^{Page 384 note 1} See Lewis, I. M., ‘Pan-Africanism and Pan-Somalism’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), I, 2, 08 1963, pp. 147–62.Google Scholar

^{Page 385 note 1} See Lewis, I. M., The Modern History of Somaliland (London, 1965),Google Scholar and ‘Integration in the Somali Republic’, in Haziewood, Arthur (ed.), African Integration and Disintegration (London, 1967), pp. 251–84.Google Scholar In 1967 and 1968, however, Somalia signed treaties with Kenya and Ethiopia which produced a détente and greatly improved relations between the three states— see Hoskyns, Catherine, Case Studies in African Diplomacy, No. 2, The Ethiopia-Somali-Kenya Dispute (Nairobi, 1969).Google Scholar

^{Page 385 note 2} In the work of Africanist anthropologists this is particularly marked in the writing of Abner Cohen, notably in his Custom and Politics in Urban Africa (London, 1969).Google Scholar

^{Page 385 note 3} As will be evident, I disagree here with the view of those who hold that ‘nations’ are quite distinct from ‘tribes’; see, for example, Gulliver, P. H. (ed.), Tradition and Transition in East Africa (London, 1969), pp. 28–31.Google Scholar

^{Page 390 note 1} For a detailed account of the traditional political system and its initial response to modern developments, see Lewis, I. M., ‘Modern Political Movements in Somaliland’, in Africa (London), XXVIII, 1958, pp. 224–61 and 344–64,Google Scholar and A Pastoral Democracy (London, 1961).Google Scholar

^{Page 395 note 1} For a fuller account of the politics of the integration of the two parts of the state, see I. M. Lewis, ‘Nationalism and Particularism in Somalia’, in P. H. Gulliver (ed.), op. cit. pp. 339–62. For an analysis of the legal problems engaged in this process, see Contini, P., The Somali Republic: an experiment in legal integration (London, 1969).Google Scholar

^{Page 398 note 1} The total number of candidates happens to be roughly equivalent to my estimate of how many dia-paying groups there are in the Republic. But I think that this is a fortuitous coincidence, because most candidates were presented by coalitions of such groups.

^{Page 398 note 2} According to a detailed statement made after the coup by a spokesman of the Supreme Revolutionary Council, and based on a close study of the accounts of the Premier's Office, Egal expended £500,000 of public funds in payments to members of the assembly in the period between January and October 1969.

^{Page 400 note 1} See Anglo-Somali Society Newsleter (Dalrrington, Devon), LVII, 1970,Google Scholar for a report of the trial of the culprit who was found guilty and sentenced to death.

^{Page 400 note 2} These included Mohammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, as well as his opponent Abdirazaq Haji Husseyn, and the former Head of State, Adan Abdulle Osman. This oddly assorted party of politicians and dignitaries was confined in the presidential guest-house at Afgoi, outside the capital, and has remained there in reputedly reasonable conditions ever since. The former police chief, General Abshir, was placed under house arrest.

^{Page 401 note 1} From the earliest days of colonisation, the bulk of recruits to the police, and indeed to other government employment, has come from the nomadic elements of Somalia. This is a direct reflection of the pressure of population on resources in the most nomadic regions.

^{Page 403 note 1} In January 1971, for instance, a number of people were sentenced to 18 months hard labour for ‘fostering tribalism’ by a district court in a remote northern part of the Republic.

^{Page 404 note 1} Some of General Siad's speeches are conveniently collected together in an official publication entitled My Country and My People (Mogadishu, 1970).Google Scholar

^{Page 405 note 1} Following General Korshell's disgrace, in May 1971 General Mohammad Ainanshe (another Vice-President) and General Salad Gavaire were arrested and charged with engineering a plot ‘to kill the revolution’. They were brought to trial, and publicly executed on 3 July 1972. Official reports emphasised that the 90-man firing squad was anti-tribal in composition, and that the Government would see to the funeral arrangements—traditionally a lineage responsibility.

^{Page 405 note 2} For an interesting recent, and far from uncritical, western Marxist assessment of the Republic's internal and external policies, see Wolczyk, A., ‘Il “Socialismo” Somalo: un industria per il potere’, in Concretezza (Rome), I, 01 1972, pp. 23–6.Google Scholar