Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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6 See Deniau, Xavier, La Francophonie (Paris, 1983);Google ScholarAldrich, Robert and Connell, John, ‘Francophonie: language, culture or politics?’, in Aldrich, and Connell, (eds.), France in World Politics (London and New York, 1989), pp. 170–93;Google Scholar and Guillou, Michel, La Francophonie: nouvel enjeu mondial (Paris, 1993).Google Scholar
7 Some serious concerns have recently been expressed in France about alleged ‘American activism’ in francophone Africa, following the appointment of George Moose (former Ambassador to Senegal) as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs; Washington's discreet support of pro-democracy forces in Cameroon, Congo, and Togo; the signature of the Congo-Oxy purchase agreement of 27 April 1993; and the resounding success of the second African/African-American summit in Libreville, 24–28 May 1993, attended by 18 francophone heads of state and government. See ‘France-États-Unis: Moose, George inquiète, in Jeune Afrique (Paris), 13–19 05 1993, p. 19;Google Scholar Geraldine Faes, ‘États-Unis–Afrique: les conseilleurs ne sont pas les payeurs’, in ibid. 10–16 June 1993, pp. 22–6; Triay, Phillippe, ‘Deuxième sommet africain/africain-américain: la consécration d'une idée’, in Jeune Afrique économie (Paris), 109, 07 1993, pp. 17–33;Google Scholar and Wauthier, Claude, ‘Appétits américains et compromissions françaises’, in Le Monde diplomatique (Paris), 10 1994, p. 10.Google Scholar
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12 The 17th summit was held in Libreville, Gabon, 5–7 October 1992, with 13 Heads of State and Government in attendance. The same city hosted the interim ministerial conference, 29–30 July 1993, attended by some 30 Ministers of Foreign Affairs. The 18th summit was held in Biarritz, France, 8–9 November 1994.
13 See ‘Jean-Christophe Mitterrand, le conseiller’, in Glaser, Antoine and Smith, Stephen, Ces Messieurs Afrique: le Paris-village du continent noir (Paris, 1992), pp. 209–35,Google Scholar and Soudan, François, ‘Le “vrai-faux” départ de Jean-Christophe’, in Jeune Afrique, 28 April 1992, p. 10.Google Scholar
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24 On French aid, see Adda and Smouts, op. cit. pp. 27–60. French aid statistics are taken from ‘Rapport Prouteau, 1992’, pp. 13–22 and 37–44; ‘Rapport Prouteau, 1993’, pp. 94–8; OECD, Development Assistance Committee Report, 1991 and 1992 (Paris);Google Scholar and ‘Coopération: le budget de la dévaluation’, in Jeune Afrique, 27 10–9 11 1994, p. 8.Google Scholar
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36 This revealing story is chronicled in some detail in Kpatinde, Francis, ‘La Guerre du pétrole’, in Jeune Afrique, 27 May–2 June 1993, pp. 12–15.Google Scholar and Zyad Limam, ‘La Guerre du pétrole est-elle finie?’, in ibid. 9–15 September 1993, pp. 52–5. Apparently under intense French Pressure, President Lissouba later reneged on the April 1993 Congo-Oxy agreement by retroactively recognising, through a special law passed in December 1993, Elf-Aquitaine's exclusive exploitation rights over the new Nkossa off-shore oil fields.See Francis Kpatinde, ‘Lissouba dit tout’, in ibid. 24 February–2 March 1994, pp. 68–9.
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