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Southern African Responses to Eastern European Developments

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Extract

Much has been written and said concerning the implications for Soviet policy towards Southern African of President Gorbachev's novoye myshlenie or ‘new thinking’, and its repercussions throughout Eastern Europe. On the other hand, comparatively little attention has been paid to the governmental and societal responses to these developments within Southern Africa. In part, this neglect reflects the fact that, until recently, the reaction has been rather muted, especially in comparison with the eruptionsin francophone Africa, notably in Algeria, Benin, and Gabon, but also Côte d'Ivoire, Madagascar, and even Zaïre. The reluctance to recognise the relevance for the region of the astonishing changes in Eastern Europe can largely be explained by an understandable preoccupation with more pressing domestic problems.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1990

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References

1 Campbell, Kurt M., ‘Southern Africa in Soviet Foreign Policy’, in Adelphi Papers (London), 227, Winter 19871988;Google ScholarFituni, Leonid L., ‘A New Era: Soviet policy in Southern Africa’, in Africa Report (New Brunswick), 34, 4, 0708 1989, pp. 64–5;Google ScholarGontcharov, Victor, ‘Soviet Union and Southern Africa: the issues of ensuring regional security’, in Southern Africa Record (Braamfontein), 47–48, 1987, pp. 7783;Google Scholar and MacFarlane, S.Neil, ‘The Soviet Union and Southern African Security’, in Problems of Communism (Belfast), 38, 2–3, 0306 1989, pp. 7189.Google Scholar

2 Perhaps the major reason why Southern Africa has lagged behind other regions in the continent is Paristroika: the readiness of the present French Government to manipulate its budgetary and monetary instruments of control to secure compliance with desired political reforms by its former colonies. Secondly, one-party states have typically been more ‘democratic’ in anglophone Africa, and possibly for this reason several francophone leaders have been more fearful than their anglophone counterparts of bloody mass-uprisings Roumanian-style. Certainly, several francophone Heads of State have cause to feel insecure, especially as President Mitterand, like Soviet President Gorbachev with respect to Eastern Europe, has clearly signalled that they can no longer count on France automatically coming to their rescue.

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6 Zambia Daily Mail (Lusaka), 15 03 1990.Google Scholaradded, Kaunda, ‘We can safely say [that] both economically and politically perestroika and glasnost are moving…to the very position where we in Zambia stand today’; Daily News, 16 March 1990. With respect to human rights, he saidGoogle Scholar, ‘How can any sane person compare the Zambian experience with that of the Soviet Union or with that of other Eastern European countries?’; Times of Zambia (Lusaka), 15 03 1990.Google Scholar

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8 See Weekly Mail (Johannesburg), 9 02 1990,Google Scholar and Work in Progress (Braamfontein), 65, 04 1990, p. 24.Google Scholar Ceausescu paid visits to Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in July 1983, to Angola in March 1987, and to Tanzania in September 1988. According to Nyerere, as reported in the Daily News, 26 February 1990, of all the Eastern European dictators, ‘the most dogmatic one was Ceausescu. What befell him was, therefore, not surprising’.

9 See Times of Zambia and Zambia Daily Mail, 14–19 March 1990.

10 Daily News, 23–26 February and 24–26 March 1990.

11 Voters were assured by the ‘ZANU PF Election Manifesto’, 1990, p. 25, that ‘the party is studying very closely the events in Eastern Europe and trying to learn from the experience they have had’.

12 All the remaining restrictions on changing the specially entrenched provisions were repealed on 28 June 1990, when the National Assembly passed the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 10) Bill.

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22 Nelson Mandela and Oliver Tambo of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), as well as Sam Nujoma of Swapo, are also notable survivors.

23 Times of Zambia and Zambia Daily Mail, 26–29 July 1990. For U.N.I.P.'s Secretary-General, it was a ‘sad week’, in which ‘the devil took an upper hand in running the affairs of life’; ibid. 9 July 1990.

