have, any beneficial interest in the property, may apply by motion to a court for an order compelling the head of the family to render such an account, or to file such an inventory.Google Scholar

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