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Prospects of Regional Economic Co-operation in West Africa
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
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The need for regional economic integration in Africa was appreciated by most African leaders soon after their countries had become independent sovereign states early in the 1960s. Although they did not always make enough distinction between economic integration and political unity (indeed some, particularly the leaders of the so-called Casablanca group of countries, held the doctrinaire view that political unity and the formation of a United States of Africa must precede economic integration), and although very little has been achieved in either field, yet the past decade is likely to go down in African history as the decade of economic and political integration rather than the development decade.1 However, if positive results are to be achieved in the 1970s, the old doctrinaire attitude must give way to a more pragmatic approach, which neither demands political union as a precondition for economic integration nor takes an all-or-nothing attitude to the latter.
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Page 213 note 1 In a wider context than Africa, the mid-twentieth century has been called the ‘age of integration’, with reference to such groupings as the European Free Trade Area (E.F.T, A.), the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon), the Latin American Free Trade Association (L.A.F.T.A.), and so on. See Haberler, G., ‘Integration and Growth in the World Economy in Historical Perspective’, in American Economic Review (Menasha, Wisconsin), 03 1964, p. 1.Google Scholar
Page 214 note 1 Church, R. J. Harrison, West Africa (London, 1963), p. xxv.Google Scholar
Page 214 note 2 U.N.E.C.A., Economic Bulletin for Africa (Addis Ababa), 1, 1, 1961, p. 17.Google Scholar
Page 215 note 1 Source: United Nations, Demographic Year Book, 1964 (New York, 1965), pp. 92–111.Google Scholar
Page 215 note 2 Source: ibid. and United Nations, Year Book of National Accounts Statistics, 1967 (New York, 1968), p. 824.Google Scholar
Page 216 note 1 Source: U.N. E.C.A., Foreign Trade Statistics of Africa, 1965 and 1966 (Addis Ababa, 1966 and 1967).Google Scholar
Page 218 note 1 The table is based on import figures (c.i.f.) from U.N. E.C.A., Foreign Trade Statistics of Africa, Series C, 1966 (Addis Ababa, mimeo.) and Commerce extérieur des pays associés d'outre-mer (Paris), 1967Google Scholar. Import figures were not available for Guinea, Liberia, or Gambia.
Page 218 note 2 Part of the trade between these countries of the West African Customs Union is not recorded as foreign trade.
Page 218 note 3 Significant unrecorded trade flows exist.
Page 219 note 1 Guinea did not sign the U.M.A.O. agreement of 1961; Mali did, but never ratified it, although subsequent economic difficulties led her to reopen negotiations with the franc zone. For further details, see Abdel-Salam, Osman Hashim, ‘The Evolution of Monetary Institutions in Africa,’ in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), VIII, 3, forthcoming.Google Scholar
Page 220 note 1 Hazlewood, Arthur, ‘Problems of Integration among African States,’ in Hazlewood, (ed.), African Integration and Disintegration (London, 1967), p. 6.Google Scholar
Page 220 note 2 Plessz, Nicolas G., Problems and Prospects of Economic Integration in West Africa (Montreal, 1968), p. 13.Google Scholar
Page 221 note 1 Ibid. p. 13.
Page 222 note 1 Lampire, Pierre, ‘Les Groupements d'états africains’, in Revue juridique et politique d'outremer (Paris), 01–03 1964.Google Scholar
Page 222 note 2 It is worth pointing out that, although Tanganyika became independent before Kenya and Uganda, its Government continued to participate in the activities of the East Africa High Commission. Had President Nyerere behaved as President Nkrumah did, the death knell of East African co-operation would have sounded in 1961.
Page 225 note 1 Compare this with East Africa. For example, the three founder member countries of the East African Community, Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania, had populations of 9·6, 7·7, and 10·4 million respectively in 1966; their G.D.P. in the same year was £318.8, £242.6, and £272.7 million, i.e. 38, 29, and 33 per cent of the Community's total. Kenya has the highest income per capita, £33 per annum, and Tanzania the lowest, £26.2. Uganda has £31.3. It is instructive to compare these figures with those for West Africa shown in Table I.
Page 225 note 2 Jackson, Barbara Ward, ‘Free Africa and the Common Market’, in Foreign Affairs (New York), LX, 3, 04 1962.Google Scholar
Page 226 note 1 It should, however, be pointed out that this freedom is a relative one, particularly during colonial rule. There was a high concentration of trade to and from the United Kingdom and their external reserves were held in sterling. But, on the attainment of independence, almost all the former British colonies were able to increase their trade with other countries, and correspondingly reduce their volume of trade with Britain.
Page 226 note 2 Jackson, loc. Cit.
Page 226 note 3 I was informed by some senior officials who took part in negotiating the Treaty for East African Co-operation that failure to agree during the negotiations was frowned upon by their respective heads of governments, whose firm and unequivocal instruction was that the officials must come out with an agreement. This strong political will is possible only where there is mutual tolerance and respect.
Page 227 note 1 Since 1963, Dahomey alone has had five, up to and including that of December 1969.
Page 229 note 1 U.N. E.C.A., Report of the Expert Group on an African Payments Union (Addis Ababa, 1964), E/CN.14/262.Google Scholar
Page 229 note 2 Articles 24 to 28 of the Treaty for East African Co-operation provide for the convertibility of the three currencies at par, for easy transfer of capital necessary for economic development, for settlements between the three central banks, for reciprocal credits, and for the harmonisation of monetary policies.
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