24 Moyo, Jonathan in the Financial Gazette, 8 December 1989, 5 January, 16 February, 23 and 30 March 1990.Google Scholar See also, ibid. 6 April, 4 and 24 May 1990.

25 The respected Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace placed large advertisements in all leading Zimbabwean newspapers denouncing the ‘constitutionalized one-party state’ as ‘contrary to basic human rights’; e.g. Weekly Mail, 20 April 1990. The Zimbabwe Council of Churches followed up later with similar press advertisements; e.g. The Herald, 13 July 1990.

26 ‘Constitution of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front’, 1990, Section 13, and ‘ZANU PF Election Manifesto’, 1990.

27 Financial Times, 28 March and 3 April 1990; Southern Africa Report (Johannesburg), 6 04 1990, p. 8; and Weekly Mail, 20 April 1990.Google ScholarPubMed

28 Financial Gazette, 1 June 1990, and The Herald, 13 July 1990. The president of the University of Zimbabwe Students Representative Council declared that ‘we violently and vehemently oppose the idea of a one-party state or the one-man one-party state dictatorship’; Financial Gazette, 4 April 1990.

29 The Herald, 30 June and 13 July 1990, and Weekly Mail, 3 August 1990. Mugabe is reported to have told western critics to ‘go to hell’, as they had nothing to teach him about democracy; Sunday Mail (Harare), 8 July 1990.

30 The right to ‘freedom of assembly and association’ in Article 23(1) of the Zambian Constitution is qualified by Article 4(2): ‘Nothing contained in this Constitution shall be so construed as to entitle any person lawfully to form or attempt to form any political party or organisation other than the Party’ – that is, U.N.I.P.

31 Chiluba, Frederick, Times of Zambia, 31 December 1990.Google Scholar

32 Shapi, Alex, Zambia Daily Mail, 3 and 9 March 1990.Google Scholar

33 ‘Another Debate in Zambia’, in Southern African Economist (Harare), 0405 1990, pp. 30–3.Google Scholar According to ibid. p. 30, the one-party state issue ‘provoked the most acrimonious debate Zambia has seen for a long time’.

34 Zambia Congress of Trade Unions, ‘Written Submission to the Fifth National Convention on the Political and Economic Reforms’, Lusaka, March 1990, pp. 2–5 and 10; also written submissions by Arthur N. L. Wina, Sikota Wina, A. B. Chikwanda, and Vernon J. Mwaanga.

35 Originally called for 17 October 1990, the referendum has now been postponed until 13 August 1991, in part to meet the insistence of opponents of the one-party state on a fresh registration of voters. The question voters will be asked is: ‘Do you support the re-introduction of a multi-party system?’. Times of Zambia, 30 June, 14 and 26 July 1990.

36 The Guardian (London), 30 05 1990, and Times of Zambia, 30 May and 7 July 1990. Kaunda argued that it would be ‘stupid’ of Zambians to ‘change their oxen in the middle of the stream’ as it would lead to ‘death and destruction’; Zambia Daily Mail, 30 May and 30 June 1990.Google ScholarPubMed

37 Times of Zambia, 19 July 1990. and Sunday Times of Zambia (Lusaka), 22 July 1990. Following a two-day conference in Lusaka attended by 150 prominent business, labour, church, and other leaders, Arthur Wina, Zambia's first Finance Minister, was elected chairman of the National Interim Committee for Multi-Party Democracy. Earlier, the powerful Mine Workers Union formally declared for a multi-party state; Times of Zambia, 13 July 1990.

38 Ibid. 31 May and 30 June 1990. The composition of the independent commission appointed to conduct the referendum, and the guidelines it has issued, provide considerable reassurance that the poll will be free and fair; ibid. 7 June and 18 July 1990.

39 The Guardian, 30 May 1990. Other epithets employed have been ‘rabble-rouser’ and ‘misguided’. The major shuffle in government and party posts in june has been interpreted as a move to weed out individuals not firmly committed to the one-party state; Financial Gazette, 22 June 1990.

