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Black and White American Opinions Towards South Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Milfred C. Fierce
Affiliation:
Professor and Chairman of Department of African Studies, Brooklyn College, City University of New York.

Extract

The erudition of the late W. E. B. DuBois was never more prophetic than in 1903 when he issued his famous dictum that ‘The problem of the 20th century is the problem of the color-line – the relation of the darker to the lighter race of men in Asia and Africa, in America and the islands of the sea.’ The United States of America, for its remarkable technological achievement and democratic example, despite decades of difficulty in race relations; and the Republic of South Africa, for its unique violation of human rights: each represents in its own special way both the best and the worst in human history, and are fitting testaments to DuBois's clairvoyance.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

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References

1 DuBois, W. E. B., ‘Of the Dawn of Freedom’, in The Souls of Black Folk (New York, 1903; republished 1961).Google Scholar

2 Security Council Resolution 134, New York, 1 April 1960.

3 Ibid. 191, 18 June 1964.

4 Ibid. 392, 19 June 1976.

5 Ibid. 417, 31 October 1977. All four quotations are taken from Thomas M. Franck, ‘Questions of International and Domestic Law Bearing on the Rights and Options of International and U.S. Actors in Addressing Themselves to the Situation in South Africa’, Study Commission on U.S. Policy Toward Southern Africa, New York, pp. 8 and 21.

1 Baker, James E., de St. Jorre, John, and O'Flaherty, J. Daniel, ‘The American Consensus on South Africa’, in Worldview (New York), 10 1979, p. 12.Google Scholar

2 Quoted from Barron, Deborah Durfee and Immerwahr, John, ‘The Public Views South Africa: pathways through a gathering storm’, in Public Opinion (New York), 0102 1979, p. 54.Google Scholar

1 Black Enterprise Magazine (New York), sent questionnaires to its readers in February 1980. There were 5,000 responses, from which 2,000 were ‘randomly’ selected to match the geographic distribution of subscribers on a wide range of issues; Ibid. August 1980. There were two questions on South Africa: (1) Do you support those who want American firms to pull out of South Africa? – yes, 76·8%; no, 19·9%; no answer, 3·3%. (2) Should Black Americans participate more in the struggle for Black liberation in South Africa? – yes, 84·7% no, 13·1% no answer, 2·2%.

1 1,502 for the 9 June 1977 survey; 1,625 – 30 June 1977; 1,498 – 15 December 1977; and 1,523 – 31 July 1978.

2 It is surprising that Harris and Associates have conducted no similar surveys since July 1978. Telephone calls to their offices confirm the absence of more current data, but without explanation.

3 Harris Survey Press Releases: 9 June 1977; 30 June 1977; 15 December 1977; and 31 July 1978.

1 The 31 July 1977 Harris survey indicates an American willingness to risk sending military supplies to counter Soviet and Cuban incursions, but and adamant opposition to sending U.S. troops under any circumstances.

2 Harris Survey Press Release: 15 December 1977.

3 Ibid. 30 June 1977.

1 Telepone calls to the Public Agenda Foundation revealed that there were two ‘focus-group’sessions, both held in New York City, each with ten participants, about half male and half female. There were two or three Blacks, and an occupational and educational diversification, but no geographic spread.

2 Barron and Immerwahr, loc.cit. p. 55.

1 Washington Post, 13 May 1979, p. A. 13.

2 James E. Baker, J. Daniel O'Flaherty, John de St. Jorre, ‘Summary Report Public Opinion Poll on American Attitudes Toward South Africa’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, New York, 13 May 1979.

3 Baker, James E. et al. , ‘Full Report Public Opinion Poll on American Attitudes Toward South Africa’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, New York, 1979, p. 26.Google Scholar

1 It is not clear whether this ‘aid’ was to include the supply of arms. Usually the term refers to ‘humanitarian aid’ when used with South African liberation movements.

2 Limitations of space make it impossible in this article to cite each of these State legislators. However, the views of Julian Bond are fairly well known, and each of the others has introduced legislation of one kind or another preventing or limiting their States from doing business with U.S. firms that operate in South Africa.

1 See testimony of Randall Robinson before the Study Commission on U.S. Policy Toward Southern Africa, 6 June 1980, passim.

2 N.A.A.C.P. Press Release, 1 June 1978, the substantive contents of which were taken from the ‘N.A.A.C.P. Task Force on Africa. Report and Recommendations’, presented to the Special U.N. Committee Against Apartheid in New York on I June 1978. Although now almost five years old the position of the N.A.A.C.P. remains essentially the same.

1 Jordan, Vernon, ‘Reagan South Africa Policy One of Appeasement Rather Than Change’, in Charlotte News (North Carolina), 1 07 1981,Google Scholar and ‘To Be Equal’, in Inglewood Wave (Los Angeles), 17 09 1981.Google Scholar The same views appeared in several dozen newspapers in the United States during the Summer and Fall of 1981. Jordan resigned as President of the National Urban League in January 1982.

2 In 1979 Jackson led a successful effort to have a White South African heavyweight boxer barred from fighting in the United States.

3 New York Times, 24 July and 2 August 1979.

1 The actual questions used in the Carnegie II survey, and the results, are given in the Appendix, Table I, below. Other pertinent questions and responses from the Carnegie survey, explicitly or otherwise referred to in this article, are found in Tables 2–7. Total percentages sometimes exceed 100%, since multiple responses were permitted.

2 Appendix, Table 5.

3 Ibid. Table 6.

4 Ibid. Table 7.

5 Baker, James E., O'Flaherty, J. Daniel, de St. Jorre, John, ‘Full Report. Public Opinion on American Attitudes Toward South Africa’, 1979, p. 41.Google Scholar