^{Page 409 note 1} See Durkheim, Emile, Education and Sociology (Glencoe, 1956), pp. 124 ff.Google Scholar

^{Page 409 note 2} For a study of the differential relationship between urbanisation, migration, and the practice of selected individual games, see E. Saar, ‘Competitive Sport as a Factor in Social Migration Processes’, 7th Meeting of the International Sociological Association, Varna, Bulgaria, 12–15 September 1970.

^{Page 409 note 3} For a description of the social origin of the earliest waves of administrators, see Cohen, William B., Rulers of Empire: the French colonial service in Africa (Stanford, 1971), chs. 1–2.Google Scholar

^{Page 410 note 1} The game is ‘institutional’ insofar as it is played regularly between two teams of 11 players, under the supervision of an independent referee.

^{Page 410 note 2} Cf. Tsanga, Sauter, Le Football camerounais des origines à l'indépendence (Yaoundé, 1969), p. 33.Google Scholar Most of our illustrations are derived from this interesting book.

^{Page 410 note 3} For a description of the dilemma between competition and segregation in a colonial situation, see Kuper, Leo, ‘Structural Discontinuities in African Towns: some aspects of racial pluralism’, in Miner, Horace (ed.), The City in Modern Africa (New York, 1967), pp. 127–50.Google Scholar

^{Page 410 note 4} An idea of the poor quality of football played by Europeans may be gained from L'Eveil du Cameroun, 14 November 1928, quoted by Tsanga, op. cit. p. 51.

^{Page 411 note 1} By 1940–41 the price of a ticket in Douala was 5F. for Europeans and 2F. for Africans; in Yaoundé it was 2F. and 0.50F., respectively. See ibid. p. 54.

^{Page 411 note 2} The same attitude probably accounts for the fact that the first administrative position in French-speaking Africa to be Africanised was often that of Directeur de la jeunesse et des sports, probably the least significant politically. In Cameroun, this job was given to M Maboma in 1956; Tsanga, op. cit. p. 193.

^{Page 411 note 3} For a description of such patterns, see Crozier, Michel, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon (Chicago and London, 1964), pp. 223–36.Google Scholar

^{Page 411 note 4} Tsanga, op. cit. p. 55, gives examples of the repressive measures taken by the Assistant District Commissioner of Douala in order to maintain tight control over all African voluntary associations.

^{Page 412 note 1} Named after a famous railway engine at that time.

^{Page 412 note 2} For a discussion of what we mean by ‘assimilation’ and ‘accommodation’, see Clignet, Rémi, ‘The Inadequacies of the Notion of Assimilation in African Education’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), VIII, 3, 10 1970, pp. 425–44.Google Scholar

^{Page 413 note 1} A prerequisite for playing football is the acquisition of adequate equipment, notably boots, shin-guards, and a ball. Initially these items could only be purchased by educational institutions, since Africans were then too poor to do so. For a description of artisanal techniques used to make a football, see Tsanga, op. cit. p. 34.

^{Page 414 note 1} The social selectivity underlying the early recruitment of footballers in Cameroun has had some unexpected implications. While this was a game for the elite in that country, it was played in France mainly by unskilled workers. Correspondingly, a Camerounian like N'jo Lea, recruited by a French metropolitan club, had more leadership skills than other players. As a result, he helped them to organise a union which was able to obtain a collective bargaining agreement from the managers of their clubs. We see here a potential conflict between the operation of a ‘colonial’ against a ‘social class’ factor.

^{Page 415 note 1} For the Prisons of Buea, only three out of their 26 players are locally born; for the Power Cam of Victoria, there are ten Out of 35. This contrasts with the Oryx, for example, where 32 Out of players were born in Douala itself.

^{Page 415 note 2} We wish to thank the officials of the National Football Federation for the generous access given to their files and archives. Information concerning the ethnic Status of players was derived from an analysis of their names, and should accordingly be considered as indicative rather than definitive.

^{Page 415 note 3} This is associated with the growing importance of ethnicity as a determinant of social differentiation and residential choice in Camerounian cities. See Clignet, Rémi and Jordan, Frank, ‘Urbanization and Social Differentiation in Africa: a comparative analysis of the ecological structures of Douala and Yaoundé’, in Cahiers d'études afritaines (Paris), XI, 2, 1971, pp. 251–94.Google Scholar

^{Page 416 note 1} For a description of the conflict between Douala and Yaoundé, see Tsanga, op. cit. p. 225. On one occasion, the Oryx of Douala was asked to accept defeat against the Caiman, so that team would have an enhanced chance against the Tonnerre of Yaoundé. Further, Douala has been unwilling to see the headquarters of the National League moved to Yaoundé, where the Government is located.

^{Page 416 note 2} For example, the relationship between education and upward mobility or urban life style is much steeper among the Bamileke than many other ethnic groups. See Rémi Clignet, ‘Blue and White Collar Workers in the Cameroun: the local modern labor force’, forthcoming.

^{Page 416 note 3} The word trahison was used by the players interviewed, and all indicated that the life of anyone making such a transfer would be endangered.

^{Page 416 note 4} As far as ‘digging’ the ground around the goal is concerned, this usually takes place when a corner is to be taken, and may be unnoticed because the players are crowded together.

^{Page 417 note 1} See Scotch, N. A., ‘Magic, Sorcery and Football among the Zulu: a case of reinterpretation under acculturation’, in Journal of Conflict Resolution (Ann Arbor), V, 1951, pp. 70–76.Google Scholar

^{Page 417 note 2} Ibid.

^{Page 417 note 3} Of course, the problem would remain to determine whether co-operation among players does not vary with the cultural orientation of their ethnic group of origin. More specifically, one may speculate whether pasticular forms of co-operation in a modern context are most likely to emerge among people traditionally characterised by an integrated political system.

^{Page 418 note 1} The transfer is not always without danger. In repressive countries where political protest cannot find a legitimate outlet, violence is likely to be transferred blindly into other arenas of social participation, including football. See Lang, G., ‘Riotous Outbursts in Sports Events’, 7th Meeting of the International Association of Sociology, Varna, 12–15 09 1970.Google Scholar

^{Page 418 note 2} Naval considerations seemed important immediately after World War II. Teams in the second division included Tempéte, Fowire, and Requin, after famous French submarines and cruisers. Similarly, during that season, the Soleil players were nicknamed ‘Ravitailleur’, ‘Conflance’, and ‘Surcouf’. The diffuse nature of the criteria underlying this type of labelling is specific neither to Cameroun nor to football. For another example of the penetration of spheres of interaction, see the film Moi un Noir by Jean Rouch, where his heroes identified themselves with Hollywood stars, including Dorothy Lamour.

^{Page 419 note 1} Football officials in Cameroun have long been aware of the advantages of being host to foreign teams in their own stadiums, and especially of being invited to play overseas – as early as 1955, Camerounian footballers played in Austria and with French metropolitan teams.

^{Page 419 note 2} See Zolberg, Aristide R., One-Party Government in ths Ivory Coast (Princeton, 1969 edn.), pp. 268–84.Google Scholar Matthieu Ekra, currently Minister of Tourism, began his political career after having been a successful football official in the Ivory Coast.