40 Sunday Times of Zambia, 8 July 1990, and Times of Zambia, 8 August 1990.

41 Zambia Information Service, Background (Lusaka), 26 08 1973, pp. 24, and The Guardian, 11 June 1986.Google ScholarPubMed

42 Daily News, 25 and 26 February, 1990. Also ‘Nyerere's About-Turn’, in Southern African Economist, 3, 2, 0405 1990, pp. 26 and 30.Google Scholar

43 Daily News, 24–26 March 1990.

44 Ibid. 26 March 1990.

45 Ibid. 27 June 1990, and The Herald, 29 June 1990. Nyerere was opening a C.C.M. youth seminar on current political changes in Eastern Europe.

46 MozambiqueFile, 162, 01 1990, p. 9.Google Scholar

47 ‘Draft Constitution of the People's Republic of Mozambique’, 9 January 1990, Article 42. The sole mention of Frelimo is the injunction in Article 3 that Mozambique ‘shall retain as a national heritage the decisive role played by the Mozambique Liberation Front in the victory over colonialism and in the winning of national independence’.

48 MozambiqueFile, 165, April 1990, p. 7, 166, May 1990, pp. 12–13, and 167, June 1990, pp. 8–11.

49 Daily News, 4 July 1990, and Financial Times, 2, 17, and 20 August 1990.

50 It has been argued that multi-party systems encouraged violence at election time in both Zimbabwe and Zambia. The Herald, 29 March 1990, and Sunday Times of Zambia, 15 April 1990.

51 Daily News, 26 February 1990.

52 Zambia Daily Mail, 15 March and 30 May 1990, and Sunday Times of Zambia, 8 July 1990. The First (multi-party) Republic was superseded in 1973 by the Second (one-party) Republic.

53 Sunday News (Dar es Salaam), 25 March 1990; Daily News, 26 March 1990; Z.C.T.U. ‘Political and Economic Reforms’, pp. 2–4 and 6; Arthur N. L. Wina, ‘Proposals for Political Restructuring of the Zambian Constitution’, Lusaka, March 1990, p. 2; and A. B. Chikwanda and Vernon J. Mwaanga, ‘Economic and Political Issues Facing Zambia’, Lusaka, 5 02 1990, p. 10. In Zambia, this Leninist principle found official sanction in the phrase, ‘The Party and its Government’.

54 Kaunda, , Mugabe, , and Nyerere all repudiated any suggestion that they headed vanguard parties, though their modest memberships indicated that these were far from being the mass organisations to which they aspired. Daily News, 26 February 1990; Sunday News, 25 March 1990; and Work in Progress, 64, January 1990, pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

55 ‘Constitution of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front’, Section 37(1).

56 Financial Gazette, 30 March 1990, and Weekly Mail, 20 April 1990.

57 Z.C.T.U., ‘Political and Economic Reforms’, p. 4, and Daily News, 24 March 1990.

58 Sunday Mail, 5 March 1989; Financial Gazette, 5 January 1990; and Sunday News, 25 March 1990.

59 According to Wina, Arthur, op. cit. p. 3, ‘the pressures in Eastern Europe and parts of Africa towards a multi-party system originate essentially from the failure of the one-party hegemony over the population to ensure efficiency, to guard against corruption, and the glaring evidence of mismanagement of the national economy’.Google Scholar

60 The Zambian and Zimbabwean trade union congresses were especially critical of the perpetuation of states of emergency in their countries for almost a quarter of a century, and the Zambian national convention also recommended repeal. Times of Zambia, 19 March 1990; Z.C.T.U., ‘Political and Economic Reforms’, p. 8; and Parade (Harare), April 1990, p. 60. See also, Financial Gazette, 23 Febuary 1990; Ottawa Citizen, 18 April 1990; and Southern African Economist, March, 2, April–May 1990, p. 31.

61 It is probable that the decision taken by Zimbabwe on 25 July 1990 about ending the state of emergency had more to do with the similar action of Pretoria a month earlier, than with the lessons of Eastern Europe. Zambia has so far declined to follow suit.

62 MozambiqueFile, 157, August 1989, p. 14; 162, January 1990, p. 9; and 163, February 1990, p. 3; ‘Draft Constitution’, Articles 77 and 147. Frelimo is now the ‘vanguard party of the Mozambique people’, not only, as previously, of the ‘worker-peasant alliance’. In Angola, the M.P.L.A. is also taking steps to separate party and state.

63 Southern Africa Chronicle (Harare), 3, 6, 9 04 1990, p. 5. The Zambian National Assembly, in a rare assertion of its prerogatives, rejected a proposed constitutional amendment which it considered was a further restriction on the powers of the people; Zambia Daily Mail, 5 April 1990, and Times of Zambia, 6 and 7 April 1990.Google Scholar

64 ‘ZANU PF Election Manifesto’, p. 8, and Daily News, 2 April 1990.

65 Half of the states in the region – Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia – are tied to I.M.F. structural adjustment programmes, and most of the rest have not completely escaped the Fund's pervasive influence.

66 The Times (London), 31 07 1989.Google ScholarPubMed

67 Ibid. 19 March 1990.

68 Z.A.N.U.P.F., ‘The President's Central Committee Report’, Harare, 18 December 1989, p. 5.

69 The Times, 23 December 1989.

70 ‘Constitution of the Zimbabwe African National Front Patriotic Front’, Section 9, and ‘ZANU PF Election Manifesto’, pp. 3–5. The debate coincided with the overthrow and execution of the Ceausescus, who had been ‘the first foreigners to be given the freedom of Harare’. According to Work in Progress, 65, 04 1990, p. 24: ‘Mugabe reportedly went off his food for a couple of days. He was shocked to the core. He immediately distanced Zimbabwe's rhetorical commitment to socialism, saying it would be achieved taking into account historical and cultural realities’.Google ScholarPubMed

71 Times of Zambia, 3 and 15 March 1990, and Zambia Daily Mail, 15 March 1990. Kaunda cited Scandinavia and Canada as the only models that appealed to him.

72 Daily News, 26 February 1990.

73 ‘ZANU PF Election Manifesto’, p. 4. The party undertook to ‘continue the policy of close collaboration with socialist countries’; ibid. p. 25. See also the claim by Chung, Fay, Minister of Education and Culture, as reported in The Herald, 25 03 1990, that ‘Socialism is the only answer to the country's problems’. Earlier, the newspaper argued editorially that ‘communism as practised in Eastern Europe and the socialism envisaged by ZANU are totally different’.Google Scholar

74 MozambiqueFile, 163, 02 1990, p. 3.Google Scholar

75 ‘SWAPO Election Manifesto. Towards an Independent and Democratic Namibia: SWAPO's policy positions’, 4 July 1989, p. 8.

76 ‘ZANU PF Election Manifesto’, p. 5. The package of liberal economic reforms announced in July represented ‘the most fundamental policy shift since independence’, according to the Financial Times, 6 july 1990.

77 Press statement, Maseru, 23 February 1990.

78 International Herald Tribune (New York), 20 03 1990.Google Scholar

79 ‘Another Debate in Zambia’, p. 30. ‘Some of the current state monopolies,’ Kaunda stated, ‘can beneficially and without threat to national interest be exposed to competition’; Zambia Daily Mail, 19 March 1990. See also, Financial Times, 29 May 1990.

80 One straw in the wind was the decision of O.E.C.D. and Eastern European countries in May 1990 to establish a European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to funnel funds to Eastern Europe. Another is the tragic failure of the international community to meet the minimum emergency relief requirements of Angola and Mozambique.

81 Adamishin, Anatoly, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister, in Brazzaville, 13 December 1988; Ottawa Citizen, 17 December 1988.Google Scholar

82 Legum, Colin, ‘The Coming of Africa's Second Independence’, in The Washington Quarterly, 13, 1, 1990, pp. 129–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar